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 O’Reilly精品图书系列

全脑设计：基于脑科学原理的产品设计

Designing for How People Think: Using

Brain Science to Build Better Products

（美）约翰·瓦伦（John Whalen） 著

吴桐 译

ISBN：978-7-111-65326-4

本书纸版由机械工业出版社于2020年出版，电子版由华章
分社（北京华章图文信息有限公司，北京奥维博世图书发行有
限公司）在中华人民共和国境内（不包括中国香港、澳门特别
行政区及中国台湾地区）制作与发行。
 目录
O’Reilly Media，Inc.介绍

赞誉

前言

第一部分 重新思考“体验”

第1章 六元思维

1.1 视觉/注意力和自动性

1.2 寻路

1.3 语言

1.4 记忆

1.5 决策

1.6 情绪

1.7 六元思维过程

1.8 活动
 第2章 眨眼之间：视觉、注意力和自动性

2.1 从表征到体验

2.2 无意识的行为：我知道你在看

2.3 视觉关注点

2.4 你错过了

2.5 我们的视觉系统会自行补全清晰度

2.6 这不是一只烟斗：了解人们认为它是什么，而不
是它实际上是什么

2.7 延伸阅读

第3章 寻路：我在哪里

3.1 沙漠中的蚂蚁：计算欧几里得空间

3.2 在物理和虚拟空间中找到自己的位置

3.3 我可以去哪里，我将如何到达那里

3.4 测试界面以揭示关于互动的隐喻

3.5 思考未来：语音界面中有没有“在哪里”这个概
念
 3.6 延伸阅读

第4章 记忆/语义

4.1 将细节抽离

4.2 服务的刻板印象

4.3 理解心智模型的价值

4.4 认识心智模型的多样性

4.5 谜语答案

4.6 延伸阅读

第5章 语言：我早就告诉过你

5.1 对词汇选择的延展讨论

5.2 心灵的语言

5.3 我 们 的 沟 通 失 败 了 ◣ 注 ： 原 文 为 “What
we’ve got here is a failure to
communicate”。◢

5.4 词语的揭示作用

5.5 我在听
 第6章 决策与解决问题：意识从舞台左边登场

6.1 我的问题是什么（定义）

6.2 如何将问题置于不同的框架

6.3 寻找通向解决方案的黄砖路◣注：黄砖铺的路
（road of yellow brick）是李曼·法兰克·鲍姆所著
小说《绿野仙踪》中的元素。1939年拍摄的根据小说改编
的 电 影 《 绿 野 仙 踪 》 给 它 起 名 “ 黄 砖 路 ” （ yellow-
brick road）并使它闻名。无论是小说还是电影中，黄砖
路都是桃乐丝·盖尔被指点从小人国到翡翠城以寻求大魔
术师奥兹帮助所要走的路。（引自维基百科）◢

6.4 当你被困在路上：子目标

6.5 延伸阅读

第7章 情绪：逻辑决策遇到了对手

7.1 太多的信息干扰我的大脑！太多的信息

7.2 我不是史波克

7.3 争取有意识的注意力

7.4 深入了解欲求、目标和恐惧

7.5 延伸阅读
第二部分 揭露秘密

第8章 用户研究：情景访谈

8.1 为什么选择情境访谈

8.2 同理心研究：理解用户真正需要什么

8.3 情境访谈及分析的推荐方法

8.4 常见问题

8.5 从数据到洞察

8.6 练习

8.7 具体建议

8.8 延伸阅读

第9章 视觉：你在看我吗

9.1 他们的眼睛看向哪里？眼动追踪可以揭示

9.2 热点图

9.3 跟着流程走

9.4 真实的例子

9.5 具体建议
第10章 语言：他们是这么说的吗

10.1 录制访谈

10.2 准备原始数据

10.3 言外之意：熟悉度

10.4 真实的例子

10.5 具体建议

第11章 寻路：你如何到达那里

11.1 用户认为他们在哪里

11.2 他们认为如何从A点到B点

11.3 这些是基于什么的期望

11.4 真实世界的例子

11.5 具体建议

第12章 记忆：期望与填补空白

12.1 脑中的意义

12.2 融会贯通

12.3 真实的例子
 12.4 你可能会发现什么

12.5 具体建议

第13章 决策：跟着面包屑

13.1 我在做什么？目标和旅程

13.2 快给我！及时需求

13.3 指引方向：决策之旅

13.4 真实的例子

13.5 具体建议

第14章 情绪：无言的真相

14.1 活出自我（寻找真相与本质）

14.2 分析梦想（目标、生命阶段、恐惧）

14.3 获得时代精神（人物与用户画像）

14.4 激情之罪（活在当下）

14.5 真实的例子

14.6 具体建议

第三部分 将六元思维应用在设计中
第15章 成理

15.1 亲和图与心理画像

15.2 语言

15.3 情绪

15.4 寻路

15.5 寻找维度

15.6 挑战内部假设

15.7 结束过时的实践：所看/所感/所说/所做

15.8 具体建议

第16章 把六元思维付诸实践：吸引、提升、觉醒

16.1 吸引：人们说他们想要什么

16.2 提升：人们需要什么

16.3 觉醒：实现更高的目标

16.4 具体建议

第17章 快速成功，经常成功

17.1 发散思维，然后收敛思维
 17.2 第一钻石：发现和定义（“设计正确的东
西”）

17.3 第二钻石：发展和交付（“正确地设计东
西”）

17.4 边做边学：设计思维

17.5 不要介意窗帘后面的人：原型和测试

17.6 与竞争对手一起测试

17.7 具体建议

17.8 延伸阅读

第18章 现在你知道自己能够做什么了吧

18.1 多重层面上的同理心

18.2 基于证据的决策

18.3 随着时间流逝而变化的体验

18.4 多重优势

18.5 具体建议

第19章 如何创造更好的人
 19.1 符号性人工智能和人工智能寒冬

19.2 人工神经网络和统计数据学习

19.3 Siri，我没这么说

19.4 六元思维与人工智能

19.5 在我的（人工智能）朋友的帮助下

19.6 具体建议

附录 推荐阅读
 O’Reilly Media，Inc.介绍

O’Reilly以“分享创新知识、改变世界”为己任。40多年
来我们一直向企业、个人提供成功所必需之技能及思想，激励
他们创新并做得更好。

O’Reilly业务的核心是独特的专家及创新者网络，众多专
家及创新者通过我们分享知识。我们的在线学习（Online
Learning）平台提供独家的直播培训、图书及视频，使客户更
容易获取业务成功所需的专业知识。几十年来O’Reilly图书一
直被视为学习开创未来之技术的权威资料。我们每年举办的诸
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立联系，讨论最佳实践并发现可能影响技术行业未来的新趋
势。

我们的客户渴望做出推动世界前进的创新之举，我们希望
能助他们一臂之力。

业界评论

“O’Reilly Radar博客有口皆碑。”

——Wired

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了）建立了数百万美元的业务。”
 ——Business 2.0

“O’Reilly Conference是聚集关键思想领袖的绝对典
范。”

——CRN

“一本O’Reilly的书就代表一个有用、有前途、需要学习
的主题。”

——Irish Times

“Tim是位特立独行的商人，他不光放眼于最长远、最广阔
的领域，并且切实地按照Yogi Berra的建议去做了：‘如果你
在路上遇到岔路口，那就走小路。’回顾过去，Tim似乎每一次
都选择了小路，而且有几次都是一闪即逝的机会，尽管大路也
不错。”

——Linux Journal
 赞誉

“本书将John多年来的研究与实践浓缩为简明的、实际
的、让人享受的阅读体验，还有令人愉悦的幽默感贯穿其中。
不管你在团队担任什么角色，六元思维框架和设计探索的技能
都可以帮助你发掘有关顾客的洞察，帮助你的产品走上成功之
路。”

——Heather Winkle，Capital One设计团队常务副总裁

“本书就像是与John进行的一次交谈——清晰、引人入
胜，而且总是直击要害。这本书会让刚刚接触用户体验设计，
或者想要更好地理解体验设计在产品设计中扮演的角色的人获
益良多。即使是有多年实践经验的人，也会觉得六元思维框架
新颖、有用，并能够通过书中关键概念的总结达到温故而知新
的目的。本书包含许多优秀的示例和很多具体而实用的建
议。”

——Laura Cuozzo Guarnotta，Google用户体验研究主管

“设计行业正在经历剧变，随着人工智能和机器学习的发
展，由键盘和鼠标主导的设计产出方式将被新工具取代。我们
有许多工具可用于研究分析，但本书可以让你知道如何分析未
来的设计，如何去关注顾客怎样思考，而不仅仅是看他们如何
使用产品。”
——Jason Wishard，Capital One零售银行设计，设计实践管
理部门主管

“人们越来越渴望打造拥有顶级顾客体验的产品。不幸的
是，随着增强现实和人工智能等新技术的出现，顾客体验的规
则也发生了变化。本书提供了一条让我们了解人类大脑如何应
对这些新技术的途径，为我们规划了一张构建有效顾客体验的
蓝图。”

——Jason Pappas，Eaton创新与数字化转型领导人
 前言

我为什么写这本书

“心理学家做产品和服务设计？真有意思……”

当我向别人介绍自己是做产品设计的心理学家时，人们常
常感到很惊讶：“这不是设计师的工作吗？哎，你肯定很清楚
顾客在想些什么！还有，你是不是正在分析我？”无可奉告，
哈哈！[1]

虽然人们觉得我的工作很有趣，但他们并不知道有关人类
认知和情绪的知识该如何应用于数字产品和服务设计中。这些
人并不是特例。我在西南偏南[2] 发表演讲后，不止一个人对我
说：“真是太酷了！我也希望在产品设计中运用你提到的方
法……”

那么你想知道设计卓越体验的秘诀吗

首先回想一下生活中真正让你刻骨铭心的体验。是那些里
程碑式的事件吗？例如孩子的出生、结婚、毕业之类的？或者
是某些特别的时刻吗？例如去现场听你最喜欢的乐队的演奏，
在百老汇看演出，在舞厅里忘我地跳舞，在海边欣赏难忘的日
落，或者重温一次你最爱的电影？

你会对朋友说这是“精彩的”或“令人惊叹的体验”。
 你可能没有想过，许多不同的感官和认知过程交融在一
起，才让你有了这样的感受。当你想到那部电影时，你能闻到
爆米花的味道吗？也许打动你的不仅是很棒的表演，还有极具
创意的服装和灯光，以及让你觉得风度翩翩的主演。在放映后
与其他粉丝的聚会也会让你对这部电影印象深刻。如此多的元
素汇集在一起，才能提供“独特”的极致体验。

如何为你的产品或服务设计出色的体验呢？什么样的感
受、情绪和认知过程构成了你的体验？你怎样系统地对其加以
分析？你如何知道你创造的是对的产品？

本书旨在帮助你理解和利用我们对人类心理学的了解，将
体验拆解为其组成部分，并揭示构建良好体验所需的内容。现
在正是学习这些知识的良机。近年来，大脑科学不断有新发现
面世。人类在心理学、神经科学、行为经济学和人机交互领域
也取得了巨大突破，发掘了关于大脑功能的新信息，进一步揭
示了人类如何处理这些信息以产生单一体验的感觉。

人类如何思考思维方式（以及我们没有意识到的部分）

你对自己思维方式的思考可能会产生误导，因为你对自己
心理过程的认识是有限的。我们都有这样的感受：决定关键场
合（如面试）的着装是一件烦心事。你能符合他人的期望吗？
会给别人留下不佳的第一印象吗？衣服是不是得体？专业度是
不是足够？鞋子会不会太花哨了？你思考的东西五花八门，但
还有更多的想法你不能很好地表达，或者自己都没意识到。
 我们的意识（consciousness）有一个很有意思的特点，那
就是其中有极大一部分是我们的思维无法触及的。例如，虽然
我们可以很容易辨认出那双准备穿去面试的鞋子，但我们并没
有深入思考过如何识别“鞋子”本身，或者如何感知鞋子的颜
色。我们通常不知道自己的目光下一步会转向哪里，或者舌头
现在所处的位置，我们如何控制心率、如何看见东西、如何识
别词句，或者如何记住自己的第一个家（或任何其他东西）？
这里仅仅举了几个例子。因此，我们不仅需要识别和理解自己
能够意识到的认知过程，而且还要留心那些无意识的（如眼球
运动）或深层次的认知过程，包括与这些概念相关的情绪。

作为一名认知科学家，我接受了博士课程的训练，学习过
记忆科学、语言科学、解决问题的方法和决策的框架。现在，
我有超过15年的咨询经验，我知道如何访谈和观察顾客，知道
什么会使他们产生共鸣，从而去发掘机会，帮助企业打造卓越
的产品或服务，并为顾客提供良好的体验。我现在与一些影响
全球产品战略的大型公司合作。我希望你能从我分享的内容中
受益，并像我一样享受了解顾客的过程！

谁适合读这本书

我写这本书是为了帮助产品负责人、产品经理、设计师、
用户体验专业人员和开发人员达成以下目标：（a）识别构成卓
越体验的多种认知过程；（b）学习如何通过情境访谈获取有关
顾客的相关信息；（c）将这些知识应用于产品和服务设计流程
中。这是一本实用手册，而非学术书籍。
 为什么产品经理、设计师和策略师需要这些信息

如果没有最终满足目标受众的需求，任何产品、服务或体
验都不会取得巨大的成功。你希望第一次接触到你的产品或服
务的人会像伦敦人那样说：“对，这简直是卓尔不群！”[3]

但是，作为企业领导者、营销人员、产品负责人或设计
师，你确信你的产品或服务能够创造出卓越的体验吗？你可以
询问顾客他们想要什么，但许多人不知道他们需要什么或不能
清楚地表达他们的需求。你可能会从你想要的角度出发，但是
你真的知道一个13岁的女孩想怎样使用“Insta”和“Finsta”
（即Instagram[4] ）吗？你知道高净值投资者如何“寻求高额回
报”吗？或者一位75岁的律师会需要哪些有关三角反向并购[5]
的税法知识吗？那你该怎么办？

本书旨在为你提供深入了解顾客需求和观点所需的工具。
作为一名认知科学家，我觉得“可用性测试”“市场调查”和
“同理心研究”有时过于简单，有时却过于复杂。我认为这些
方法在某些时候，对产品团队了解需要构建的内容帮助是有限
的。

我相信有更好的方法：通过了解体验的元素（在本书中我
将介绍6个），你可以在不同的层面上更好地识别顾客需求。在
本书中，我将帮助你更好地了解顾客在不同层面的需求，并确
保每个层面都能达到标准。

本书是如何组织的
 第一部分：重新思考“体验”

第一部分旨在分享一些作为设计师、产品经理和开发人员
需要注意的关于人类认知的特性，这些特性非常引人入胜。

第1章介绍了“体验”这一概念，它实际上是由许多不同的
经验和认知过程融合在一起形成的人类感受。

第2章让你思考视觉和注意力——吸引你的是什么，你在寻
找什么，以及你的哪些思维是在无意识的情况下发生的。

第3章让你意识到大脑中有很大一部分是用于空间记忆的，
并让你思考如何应用机制去操控虚拟空间（例如应用程序或网
站）。我讲过沙漠中的突尼斯蚂蚁这个故事吗？来看一看吧！

第4章强调了你的体验有很大一部分实际上是由记忆填充
的，你的大脑也会很快从具体对象转换到抽象思维。那么，你
的顾客又会如何用他们的记忆填充产品使用体验呢？

第5章是为了提醒你：你不是你的顾客。顾客很少使用你所
使用的语言，如果你使用的术语过于简单或过于专业，很快你
就会失去顾客的信任。那么，你使用的术语是否与顾客的理解
相同？

第6章介绍了我们在思考时通常会涉及的两个方面：解决问
题和做出决策。然而，这同时提醒我们，在许多情况下（逃脱
游戏是一个很好的例子），我们试图解决的问题往往不是我们
实际需要解决的问题。你的顾客认为他们需要使用你的产品或
服务解决什么问题呢？

第7章讲述了我们在第6章中试图做出明智决定的愿望是如
何被我们的情感左右的。什么会吸引你的顾客，改善他们的生
活，唤醒他们最真实的激情，并消除他们最深的恐惧？

阅读完第一部分后，你会更多地了解（至少我希望如此）
人类的认知和经验是如何构成的，这包括许多思维、认知过程
和情绪。

第二部分：揭露秘密

第二部分旨在使团队的每个成员在对顾客的研究中发挥重
要价值。这一部分向你展示了如何观察顾客的工作，与他们进
行访谈，并在此过程中发掘宝贵洞察，这与本书第一部分所述
认知过程相关。这些内容是能够在实战中运用的。而且，你不
需要成为心理学家就可以做到这一点！

第8章介绍了进行情境访谈（contextual interview）的方
法，即将简单的访谈和对用户工作的观察混合起来。研究人员
通常将这种观察称为情境调查（contextual inquiry）。本章
涵盖了很多内容，包括为什么要访谈，我需要捕捉什么，如何
组织访谈笔记以获得产品洞察。

第9章帮助你收集许多有价值的洞察，包括什么内容会吸引
顾客的注意力，他们寻求的是什么，以及为什么。我将分享我
是如何使用这种方法来帮助大型建筑物和体育场馆的安全团队
的。我通过更好地管理所有摄像机、铃声、哨声等其他警示音
来不断提醒团队需要注意的安全隐患，包括没有关好的门、卡
住的电梯、故障的热水器，等等！

第10章介绍了如何仔细记录顾客使用的术语以及它们对顾
客的意义。你将了解我们如何帮助NIH.gov[6] 为全世界的专家和
普通民众分类并组织每一种疾病——这曾是许多组织的共同挑
战。

第11章让你考虑顾客对于产品或服务的心理模型。他们如
何在产品与服务中获得方向感？他们认为应该如何从一个步骤
转换到另一个步骤？

第12章提醒你要利用顾客已经知道的东西。他们本身具备
什么知识？他们认为你的产品或服务是如何运转的？我们如何
从经验中获知这些信息？我分享了为小企业主设计产品和服务
的例子。在这个项目中，我很快意识到有两个截然不同的用户
群体，他们有着完全不同的需求，这表明应该提供两套不同的
产品和服务。

第13章可以帮助你发现顾客认为他们想要解决的问题，以
及他们认为可以采取的措施。你将看到，优秀的体验会帮助你
的顾客意识到他们实际上需要解决的是不同的问题。我将用第
一次买房的人作为案例进行解析。

第14章可以帮助你洞察访谈中顾客未说出口的话。顾客最
核心的目标是什么？他们害怕什么？他们如何才能肯定你的产
品或服务？在本章中我会分享这样一个例子：首先我的问题是
关于顾客钱包中的信用卡的，但最后给他们带来了深层的启示
（在这个项目中我收获了许多来自顾客的拥抱！）。这时你会
意识到，你确实需要重新调整产品线，以帮助顾客实现其最大
的人生目标。

第三部分：将六元思维[7] 应用在设计中

你现在已经发掘了一些有趣的洞察，知道什么吸引顾客，
他们使用什么术语，他们的情感，他们试图解决的问题，等
等。但这如何改变你的产品呢？请继续读下去吧！

第15章是关于“成理”（sense-making）的：（基于你对
顾客思维模式和情感的了解）如何识别数据中的模式，以及如
何对顾客进行细分。这与通常的分类方式非常不同，我们不将
顾客的邮政编码、平均销售额或经验年限这类因素作为分类依
据。你将了解我们如何将这种方法用于不同的顾客群体，如千
禧一代对于财务的管理和有被诈骗经历的家庭。

第16章通过适当的营销方式，让你思考如何使产品在第15
章中确定的每个细分顾客群体中取得成功。你如何通过满足顾
客所想来吸引他们，改善他们的生活，最终唤醒他们的激情，
并帮助他们实现人生中最大的目标？

第17章介绍了如何测试你的产品或服务理念。如果能够更
快地发布产品并获得成功，何乐而不为？了解我们如何将六元
思维融入精益与敏捷的方法中（如果还有哪些流行用语我漏掉
了，请多多包涵）。

第18章涵盖了各种内容的总结。我想向你展示我的公司通
过在设计时运用六元思维，如何推出了多个世界排名前100的网
站。我还想让你意识到六元思维是不断变化而非静止的。某些
最关键的元素可能随时间（例如在顾客的购买过程中）而变
化。

第19章是前瞻性的。在如今的硅谷存在大量人工智能
（AI）和机器学习（ML）公司。我鼓励所有人，尤其是产品负
责人和技术主管，退一步看，思考你们真正想要实现的目标。
我认为，深入了解与产品发生交互的顾客将降低创业风险。想
想机器学习和人工智能如何支持人类活动，让我们关注正确的
信息，在正确的时间获得正确的输入，最终做出更好的决策并
解决更多的问题。

现在就开始吧！继续阅读，凭借新知识、工具和技能，你
可以打造顾客所体验的最佳产品和服务！

本书中使用的固定格式

本书使用以下字体格式：

斜体（Italic）表示URL和电子邮件地址。

[备注]
 这里的内容表示注释或提示。

警示

这里的内容表示警示。

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致谢

非常感谢Brilliant Experience的同事们，特别是那些鼓
励我开始写作并且帮助我坚持完成的人。美国和华盛顿特区的
用户体验专业人员协会（User Experience Professionals
Association）的朋友和同事，每天都会激励我。我希望你觉得
这本书是有价值的！致我的编辑和O’Reilly的团队：无论我的
状态如何，你们都很有耐心，并为我提供帮助。谢谢！而对于
我的家人，感谢你们给了我在办公室和咖啡厅不断敲击键盘的
时间，我回归了！

写给阅读本书的心理学家和认知科学家

原谅我，在一本关注实战和应用的书中，我无法仔细叙述
存在于思维和大脑中的所有细微层次，我需要以一种通俗的方
法来向广大受众传达产品和服务设计相关的内容。我们的思想
中存在着无数令人惊奇的事实，（遗憾的是）我被迫将它们掩
盖起来。但我是故意这样做的，以便我们可以专注于更广泛的
设计理念，考虑多个认知过程，并最终达成基于证据、由心理
认知驱动的设计过程。如果科学家同行可以与我一起工作，将
更多我们对思想的理解融入产品和服务的设计中，我将深感荣
幸。欢迎你们对本书提出建议。在每章的最后，我将提供更多
相关学科的资料，感兴趣的读者可以进一步拓展知识。
 让我知道你的想法

我们的对话才刚刚开始。在网上搜一下我吧！分享你的想
法，帮助我改进思路。

[1] 此处为作者心理活动，原文是表情符号；）。

[2] South by Southwest，简称SXSW，是每年在美国得克

萨斯州奥斯汀举行的一系列电影、互动式多媒体和音乐的艺术
节大会（引自维基百科）。

[3] 原文为“Right，that’s brilliant！”，是非常英

式的说法。

[4] 著名图片社交软件。

[5] reverse triangular mergers，间接并购的一种。

[6] 国立卫生研究院（National Institutes of Health，

NIH），隶属于美国卫生及人类服务部，是美国联邦政府中首要
的生物医学研究机构（引自维基百科）。

[7] 原文为Six Minds，是作者提出的一套思维框架和体

系。
 第一部分 重新思考“体验”

人们常常问：“你是做什么的？”当我告诉别人我是一名
“心理学家”时，他们认为他们知道我是做什么的，但当我告
诉他们我是一名“认知科学家”时，他们就不再确信他们知道
我是做什么的了。

一般来说，认知科学是对认知思维的研究，以及使用语
言、推理和解决问题的框架来识别物体的所有心理过程。通过
了解认知科学，我相信你会发现一种新的、有价值的“体验”
的解构方式（并学会如何设计体验）。

虽然我们都体验过“意识”，但是有无数的认知过程是高
度自动化和潜意识的。例如，你怎么知道椅子是椅子？视觉系
统识别出图形，将你眼底的二维图形构建为三维图像，最终将
该图像与你存储在记忆中的其他图像相关联，并将得出的概念
与语言元素相匹配（即“椅子”）。

如果仅仅识别一把椅子就包含了如此多的步骤——每个步
骤都有其专业的处理系统，那么我们应该好好思考体验到底是
如何构成的。在本书的第一部分，我提出这样一种观点：对我
们的意识而言，一个事件（event）可能被看作一种体验
（experience），但它实际上是大脑中许多不同认知过程组成
的交响乐章。[1]
 通过逐一检视，我们可以确定“体验”的组成部分，以及
如何生成新的体验。这其中有数百个不同的认知过程，但在接
下来的几章中，我将把它们提炼为六个与产品和服务设计最相
关的过程：视觉/注意力、寻路、记忆、语言、决策和情绪。

现在，让我们对顾客的意识和潜意识一探究竟吧！

[1] 是指一个事件包含多种体验。
第1章 六元思维

大脑中每秒都会并发数百个认知过程，这是不言自明的。但
是为了将这些过程简化到与产品和服务设计更相关的范畴，我将
把讨论限制在可以被实际测量和影响的那些部分。

这些过程是什么？它们的作用是什么？让我用一个具体的例
子来进行解释。试想你需要买一把椅子，能够搭配你家里世纪中
期现代主义[1] 的装修风格。也许你会对那个时期的经典设计感
兴趣，比如图1-1中所示的Eames椅[2] 和脚凳。为了买到这把椅
子，你决定去电商网站看看。

图1-1：Eames椅和脚凳

[1] 世纪中期现代主义（Mid-century modern）是指20世纪

中期的1933年至1965年，在美国发展的现代主义设计风格，涵盖
建筑设计、室内设计、产品设计及图形设计等领域（引自维基百
科）。

[2] 伊姆斯椅，由Charles&Ray Eames夫妇设计，是现代家

具设计的经典之作。为方便读者查阅，本书中专业名词多保留英
文原文，后同。
1.1 视觉/注意力和自动性

当你第一次访问家具网站准备买椅子时，你的双眼最先会被
上面的照片吸引，这让你确信自己确实是在浏览一个家具网站。
你可能会试着找找“搜索”功能，然后输入“Eames椅”进行查
询。你还可以在页面上浏览诸如“家具”或“椅子”这类的关键
词，再从中选择更细分的类别。如果你没有找到“椅子”这个分
类，你可能会寻找其他包含“椅子”的大类。让我们假设在浏览
图1-2所示的选项时，你选择了“生活”（living）选项。

图1-2：来自Design Within Reach网站的导航

1.2 寻路

一旦你认为自己找到了正确的网站，下一个任务就是了解
如何浏览其中的虚拟空间。在物理世界中，我们很熟悉家中和
周围的地理环境，知道怎样到达最喜欢的杂货店或咖啡店等常
去的地方。与此相反，虚拟世界常常缺少让大脑能够识别的导
航信息——尤其是三维空间的概念。

通常情况下，我们不确定自己在网站、应用程序或虚拟体
验中的位置。我们也不知道如何在其中进行导航。在网页上，
你可能会试着点击一个术语，如在图1-2中点击“Living”选
项。但在其他情况下，例如Snapchat[1] 或Instagram中，许多18
岁以上的人可能很难理解如何通过滑动、点击甚至挥动手机来
操控应用。了解你身在何处（无论是真实的或虚拟的空间），
以及如何在该空间内移动（无论是在三维空间中移动，还是在
手机上滑动或点击），对卓越的体验而言至关重要。

[1] 在青少年群体中很流行的一种“阅后即焚”的社交应
用。
1.3 语言

当我与室内设计师们相处时，有时会怀疑他们说的和我说
的是否根本不是一种语言。你的专业程度会决定你对某个类别
的物体使用的术语。如果你是一名室内设计专家，对你来说区
分蛋椅、天鹅椅、钻石椅、躺椅[1] 不过是小菜一碟。反过来
说，如果你对室内设计知之甚少，你可能需要上网搜一搜这些
名词才知道它们是什么意思。要打造卓越的体验，我们必须理
解受众的措辞方式，并且用恰当的术语与他们沟通。让一位专
家用“椅子”这个词作为搜索条件，就像让一个普通人说明
“背外侧前额皮质”与“前扣带皮层”的区别一样毫无用处。
前者过于宽泛，后者又过于专业了。

[1] 原 文 分 别 为 ： egg chair ， swan chair ， diamond

chair，and lounge chair。
1.4 记忆

当我浏览一个电商网站时，我对它的工作方式是有预期
的。例如，我希望这样的网站会有搜索框（及搜索结果），产
品类别页面（如椅子这个大类），产品详情页（某一种椅子）
和结账流程。我们对任何概念都有相应的预期。我们会自动建
立关于人员、地点、流程等的心理预期。作为一名产品设计
师，我们需要确保自己了解顾客的预期是什么，并明白因偏离
这些规范而产生的混淆（例如，想想你第一次使用Lyft[1] 或者
优步，下车时不用付钱给司机的这种体验是多么奇特）。

[1] 与优步类似的网约车服务。
1.5 决策

最终，你需要实现目标并做出决策。接着上个例子，你考虑
是否要买下这把椅子（图1-3）。在做出决策之前，你可能会思
考许多问题。放在客厅里好看吗？我买得起吗？搬进来时会被门
框卡住吗？它的售价有5000美金之多，运输过程中不会被损坏或
者刮伤吧？我拿到的是最优惠的价格吗？我应该如何保养它？作
为产品和服务的经理与设计师，我们需要考虑每个顾客心理旅程
中的所有步骤，并准备好回答可能出现的全部问题。

图1-3：Design Within Reach网站上的产品详情页

1.6 情绪

虽然有时我们以为自己可以像星际迷航中的史波克一样完
全遵从逻辑做出决定，但有充分证据表明，无数的情绪会影响
我们的体验和思维。当你看着这把椅子时，也许你会设想它会
给朋友们留下深刻印象，彰显你的地位，让你觉得自己是个
“成功人士”。反过来，或许你会想“多矫情！一把椅子就要
5000美金！哪还有钱付房租和吃饭呢！”因此而感到心烦意
乱。所以，识别潜在的情绪和根深蒂固的想法对于建立成功的
体验至关重要。
1.7 六元思维过程

前文描述的不同认知过程（图1-4）共同创造了每个人都可
以感知的单个体验。这些认知活动通常位于大脑的不同区域。虽
然业内的认知神经心理学家会指出这是对人体解剖学和思维过程
的过度简化，但这样简化的框架具有其合理性，使我们能够将产
品设计与神经科学联系起来。

图1-4：六元思维

我和我的同行都同意“体验”根本不是单一的，而是多维
的、细微的，并且由许多大脑过程和表征组成。顾客体验不会发
生在屏幕上，它发生在脑海中。
1.8 活动

我建议你暂停阅读，然后前往一个电商网站（最好是你很
少使用的网站），搜索有关“顾客体验”主题的书籍。做这件
事的时候，要保持对自己行为与思想的关注。考虑以下几点：

视觉/注意力

你的眼睛首先关注网站的什么地方？你被什么吸引（例如
图像、颜色、文字）？

寻路

你知道你在网站上的位置以及如何进行导航吗？你确定
吗？为什么？

语言

你用了什么关键字？你是否遇到过不理解的术语，或者这
些类别是否过于笼统？

记忆

网站的工作方式符合你的预期吗？

决策
 当你试图实现购买图书这个目标时，你在此过程中做出的
微观决策是什么？

情绪

你有什么顾虑？什么因素可能阻止你进行购买（例如安全
性、信任度）？

现在你已经了解了需要注意的心理表征，你可能会问：作
为产品经理而非心理学家，我如何确定顾客关注什么以及他们
在寻找什么？我如何知道产品受众的预期是什么？我怎样才能
暴露出深层次的情绪？我们将在本书的第二部分中讨论这些问
题，但是现在我想就视觉/注意力、寻路、记忆、语言、情绪和
决策这六个元素的定义达成一致。我希望你深入了解这些内
容，以便你在实境中观察和采访顾客时识别这些过程。

在kindle搜索B088JWT5HH可直接购买阅读
第2章 眨眼之间：视觉、注意力和自动性

2.1 从表征到体验

想象一下，有人让你闭上眼睛（不许偷看！），然后给了你
一个大惊喜。在睁开眼睛的那一刻，你接收了各种各样的感觉：
环境的明暗、颜色、形状（蛋糕和蜡烛？）、面孔（家人和朋
友）、声音、气味和情绪（喜悦？）。这是凸显“体验”的瞬时
性、多维性和复杂度的一个很好的例子。（更d书f享搜索雅
书.YabooK）

尽管从感官中涌入了大量的信息，但我们几乎可以即时感知
任何场景中的绝大部分内容。这个过程对于我们而言不费吹灰之
力，但对于机器或自动驾驶汽车来说却难于登天。细想一下，令
人惊讶的是这些过程“毫不费力”。它们本身就能运转自如。除
非在非常罕见的情况下（例如在浓雾中），否则你不必考虑如何
识别物体，或如何在三维空间中理解物理世界。

这些自动过程从眼底神经元开始，通过胼胝体[1] 抵达大脑
后部的枕叶，然后快速到达颞叶和顶叶。在本章中，我们将重点
关注“是什么”，而下一章，我们将关注“在哪里”（图2-
1）。

几乎无须任何有意识的控制，你的大脑就可以将亮度、边
缘、线条、线条的方向、颜色、运动、物体和空间（还有声音、
感觉和本体感觉[2] ）汇聚形成单一的体验。你没有意识到这些
认知有独立的表征，或者它们是经过处理才形成单一体验的，或
者过去的记忆会影响你的感知，或者它们能唤起某些情绪。

图2-1：脑回路中的“是什么”与“在哪里”

这是一项了不起的成就。让一台机器去区分颜色和形状相似
的物体之间最基本的区别都非常困难。例如图2-2中的例子，对
于人类而言，只需匆匆一瞥，就能准确分辨松饼和吉娃娃。
 图2-2：松饼还是吉娃娃

关于视觉、物体识别和感知，我可以分享很多很多东西，但
对于数字产品的设计目的而言，最重要的是：（a）有许多过程
同时发生，对此你几乎没有意识或控制；（b）有许多需要计算
的任务，你不用有意识地去做就可以达成。

在诺贝尔奖获得者丹尼尔·卡尼曼（Daniel Kahneman）十
分精彩的Thinking，Fast and Slow一书中，他提出了令人信服
的观点，即大脑有两种截然不同的思维方式。你意识到并且有意
识地控制了第一组过程（缓慢思考）。但你对其他一系列自动过
程（快速思考）几乎没有任何有意识的控制或反思。
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 “Go. Washington.

“Mr. Jefferson.”

Dr. Rittenhouse executed this high trust with great ability and
unimpeachable integrity, during three years; at the expiration of
which he resigned it, on the 30th of June, 1795. He had, long before,
expressed his anxious wish to retire from this station; but continued
in office until that time, on the solicitation of the President and at the
earnest desire of Mr. Jefferson.

As he was the first person appointed to that office, after the

institution of the Mint under the present federal government of the
Union, the duties that devolved upon him, in conducting it, were
arduous and complicated. He directed the construction of the
machinery; made arrangements for providing the necessary
apparatus; and, in daily visits to the Mint, whenever his health
permitted, personally superintended, with the most sedulous fidelity,
not only the general economy of the institution, but its operations in
the various departments;—duties, which his love of system and
order, his extensive knowledge, and his practical skill in mechanicks,
eminently qualified him to perform with peculiar correctness. At those
times when he was prevented, by indisposition, from attending at the
Mint in person, reports were made to him by the proper officers,
either verbally or in writing, of the state of the institution and the
progress of its business; and those officers received from him, on
such occasions, the instructions requisite for their several
departments.

In conducting the affairs of the Mint, Dr. Rittenhouse was

seconded by capable and trusty officers; among whom was Mr.
Voight, the Chief Coiner, with whose ingenuity and skill, as an
operative mechanic, he was well acquainted, having long before
employed him in that capacity, while he was engaged in constructing
one of his Orreries and carrying on other branches of his
professional business. Dr. Nicholas Way, a physician of some
eminence, officiated at the same time as Treasurer of the Mint; and
that respectable co-adjutor of the then Head of this important
institution in the national economy, has borne testimony to his
scrupulous attention to the public interests, in its direction:—“I have
been informed by his colleague in office, Dr. Way,”—says Dr.
Benjamin Rush,[269] who succeeded that gentleman in the
Treasurership of the Mint,—“that, in several instances, he,”
(speaking of the Director) “paid for work done at the Mint out of his
salary,[270] where he thought the charges for it would be deemed
extravagant by the United States.[271]

When Dr. Rittenhouse resigned the Directorship of the Mint, in

June 1792, he was succeeded in that office by Henry William De
Saussure, Esq. of South Carolina, a gentleman of distinguished
talents and respectability. But Mr. De Saussure did not long hold the
appointment: Some invidious and illiberal, as well as ill-founded
insinuations, were soon cast upon the establishment and the manner
in which it was conducted, by certain persons in the government,
who had very early evinced an hostility to the institution itself; and it
is not improbable, that some of this description were also influenced
in their inimical views towards it, by personal considerations. Mr. De
Saussure, disgusted with such unworthy conduct, retired from the
Directorship, after having held that office only a few months; during
which short period, he executed his trust in such a manner, as to
obtain the approbation of President Washington, and entitle him to
the public esteem.

The following letter, which was addressed by Mr. De Saussure to

the editors of the Charleston City Gazette, and published in that
paper, soon after his resignation, will serve to elucidate this subject:
as a vindication of that gentleman, and also of his predecessor, from
the injurious aspersions so unjustly thrown out against the institution
of the Mint by its enemies, that publication is entitled to a place in the
Memoirs of Rittenhouse; it shall now close the narrative of Dr.
Rittenhouse’s connexion with the Mint.
“Messrs. Freneau and Payne,

“I was filled with no less indignation than surprise, on reading the

debates in the house of representatives of the United States, on
Tuesday the 19th of January, respecting the Mint, to find that a good
deal of censure had been thrown out by some of the members
against the management of that establishment, in such general and
indiscriminating terms as might be deemed to implicate me, during
the short time I was in the Directorship.

“Several members spoke in hasty and unguarded terms; and one

member, whose name the printer had not given, passed all the
bounds of moderation. He is represented as having said, “that the
institution is a bad one, and is badly conducted: it had been most
scandalously carried on, and with very little advantage to the public.
If the institution is not better carried on than it has been, it ought to
be thrown aside.”—If I could tamely endure these imputations, which
in their generality may be supposed to reach me, I should be
unworthy the esteem of my fellow-citizens.

“It ought, perhaps, to be sufficient for me to produce to the public

eye the entire approbation which the President of the United States
was pleased to express of my conduct, when quitting the office of the
Director. I laid before him a full and exact state of the situation of the
Mint, and of the coinage prior to, and during my being in office. His
approbation is contained in a letter which he wrote me at the
moment of my leaving Philadelphia,—dated the 1st of Nov. 1795;
from which these words are an extract—“I cannot, at this moment of
your departure, but express my regret, that it was not accordant with
your views to remain in the Directorship of the Mint: Permit me to
add thereto, that your conduct therein gave entire satisfaction; and to
wish you a pleasant voyage, and a happy meeting with your friends
in South Carolina.”

“To those who know the President of the United States well,—who
know the caution with which he is accustomed to speak, and that he
possesses the talent of correctly estimating, as well as vigorously
overcoming, the difficulties which present themselves in every
circumstance of business,—this would rescue any character from the
unqualified censure of the members of the house of representatives.
But I will go further, and will shew the grounds on which the
President formed his judgment, so that every man may form his own
opinion.”

The Writer then proceeds with some details, respecting the

condition of the Mint on his coming into office, and at the time he left
it; in the course of which he states some difficulties, and unavoidable
obstructions to the progress of the coinage, which existed in the time
of his predecessor, and some of which could not be obviated while
he remained in the direction: and to this statement he annexes a
table, exhibiting an account of the gold and silver coinage at the
Mint, from its establishment to the close of October, 1795; at the foot
of which he remarks, that “there never was any period at which the
Mint was supplied with bullion, in a state for coinage, sufficient to
keep it regularly and fully employed for any considerable time;
except,” continues the writer, “near the close of my direction; to wit,
from the 1st to the 24th of October.” Mr. De Saussure thus concludes
his very satisfactory letter on this subject:

“Whilst I am vindicating myself from the censure, indiscriminately

thrown upon the management of the Mint, I do by no means concede
that the censure is justly applicable to my respectable predecessor.
The solid talents of Mr. Rittenhouse will be remembered with pride,
and his mild virtue recollected with tenderness, by his countrymen,
when many of his censors will be forgotten in the silent dust. His lofty
and correct mind, capable alike of ascending to the sublimest
heights of science, and of condescending to regulate the minute
movements of mechanical machinery, organized the Mint, and
created the workmen and the apparatus; amidst the complicated
difficulties from which the most persevering minds might have shrunk
without dishonour. A very long and debilitating state of ill health
prevented him from giving the establishment all the activity of which
it was susceptible; and he long wished to retire before he was
permitted. His country suffered him to retire, without remembering,
that it was the duty of a liberal nation to provide an independent
retreat in his old age, for one of the noblest of her Philosophers; and
to this neglect, it is attempted to add unmerited obloquy.

“I quit the ungrateful theme with disgust. I am consoled by the

approbation of him, by whom to be approved, will gladden the heart
through a long life. I rejoice that I quitted an office which subjects its
holder to such unjust censure, by the advice of my friends, who in
prophetic spirit told me, ‘that such offices were suited to men who
could bear up against censure, though they did not deserve it,’ which
they did not believe me formed to endure.”

“Henry Wm. De Saussure.

Charleston, S. C. Feb. 5. 1796.”

A national coin having been always considered as a proper, if not

an absolutely necessary, attribute of the sovereignty of a state,[272]
the establishment of a Mint, for the United States, was pretty early
contemplated. A plan for that purpose was brought into the view of
congress, in the last year of the war; although no national coinage
was instituted until ten years afterwards. The early part of the year
1780 was extremely disastrous to the affairs of the United States.
The fall of Charleston, S. C. depressed the spirits of the country: and
the almost total failure of public credit, accompanied by a want of
money, and other means of carrying on the war, about that period,
paralyzed the measures of the government. Such was the apathy of
the public mind, in regard to the perilous condition of the country at
that crisis, that many members of the general assembly of
Pennsylvania, which was convened on the 10th of May, in that year,
came thither with petitions from their constituents, praying to be
exempt from the payment of taxes.

But while this assembly were in session, a letter was received

from General Washington by the Supreme Executive Council of the
state, and by them confidentially communicated to the legislative
body, in which the distressed condition of the army was faithfully
described. Among other things the General stated, that,
notwithstanding his confidence in the attachment of the army to the
cause of their country, the distresses of the soldiery, arising from a
destitution of those necessaries which were indispensable, had
become extreme; insomuch, that appearances of mutiny were so
strongly marked on the countenances of the army, as to occasion in
his mind hourly apprehensions of the event.

This appalling information, and from such a source, elicited some

latent sparks of public spirit. Voluntary contributions were
immediately begun; and Robert Morris, Esq. a merchant of the
highest credit—as well as a man whose patriotism, talents and
enterprize, inspired confidence—contributed two hundred pounds,
Pennsylvania currency, in (what was then called) hard money. This
subscription commenced the 8th of June, 1780: but it amounted, in
the whole to only 200l. hard money, and 101,360l. in the public bills
of credit, or paper-money, denominated continental.

On the 17th of the same month, however, a meeting of the

contributors to this fund (which was intended as a donation, towards
carrying on the recruiting service,) and of others, was convened in
Philadelphia: with a view to promote the object more extensively. At
this meeting it was resolved—“to open a security-subscription, to the
amount of 300,000l. in real money; the subscribers to execute bonds
to the amount of their subscription, and to form a Bank thereon, for
supplying the army.”

This was the origin of the “Bank of North-America,” which thus

took its rise from an association of “a number of patriotic persons” in
the city of Philadelphia. The plan they formed for the purpose was
communicated to congress by the secretary at war, on the 20th of
June; and the next day they were honoured with a vote of thanks.

On the 20th of February, 1781, Mr. Morris was unanimously

elected by congress to the office of Superintendant of Finance, then
first created. This gentleman arranged, in the spring following[273], the
system of the present Bank of North-America; whereupon, many of
the subscribers to the first-formed bank transferred their
subscriptions to this institution. These were incorporated by an
ordinance of congress[274], passed the 31st of December, 1781; and
in the beginning of the succeeding year, this Bank commenced its
operations in Philadelphia. By the incorporating ordinance, the
following gentlemen were nominated by congress to be the president
and directors of the institution, until a choice of a new direction
should be made by the stockholders; namely, Thomas Willing,
Thomas Fitzsimons, John Maxwell Nesbitt, James Wilson, Henry
Hill, Samuel Osgood, Cadwalader Morris, Andrew Caldwell, Samuel
Inglis, Samuel Meredith, William Bingham, and Timothy Matlack,
Esquires. Mr. Willing, a merchant of high credit and respectability,
was president of the board.

Some doubts having arisen, respecting the right of congress,

under the then existing confederation, to exercise the power of
erecting any corporate body, an act was passed by the general
assembly of Pennsylvania, the 1st of April, 1782, to incorporate this
Bank, in order to obviate such doubts. That act was repealed, the
13th of September, 1785; but on the 18th of March, 1787, the charter
was renewed for the term of fourteen years, and has been since
further continued.

It was by means of this establishment, that Mr. Morris, the

superintendant of the finances, was enabled to support the public
credit, and, in the words of Dr. Gordon, “to keep things in motion,” at
a most critical period of the American affairs, and when the national
credit was in the lowest possible state of depression.[275]

The establishment of a Mint seems to be a necessary appendage

to that of a national Bank. Accordingly, Mr. Morris, in his capacity of
superintendant of the finances, addressed a letter to congress, on
the 15th of January 1782, “touching the establishment of a Mint.” On
the 21st of the succeeding month, they approved his proposal,—
directing him, at the same time, “to prepare and report to congress a
plan:” But nothing further appears to have been done in this
business, until the 16th of October 1786, when congress passed “An
Ordinance for the establishment of the Mint of the United States,” &c.

About two years, however, after the commencement of the present

federal government (viz. March 3. 1791,) a resolution of congress
was passed, concerning the establishing of a Mint, under such
regulations as should be directed by law. Previously to this, the late
Alexander Hamilton, Esq. had communicated to the house of
representatives, by their order, the result of his enquiries and
reflexions on the subject, in a diffuse and masterly official report. In
his report, this able financier, alike distinguished as a statesman and
a soldier,[276] remarked, that “the unequal values allowed in different
parts of the Union to coins of the same intrinsic worth; the defective
species of them, which embarrass the circulation of them in some of
the states; and the dissimilarity in their several monies of account,
are inconveniences, which if not to be ascribed to the want of a
national coinage, will at least be most effectually remedied by the
establishment of one; a measure that will at the same time give
additional security against impositions, by counterfeit as well as by
base currencies.”—“It was with great reason, therefore,” continues
the Secretary, “that the attention of congress, under the late
confederation, was repeatedly drawn to the establishment of a Mint;
and it is with equal reason that the subject has been resumed; now
that the favourable change which has taken place in the situation of
public affairs, admits of its being carried into execution.”

The Mint has been continued in Philadelphia, ever since its

establishment,—a great commercial city being very properly
considered the most suitable situation for such an institution; its
operations have been conducted, for many years past, with activity;
and there are few coins superior in beauty, to those of the American
Mint.

In less than a year after Dr. Rittenhouse had engaged himself in

the duties appertaining to the Directorship of the Mint, he was again
called upon to assist his countrymen, by the aid of his talents, in
effecting an important water-communication, inland, which was then
contemplated. An association, called “The Conewago-Canal
Company,” was formed in Philadelphia, in pursuance of a law
enacted the 13th of April, 1791; by which the sum of fourteen
thousand dollars was appropriated, for the purpose of improving the
navigation of the river Susquehanna, between Wright’s Ferry (now
the thriving town of Columbia) and the mouth of the Swatara. This
company consisted of seventeen members, of whom Dr. Rittenhouse
was one: and they were incorporated by an act of assembly, passed
the 10th of April, 1793.

Just about this period, an occurrence took place at Philadelphia,

then the seat of the national government, which excited much public
feeling at the time, and—contrary to the expectations of some good
men of sanguine dispositions—became the source of many political
evils, afterwards. This was the formation of what was called the
Democratic Society; a political association, produced by the
effervescences of the French revolution, while that all-important
event was yet viewed in a favourable light by free nations: and of this
society, Dr. Rittenhouse was elected President.

That Dr. Rittenhouse should have been selected as the President

of the Democratic Society, and chosen for that station, can be readily
accounted for. This gentleman had evinced, from the
commencement of the troubles between the American colonies of
Great-Britain and the parent country, an ardent attachment to the
cause of his native land. The benevolence of his disposition
rendered him the well-wisher of all mankind: hence every thing that,
in his view, bore the semblance of oppression, was odious to him.
But the wrongs which the country of his nativity, more particularly,
experienced, from the unconstitutional claims of the British
Parliament, roused those feelings of patriotism, with which his
virtuous breast was animated, at the beginning of the American
discontents: he was, therefore, an early and decided Whig; and the
same principles that induced him to become such, continued to
actuate him throughout the contest between the two countries.
 The benignity of his temper must, nevertheless, have induced him
to be truly rejoiced at the return of peace. When that happy event
took place, he had too much goodness of heart to remember past
injuries, too much understanding to be influenced by unworthy and
mischievous prejudices; he had not a particle of malignity in his
nature. At the period of the Declaration of American Independence
by Congress, he believed, with a great majority of his countrymen,
that necessity justified the separation: and from that epocha, he was
heartily disposed to hold the mother-country, as his compatriots then
declared they did the rest of mankind,—“enemies in war, in peace
friends.”

When the French revolution commenced, the benevolence of his

feelings led him to believe, as almost every American then did, that it
would meliorate the condition of a great nation, whose inhabitants
constituted a large portion of the population of the European world;—
a nation, which, by the rigourous policy of its government, under a
long succession of ambitious and arbitrary monarchs, anterior to the
one then on the tottering throne of that ill-fated country, had become
extremely corrupt among the higher orders of the people; and in
which, the inferior classes were subjected to great oppression. The
American people having, on their separation from the mother-
country, instituted for themselves, as an independent nation, a
constitution wholly republican; they were disposed to attribute the
vices of the French government, before the revolution, to the
circumstance of its being a monarchy, and the sufferings of the
people of France, as necessarily resulting from the monarchial
system of rule over them. When, therefore, a republican form of
government was erected in France on the ruins of the throne; the
excesses, and even the atrocities of the people, which attended the
demolition of the ancient government of that country, and the
establishment of political institutions entirely new to its inhabitants,
found palliatives in the dispositions of most good men among us:
they were ascribed to the strong conflicting passions naturally
produced between the great body of the people, on the one part, and
their rulers on the other; excited by the long sufferings of the former,
and an unwillingness to part with power, in the latter. Great
enormities were considered as the inevitable consequences of these
opposite interests, when brought into action amidst a population of
many millions of men, whose national characteristic is that of levity of
temper and vehement passions; and a conflict, wherein all the
malign dispositions of the most depraved characters, actuated by
motives the most flagitious, intermingled themselves with the
designs of those who meant well. Such men, freed from all the
restraints of government and law, and utterly disregarding all the
obligations of either religious or moral duties, had then an
opportunity of giving a full vent to their views, whether of ambition,
avarice or personal resentments; and they did not fail to embrace it.
While, on the one hand, demagogues fanned the popular flame by
the vilest artifices; put on the semblance of patriotism, and by
practising the most detestable hypocrisy, professed themselves to be
the friends of the people, whom they were deluding into
premeditated ruin. Even virtuous Frenchmen, and many of them
possessing no inconsiderable share of discernment, soon fell victims
to the machiavelian policy of these pretended patriots. These, in their
turn, were sacrificed under the denunciations of their compeers, or
other aspiring villains; and thus, others still in succession: until,
finally, a fortunate military usurper, restored the monarchy in his own
person, with absolute sway; and by substituting an horrible military
despotism, in the place of a most sanguinary anarchy, confounded
all ranks of his subjects in one vast mass of miserable slaves; who
have been since employed in destroying the peace, freedom and
happiness of their fellow-men, in other countries. Such have been,
hitherto, the fruits of the French revolution; from which, at its
commencement, myriads of good men fondly anticipated an issue
precisely the reverse.[277]

Notwithstanding the criminal excesses committed by many of the

French revolutionists, before the institution of their short lived and
turbulent republic, it was hoped by most true Americans, attached by
fidelity as well as principle to that system of government, which was
then the legitimate one in their own country, that its ultimate
establishment in France would produce permanent benefits, to that
country at least, which would infinitely overbalance what were
considered, by zealous republicans, as temporary and partial evils,
such as seemed to be unavoidable, in bringing about a radical
change in the fundamental institutions of a great and powerful
empire. Many Americans were not, indeed, so sanguine in their
expectations: but such were, nevertheless, the prevailing sentiments
of the citizens of the United States,—even among the best-informed
men.

The deliberative and cautionary proceedings (as they purported to

be) of the more prominent revolutionary characters in France, in their
minor popular assemblies, prior to the establishment of their national
constitutional form of government, were judged of, in the United
States, with respect to their objects and utility, as similar assemblies,
under the denominations of councils of safety, committees of safety,
&c. were considered by their own citizens, at the commencement of
the American revolution: they were deemed to be necessary agents
of the people in each country, respectively, during the interregnum
which succeeded the abandonment of their ancient governments.

The Jacobin Club of Paris was one of these political engines of the
French revolution, for some time after its commencement; and,
perhaps, that assembly contained many worthy members, originally,
although it afterwards became notoriously infamous, by the
monstrous enormity of the crimes it countenanced and produced.

Chief Justice Marshall has observed (in his Life of Washington,)

that “soon after the arrival of Mr. Genet,[278] a Democratic Society
was formed in Philadelphia, which seems to have taken for its model
the Jacobin Club of Paris:”—“Its organization,” continues the
historian, “appears to have been completed on the 30th of May,
1793.”

It will nevertheless be recollected, that, about that period, the

shock given to the humane feelings of the American people, by the
murder of Louis XVI. their benefactor during the war in this country,
and by the death and sufferings of his queen and family, had mostly
subsided. The great American public still continued warmly and
sincerely attached to what was then viewed as the cause of the
French people: and therefore, whatever may have been the real
design of setting up a Democratic Society in Philadelphia, at that
point of time—a design only known to its founders,—it is certain, that
many highly estimable and meritorious citizens, and firm friends of
the existing government, were elected members of that society,
without any previous intimation being given to them of such an
intention: some of those persons never attended any of the meetings
of the society; and others soon discontinued their attendance. If it
were actually formed on the model of the Jacobin Club of Paris, by
some of those with whom the scheme originated, it cannot be
rationally presumed that men of great purity of reputation, in public
as well as private life, would either seek admission into such an
assembly, knowing it had any criminal views; nor would they, if
chosen members of it without their knowledge and consent,
participate in its proceedings, should these be found to be
unconstitutional, illegal, or dishonourable. Yet it is a matter of
notoriety, that persons of such characters were in some instances
enrolled among the members of the Democratic Society in
Philadelphia, at its commencement and soon after its organization, in
the spring of 1793.

It may be readily supposed, that such of its members as meant

well, would be desirous of placing at the head of that body, a man of
unimpeachable patriotism and integrity; and it is equally reasonable
to conclude, that, had there been a majority of its members, whose
secret designs were inimical to the true interest of the country or the
well-being of the government,—even these would wish to disguise
their intentions, under the nominal auspices of a character
universally respected and esteemed. Such a man was Dr.
Rittenhouse; and therefore was he selected by the Philadelphia
Democratic Society, as their President. At the time of his election to
that station, he held the highly important office of Director of the Mint,
under a commission from President Washington; for whose public
and private character he always entertained the most exalted
respect, besides the personal regard, which the writer of these
Memoirs knows to have subsisted between them. It is not
presumable, taking all considerations into view, that Dr. Rittenhouse
suffered any serious diminution in the esteem of that virtuous and
discerning statesman, by the circumstance of the Doctor being
placed at the head of the Democratic Society: for he not only
continued to hold the Directorship of the Mint, but, when he offered
his resignation of that high trust, two years afterwards, the
President’s reluctance to accept it yielded only to the Doctor’s urgent
solicitation to decline a further continuance in the office.

Whatever, therefore, may have been the real views and intentions
of some of the members of the Democratic Society which was
formed in Philadelphia, in 1793,—even if those of a majority of their
number were highly unjustifiable,—no imputation, unfavourable to
Dr. Rittenhouse’s character, either as a good citizen or an upright
man, could in the smallest degree be attached to him, by reason of
his having been chosen a President of that body, at the time of its
organization.[279]

That Dr. Rittenhouse was a zealous advocate for the liberties of

mankind, is unquestionable: but, much as he abhorred slavery and
oppression of every kind, did he deprecate turbulence and
licentiousness in the people, and wars of ambition, avarice or
injustice, undertaken by their rulers. He was decidedly friendly to
those measures of civil government, which are best calculated to
maintain order, tranquillity, and safety in the state, on just and
honourable principles. It can scarcely be doubted by any one,
intimately acquainted with his character, that he must have
concurred in sentiments similar to those attributed by the biographer
of Washington to that great man, or this subject,—in the following
observation: “Between a balanced republic and a democracy the
difference is like that between order and chaos. Real liberty, he
thought, was to be secured only by preserving the authority of the
laws, and maintaining the energy of government. Scarcely did
society present two characters which, in his opinion, less resembled
each other, than a patriot and a demagogue.”

Mr. Rittenhouse, it must be rationally supposed, was less

acquainted with mankind, than General Washington was known to
be: he had much fewer and more limited opportunities of studying
human nature; and professions of pretended patriots were, therefore,
more likely to impose on the unsuspecting honesty of his nature. He
may even have been deceived, for a while, and ere the plausible
fallacies of theorists in matters of civil polity, emanating from the
philosophy of the French school, had yet been manifested to the
world. A practical philosopher himself, he must have contemplated
with pity, if not with indignation, the doctrines of the followers of
Pyrrho: with whom it was a fundamental principle, that there is
nothing that can be denominated true or false, right or wrong, honest
or dishonest, just or unjust; or, in other words, that there is no
standard beyond law or custom; and that uncertainty and doubt are
attached to all things. Nevertheless, on these doctrines of the
sceptical philosophers of antiquity are founded that monstrous and
wicked tenet of most of the modern sceptics, that the end justifies
the means!—a principle destructive of all the foundations of religion
and morals. Well might the Abbé le Blanc exclaim, when noticing this
mischievous sect of philosophers, seventy years ago,—“Is it not
surprising, that men should endeavour to acquire the esteem of the
public, by striving to break the most sacred band of all societies; in
declaring their opinion to others, that there is neither virtue nor vice,
truth nor doubt.”—“Our modern philosophers,”[280] says the learned
Abbé in another place, “have been too confident.”

This is certainly correct, in one point of view; although the

assertion seems to imply a contradiction in terms, so far as it applies
to the metaphysical scepticism of many, assuming the honourable
appellation of Philosophers, without being entitled to the true
character. What were the sentiments of Dr. Rittenhouse, concerning
the tenets of men of this description, may be fairly inferred, not only
from the manner in which he has introduced the names of Berkeley
and Hume into the Oration which he pronounced before the
Philosophical Society, in the year 1775, but from other observations
and reflexions contained in that discourse, as well as from the
general tenure of opinions expressed by him on various occasions.
 At an early period of the French revolution, a circumstance
occurred, which, from its connexion in some particulars with the life
of our Philosopher, is here entitled to notice.

On the 7th of August 1783, and after peace had been proclaimed,
congress unanimously passed a resolution in the following words
——“Resolved, That an equestrian statue of General Washington be
erected at the place where the residence of Congress shall be
established;—that the statue be of bronze: the General to be
represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand,
and his head, encircled with a laurel wreath. The Statue to be
supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in
basso relievo, the following principal events of the war, in which
General Washington commanded in person: the evacuation of
Boston;—the capture of the Hessions, at Trenton;—the battle of
Princeton;—the action of Monmouth;—and the surrender of York.—
On the upper part of the front of the pedestal, to be engraved as
follows: “The United States in Congress assembled ordered this
Statue to be erected, in the year of our Lord 1783, in honour of
George Washington, the illustrious Commander in Chief of the
Armies of the United States of America, during the war which
vindicated and secured their Liberty, Sovereignty and
Independence.”[281]

This was an honourable testimony of the gratitude and affectionate

respect of the nation, towards the Hero and Patriot, who so
eminently merited both; and it was a sincere effusion of the heart, in
the representatives of the American people, while the transcendent
virtues of a Washington, and his then recent services in his
country’s cause, yet inspired every generous breast with a faithful
remembrance of his worth: It was a laudable proof of the patriotism
that actuated the public mind, at a period, when, in the words of an
enlightened historian,[282] “the glow of expression in which the high
sense universally entertained of his services was conveyed,
manifested a warmth of feeling seldom equalled in the history of
man.”
 The fascination which the revolution of France spread over a large
portion of Europe and America, for some time after its
commencement, and during the time it yet bore the semblance of a
virtuous cause,—while it seemed to enchant the true friends of
freedom every where; and the oft-resounded and captivating name
of “Liberty,” produced in men of ardent tempers, and speculative
notions, ideas of its reality of the most extravagant nature, and in
numerous instances of very mischievous tendency.

Among those of the latter description was Joseph Ceracchi, an

Italian artist of celebrity. Mr. Ceracchi was a statuary, of great
eminence in his profession; and to the manners and
accomplishments of a gentleman, he united much genius and taste.
Though born and bred in the dominions of the papal see, he fostered
the principles of a republican. Conceiving that the genius of a free
government comported with these alone, he became an enthusiastic
admirer of the French republic. Finding the turbulent state of France,
at the beginning of her troubles, unfavourable to the exercise of his
art, in that country; and believing as he did, that the tranquil and
prosperous condition of the United States would afford full
employment for his talents, in a manner congenial to his inclinations,
as well as beneficial to his private interest; he arrived, with his wife—
a German lady of some distinction—at Philadelphia, then the seat of
the national government, sometime (it is supposed) in the year 1793.

The great equestrian statue, which congress had, ten years

before, decreed to be erected in honour of General Washington, had
not yet been executed; and Mr. Ceracchi imagined that the gratitude
of the American republic would furnish, besides this primary work,
ample scope for the exercise of his talents, in erecting honorary
memorials of some of the more illustrious characters, which the
American revolution had produced. The aptitude, beauty and
magnificence, which the artist designed to display in some great
public monuments of this kind, were exhibited in models which he
executed, for the purpose of testifying his abilities in the art he
professed: these were universally admired, as the productions of
superior genius, taste and skill. Yet Mr. Ceracchi remained
unemployed: the national council did not, even at that late day, avail
themselves of so favourable an opportunity of engaging him to erect
the statue decreed to Washington,—a work which continues
unexecuted at the present moment[283]! and the talents of that
eminent artist were, not long afterwards, for ever lost to the country.

Among the gentlemen with whom Mr. Ceracchi became

acquainted, in Philadelphia, were some members of the
Philosophical Society in that city; and, on their recommendation of
him, he was, himself, soon associated with this institution.

In this body, as the Writer believes, Dr. Rittenhouse acquired a

knowledge of Mr. Ceracchi’s person and character. Both Dr. and Mrs.
Rittenhouse, from their kind and unceasing attentions to this
gentleman and his wife, appear to have considered them as persons
of merit: the Doctor, particularly, by his friendly deportment towards
the husband, during the time he continued his residence in this
country, testified the esteem he had conceived for this ingenious
foreigner; heightened too, perhaps, by a delicate sensibility towards
him, on account of the disappointment in his expectations of public
patronage in his profession, which he experienced while here. For it
is known to the Memorialist, that when, in consequence of such
disappointment, Mr. Ceracchi became embarrassed in his pecuniary
affairs, Dr. Rittenhouse contributed liberally to his relief.

Some time in the summer of the year 1794 (if the Writer’s
recollection be correct,) our benevolent philosopher having occasion
to view the canal, intended to form a communication between the
waters of the Delaware and the Schuylkill, invited Mr. Ceracchi to
accompany him, for the purpose of examining the quality of the
marble in the great quarries of that material, situated near the margin
of the latter river, in the vicinity of the western end of the canal. The
Memorialist joined in this little excursion, during which, Dr.
Rittenhouse was, as usual, communicative, cheerful and instructive.

On inspecting the quarries just mentioned—so far as time then

permitted an examination of them,—Mr. Ceracchi seemed to think
they contained only laminated strata of stone; not massy blocks,
without fissures or veins, like the marbles of Carrara, and those in
some other parts of Europe: that, although this Schuylkill marble was
generally of a good quality and of a whiteness sufficiently pure, it
could not be obtained in masses thick enough for the larger subjects
of fine statuary. Yet this artist observed, that a large proportion of the
slabs appeared to be of dimensions suitable for various subjects of
sculpture; and more especially, that they furnished an excellent
material for many purposes, ornamental as well as useful, in public
edifices and other structures[284]. No other quarries of marble were
viewed, on this excursion: but it is probable Mr. Ceracchi would have
found the marbles of Hitner’s and Henderson’s quarries—which are
at nearly the same distance from Philadelphia, though not situated
very near the river Schuylkill—much better adapted in every respect,
to the uses he contemplated. This unfortunate man appeared to
have possessed, in addition to genius and fine professional talents,
the exalted virtue of gratitude. Dr. Rittenhouse was his benefactor;
and the Philosophical Society had elected him a member of their
body: a fine bust of the Philosopher in the antique style, was
executed by Ceracchi in white marble, and by him presented to the
Society, on the 6th of February, 1795. It is supposed that he left
America about twelve months after this date; and it is said, that he
afterwards perished on a scaffold, in Paris, in consequence of its
being alleged, that he was engaged in a conspiracy against the life
of Bonaparte.

In the spring of the year 1794, the Earl of Buchan, P. S. S. A. and

James Anderson, LL. D. both distinguished characters in Scotland,
were elected members of the American Philosophical Society, at
Philadelphia: and it appears probable, from a note addressed to Dr.
Rittenhouse by President Washington, that they had been put in
nomination, or, at least, that their election had been advocated by
the former, at the instance of the latter; the note is in these words—

“The President presents his compliments to Mr. Rittenhouse, and

thanks him for the attention he has given to the case of Mr. Anderson
and the Earl of Buchan.
“Sunday afternoon, 20th April, 1794.”

At the commencement of the following year, Lord Buchan[285] wrote

to Dr. Rittenhouse the following letter:

“Dryburgh Abbey, Jan. 12, 1795.

“Sir,

“My worthy friend, Mr. John Miller, son of the eminent professor,
John Miller, of Glasgow, whom I recommend to your attention, has
charged himself with this letter, and will deliver to you a Writing-Box,
which I dedicate to your use, as President of the Philosophical
Society at Philadelphia, and to your successors in office, as a
testimony of my high esteem for your literary character and for that
of the Society over which you preside.

“This Box is made of Yew, of Black Cherry tree, and Acacia and
Barberry, and veneered with Holly; all the growth of my garden at
this place, and joined, fitted and finished, by my own joiner, in this
house.

“On the lid is an authentic picture of Copernicus, and in the inside

thereof is a similar one of Napier. That of Copernicus is from the
accurate copy of the Chancellor Hupazzuoski’s original picture,
which was sent by the learned Dr. Wolf, of Dantzic, to the Royal
Society of London; and this limning of mine is most faithfully
delineated and shaded, from a drawing made by Mr. Thomas Parke,
of Picadilly, formerly a pupil of Valentine Green, engraver at London,
from the picture in the Royal Society, on a scale proportional in all
parts and with great fidelity; so that I can assure you of my limning
being a fac simile, as to the features and countenance. That of
Napier[286] is indeed a most exquisitely beautiful piece, by John
Brown, of Edinburgh, executed with the black-lead pencil, from an
original portrait in the possession of Lord Napier; and, as a drawing
with black-lead, excels, I believe, every thing of the kind now extant:
Mr. Brown having by drawing, during twelve years in Italy, from
statues, obtained a super-eminent accuracy and beauty of design.