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PIL Assignment
PIL Assignment
The notion of the right to self-defense by use of force by a state dates back to
the famous Caroline Incident in 1837. The Caroline case is dominant in
international customary law because the doctrine arises out of the case called
the doctrine of self-defence. This article will attempt to study the Caroline case
and will establish elements like necessity or proportionality as an unarguably
important aspect to use force with respect to self-defence. The British Canadian
troops destroyed the American Caroline Boat and sunk in the Niagara Falls. The
boat was used by Americans to supply arms and ammunition to the group of
Canadian rebels who were fighting against the Canadian government. One
American was killed in this raid. The American government saw the act as
unprovoked act against a neutral state. While the British government justified
the attack by claiming the right to self-defense against the threat emanating
from the US territory. The British government was put on trial for this act of
aggression.
This incident led to several diplomatic efforts between two states which gave an
initial outline to the idea of legitimate self-defense. In Webster-Ashburton Treaty
following this incident, US secretary of State Daniel Webster stated that, for the
act of anticipatory self-defense to be lawful in the international law, the British
government must prove �a necessity of self-defense, instant, overwhelming,
leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation� [4]. And the
intensity of the counteract justified by its necessity must be and proportionate to
the necessity and exercised within its limits [5]. These statements set out the
definition of customary International law for the right to use self-defense. The
Caroline incident is considered a touchstone to the international laws and right
of self-defense.
Concepts
Article 51 of the UN Charter states that �nothing in the present Charter shall
impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed
attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations until the Security Council
has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security�
[7]. This allows a member state to defend itself using force in response to an act
of armed attack; however, this is not permitted under all the circumstances and
subject to the satisfaction of certain conditions.
A member state can exercise the right to use of force in self-defense only when
it suffers an armed attack, and the state carries the burden of proof [9]. The
framework to define an armed attack was initially not clear in international law.
In the US-Nicaragua case [6], ICJ led down categories of acts of armed attacks
that could prompt the invocation of article 51, when faced by a member state.
These categories include attack by regular armed forces or mercenaries of
another state, state encouraging the establishment of armed groups by
providing logistics, financial support and intelligence. Hence proxy attacks
carried out by state using armed bangs, irregulars, terrorist groups or
mercenaries also qualifies as armed attacks by a state and may subject to
pushback by a member state for self-defense under Article 51. Along with this,
attacks by non-state actors like terrorist organisations were also included in the
�armed attacks' category after the 9/11 terrorist attack on the USA [10].
The member states are required to report the measures taken them in
exercising the right to defense and the necessity of the same to the UN Security
Council. And all the actions by the member states should cease in effect after the
security council has taken necessary measures to resolve the conflict and
maintain international peace and security. This practice was also exhibited in the
international customary law [11].
3) Principle of Proportionality:
Principle of proportionality has two major aspects, a. Proportionality of the
response to the attack, and b. Protection of humanitarian laws of war in the
response.
FACTS
The timeline of the event starts from December 29, 1837, involving the state of
the United States of America, the state of the United Kingdom and the Canadian
rebels from the Canadian independence movement. In the year 1837, when
some Canadian rebels including William Lyon Mackenzie (he was a Scottish-
born Canadian-American journalist and politician) fled to the Niagara River, the
river is the part of the border between the province of Ontario in Canada (on
the west) and the state of New York in the United States (on the east), in the
ship Caroline, a small steamboat.
These rebels were supported by the natives of America. To supply the men at
Navy Island, the rebels hired Caroline, a small steamboat, to bring support and
more troops. Further, British militia from Upper Canada crossed to the US shore
of the Niagara River and set adrift a small rebel-operated vessel, the Caroline
(which drifted over the Niagara Falls).
The question among Americans was who murder Amos Durfee. They were
considering this death a murder instead of an act of war. The diplomatic
relations between the state of the United States of America and the state of the
United Kingdom ran high for many years.
he Caroline issue further was only worsening during the Martin Van Buren (an
eighth president of the United States) administration. The British Government
demanded his repatriation leading Lord Palmerston (he served as the Prime
minister of the United Kingdom two times) to threaten that a continued refusal
to repatriate McLeod would result in “war immediate and frightful in its
character because it would be a war of retaliation and vengeance”.
At several points over the years of the dispute, the war between the United
States and Great Britain became a live possibility. Diplomatic efforts, taken over
in 1841 by U.S.Secretary of State Daniel Webster and a new British envoy to the
United States, Lord Ashburton (Alexander Baring), produced an agreement on
the law, and agree to disagree on the facts. Soon thereafter the border issues
were largely resolved by the Webster-Ashburton Treaty.
In the aftermath of the attack, the negotiation started between the diplomat of
the state of the United State of America, Secretary of State John Forsyth and the
British diplomat to the United States of America Henry Stevan Fox.
But it took the great intellectual, diplomatic and legal firepower of their much
more esteemed replacement- combined with the timing of their respective
government’s revitalized desire to resolve transatlantic friction- to help provide
some authoritative clarity regarding the customary law of the resort to military
force.
The British asserted that the New York state courts could not try McLeod and
that he should be sent back to Canada because the British readily took full
responsibility for the attack. Although the United States federal government
agreed, the New York authorities were not willing to cooperate.
The doctrine which arises from this case is commonly known as the “The
Caroline Doctrine”. Daniel Webster in his letter to Fox wrote:
“Under these circumstances, and under those immediately connected with the
transaction itself, it will be for her majesty’s government to show upon what
state of facts and what rules of national law, the destruction of the “Caroline” is
to be defended.
It must be shown that daylight could not be waited for; that there could be no
attempt at discrimination between the innocent and the guilty; that it would not
have been enough to seize and detain the vessel; but that there was a
necessity, present and inevitable, for attacking her in the darkness of the night,
while moored to the shore, and while unarmed men were asleep on board,
killing some and wounding others, and then drawing her into the current,
above the cataract, setting her on fire, and careless to know whether there
might not be in her the innocent with the guilty, or the living with the dead,
committing her to a fate which fills the imagination with horror.
A necessity for all this the government of the United States cannot believe to
have existed.”
The test was accepted by the United Kingdom and came to be accepted as part
of customary international law. The Caroline test has two distinct requirements:
Many historians and scholars believed that Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton
agreed on this principle merely to avoid war between states which could result
in a great loss for both countries. The takeaway for Britain and foreign
sovereigns was, in effect, that America’s federal government was not master of
its own house in the conduct of its foreign affairs.
CONCLUSION
The Caroline doctrine was not even a correct recitation of international law at
the time of the Caroline incident and must be viewed in the context of the
political events taking place. Webster’s definition was divergent from the ideas
of other international law scholars at the time.