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A Book of HUMAN
V. M. BOOKS
Copyright © Publisher
First Edition:2023
A Book of Human Anatomy & Physiology
ISBN: 978-93-94027-11-4
Published by: Neeraj & Gaurav Singh, V. M. BOOKS Head Office: 193,
Ground Floor, Rajender Nagar, Sahibabad Uttar Pradesh - 201005
Laser Typeset by V. M. BOOKS
Printed in India
Visit our web site at http://www.vinayakmbooks.com
Preface
This book has been written to help the graduate students of pharmacy
(D.Pharm, B.Pharm) to meet the requirements of the revised syllabus of
prescribed by the Pharmacy Council of India.
The book is designed as a small and humble effort to compile the necessary
information which covers the subject Pharmaceutics including all the basic
concepts, questions asked in various competitive examinations, simple and
effective way to learn and revise.
The book has been written in lucid and easy language so that it is easy for the
students to understand the concepts. At the end of each chapter questions
have been given so that there is clear understanding to the chapter.
I hope that the readers will find the book useful. Their comments and
suggestions for the improvement of this textbook will be appreciated.
Our special thanks to Mr. Gaurav Singh and Neeraj Sharma V.M. BOOKS
(Publishers & Distributers) India for untiring efforts in the direction of
bringing out this book in time.
Authors v
Syllabus
1. Scope of Anatomy and Physiology.Definition of various terminologies.
2.Structure of Cell: Components and its functions.
3. Tissues of the Human Body: Epithelial, Connective, Muscular and Nervous
tissues–Their sub-types and characteristics.
vii
viii
A book of Human Anatomy & Physiology
• Cardiac cycle and Heart sounds, Basic knowledge of ECG
• Blood pressure and its regulation
8. Respiratory System
• Anatomy of respiratory organs and their functions.
• Regulation and mechanism of respiration.
• Respiratory volumes and capacities (Definitions)
9. Digestive System
• Anatomy and Physiology of GIT.
• Anatomy and functions of accessory glands.
• Physiology of digestion and absorption
10.Skeletal Muscles
• Histology
• Physiology of muscle contraction
mid brain
• Function of hypothalamus, medulla oblongata and
basal ganglia
• Spinal cord - Structure and reflexes
• Names and functions of cranial nerves.
• Anatomy and physiology of sympathetic and
parasympathetic nervous system (ANS)
12.
Sense Organs
Anatomy and physiology of
• Eye,
• Ear,
• Skin
• Tongue
• Nose
Syllabus
ix
13. Urinary System
• Anatomy and physiology of urinary system
• Adrenal gland
• Thyroid and parathyroid gland
• Pancreas and gonads
15.Reproductive System
• Anatomy of male and female reproductive system
• Physiology of menstruation
• Spermatogenesis and Oogenesis
• Pregnancy and parturition
Contents
Preface .................................................................................................. v
SyllabuS ...............................................................................................vi
xi
xii
A book of Human Anatomy & Physiology
SKELETON IN A NUTSHELL ............................................................. 91
................................245–260
(hormoneS And their functionS)
KEY TERMS/LEARNING OBJECTIVES .......................................... 245
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 245
ENDOCRINE GLANDS ...................................................................... 246
1
Scope of Anatomy and Physiology
Anatomy is the study of structure, and physiology is the study of function.
These approaches are complementary and never entirely separable. In some
of its facets anatomy is closely related to embryology, comparative anatomy
and comparative embryology, through common roots in evolution. Anatomy
is subdivided into gross anatomy (or macroscopic anatomy) and microscopic
anatomy.
Gross anatomy (also called topographical anatomy, regional anatomy, or
anthropotomy) is the study of anatomical structures that can be seen by
unaided vision. Microscopic anatomy is the study of minute anatomical
structures assisted with microscopes, which includes histology (the study of
the organisation of tissues), and cytology (the study of cells).
1
is being studied. For example, what is learned about the physiology of yeast
cells may also apply to human cells.
The field of animal physiology extends the tools and methods of human
physiology to non-human animal species. Plant physiology also borrows
techniques from both fields. Its scope of subjects is at least as diverse as the
tree of life itself.
Anatomical Position
To further increase precision, anatomists standardize the way
in which they view the body. Just as maps are normally oriented with north at
the top, the standard body “map,” or anatomical position, is that of the body
standing upright, with the feet at shoulder width and parallel, toes forward.
The upper limbs are held out to each side, and the palms of the hands face
forward as illustrated in Figure 1. Using this standard position reduces
confusion. It does not matter how the body being described is oriented, the
terms are used as if it is in anatomical position. For example, a scar in the
“anterior (front) carpal (wrist) region” would be present on the palm side of
the wrist. The term “anterior” would be used even if the hand were palm
down on a table.
Regional Terms
The human body’s numerous regions have specific terms to
help increase precision. Notice that the term “brachium” or “arm” is reserved
for the “upper arm” and “antebrachium” or “forearm” is used rather than
“lower arm.” Similarly, “femur” or “thigh” is correct, and “leg” or “crus” is
reserved for the portion of the lower limb between the knee and the ankle.
You will be able to describe the body’s regions using the terms from the
figure.
Directional Terms
Certain directional anatomical terms appear throughout this
and any other anatomy textbook (Figure 1.2). These terms are essential for
describing the relative locations of different body structures. For instance, an
anatomist might describe one band of tissue as “inferior to” another or a
physician might describe a tumour as “superficial to” a deeper body structure.
Commit these terms to memory to avoid confusion when you are studying or
describing the locations of particular body parts.
• Anterior (or ventral) Describes the front or direction toward the front of the
body. The toes are anterior to the foot.
• Posterior (or dorsal) Describes the back or direction toward the back of the
body. The popliteus is posterior to the patella.
• Superior (or cranial) describes a position above or higher than another part
of the body proper. The orbits are superior to the oris.
• Inferior (or caudal) describes a position below or lower than another part of
the body proper; near or toward the tail (in humans, the coccyx, or lowest
part of the spinal column). The pelvis is inferior to the abdomen.
Frons or forehead (frontal)
Oris or mouth (oral) Mentis or chin
(mental)
Axilla or armpit (axillary)
Brach um or
arm (brachial)
Antecubitis
or front of elbow (antecubital)
Antebrachium
or forearm
(antebrachial)
Carpus
or wrist
(carpal)
Pollex
or thumb
Palma or
palm (palmar)
Facies
or face (facial)
Patella or kneecap (patellar) Oculus or eye (orbital or ocular)
Thorcis or
thorax, chest
(thoracic)
Mamma
or breast
(mammary)
AbdomenTrunk (abdominal)
Umbilicus
or navel
(umbilical)
Hip
(coxal)
Pelvis (pelvic) Inguen or groin (inguinal)
Pubis
(pubic) Femur or thigh Crus or
(femoral) leg (crural)
Tarsus
or ankle
(tarsal)
Digits (phalanges)
or toes (digital or Pes or foot phalangeal) (pedal)
• Lateral describes the side or direction toward the side of the body. The
thumb (pollex) is lateral to the digits.
• Medial describes the middle or direction toward the middle of the body. The
hallux is the medial toe.
• Proximal describes a position in a limb that is nearer to the point of
attachment or the trunk of the body. The brachium is proximal to the
antebrachium.
• Distal describes a position in a limb that is farther from the point of
attachment or the trunk of the body. The crus is distal to the femur.
• Superficial describes a position closer to the surface of the body. The skin is
superficial to the bones.
• Deep describes a position farther from the surface of the body. The brain is
deep to the skull.
Body Planes
A section is a two-dimensional surface of a three-dimensional
structure that has been cut. Modern medical imaging devices enable
clinicians to obtain “virtual sections” of living bodies. We call these scans.
Body sections and scans can be correctly interpreted, however, only if the
viewer understands the plane along which the section was made.
• The sagittal plane is the plane that divides the body or an organ vertically
into right and left sides. If this vertical plane runs directly down the middle of
the body, it is called the midsagittal or median plane. If it divides the body
into unequal right and left sides, it is called a parasagittal plane or less
commonly a longitudinal section.
• The frontal plane is the plane that divides the body or an organ into an
anterior (front) portion and a posterior (rear) portion. The frontal plane is
often referred to as a coronal plane. (“Corona” is Latin for “crown.”)
• The transverse plane is the plane that divides the body or organ
horizontally into upper and lower portions. Transverse planes produce images
referred to as cross sections.
Superior
Posterior
or dorsal
Proximal Anterior or
ventral
Lateral
Caudal Proximal
Distal
Distal
Inferior
The anterior (ventral) cavity has two main subdivisions: the thoracic cavity
and the abdominopelvic cavity. The thoracic cavity is the more superior
subdivision of the anterior cavity, and it is enclosed by the rib cage. The
thoracic cavity contains the lungs and the heart, which is located in the
mediastinum. The diaphragm forms the floor of the thoracic cavity and
separates it from the more inferior abdominopelvic cavity. The
abdominopelvic cavity is the largest cavity in the body. Although no
membrane physically divides the abdominopelvic cavity, it can be useful to
distinguish between the abdominal cavity, the division that houses the
digestive organs, and the pelvic cavity, the division that houses the organs of
reproduction.
membranes that cover the walls and organs in the thoracic and
abdominopelvic cavities. The parietal layers of the membranes line the walls
of the body cavity (pariet- refers to a cavity wall). The visceral layer of the
membrane covers the organs (the viscera). Between the parietal and visceral
layers is a very thin, fluid-filled serous space, or cavity.
Visceral
pericardium
Pericardial cavity
Visceral
pericardium
Air space
Balloon
Serous Membrane. Serous membrane lines the pericardial cavity
Figure 1.6:
and reflects back to cover the heart—much the same way that an
underinflated balloon would form two layers surrounding a fist.
There are three serous cavities and their associated membranes. The pleura is
the serous membrane that surrounds the lungs in the pleural cavity; the
pericardium is the serous membrane that surrounds the heart in the pericardial
cavity; and the peritoneum is the serous membrane that surrounds several
organs in the abdominopelvic cavity. The serous membranes form fluid-filled
sacs, or cavities, that are meant to cushion and reduce friction on internal
organs when they move, such as when the lungs inflate or the heart beats.
Both the parietal and visceral serosa secrete the thin, slippery serous fluid
located within the serous cavities. The pleural cavity reduces friction between
the lungs and the body wall. Likewise, the pericardial cavity reduces friction
between the heart and the wall of the pericardium. The peritoneal cavity
reduces friction between the abdominal and pelvic organs and the body wall.
Therefore, serous membranes provide additional protection to the viscera
they enclose by reducing friction that could lead to inflammation of the
organs.
GLOSSARY
2
Structure of Cell
THE CELL AND CELLULAR LEVEL OF ORAGMISATION
A single phospholipid molecule has a phosphate group on one end, called the
“head,” and two side-by-side chains of fatty acids that make up the lipid tails
(Fig. 2.1). The phosphate group is negatively charged, making the head polar
and hydrophilic—or “water loving.” A hydrophilic molecule (or region of a
molecule) is one that is attracted to water. The phosphate heads are thus
attracted to the water molecules of both the extracellular and intracellular
environments. The lipid tails, on the other hand, are uncharged, or nonpolar,
and are hydrophobic—or “water fearing.” A hydrophobic molecule (or
region of a molecule) repels and is repelled by water.ome lipid tails consist of
saturated fatty acids and some contain unsaturated fatty acids. This
combination adds to the fluidity of the tails that are constantly in motion.
Phospholipids are thus amphipathic molecules. An amphipathic molecule is
one that contains both a hydrophilic and a hydrophobic region. In fact, soap
works to remove oil and grease stains because it has amphipathic properties.
The hydrophilic portion can dissolve in water while the hydrophobic portion
can trap grease in micelles that then can be washed away.
17
Phospholipid Molecule
Figure 2.1:
MEMBRANE PROTEINS
The lipid bilayer forms the basis of the cell membrane, but it is peppered
throughout with various proteins. Two different types of proteins that are
commonly associated with the cell membrane are the integral proteins and
peripheral protein (Fig. 2.3. Cell Membrane). As its name suggests, an
integral protein is a protein that is embedded in the membrane. A channel
protein is an example of an integral protein that selectively allows particular
materials, such as certain ions, to pass into or out of the cell.
Figure 2.2: Phospholipid Biloger
The membrane’s lipid bilayer structure provides the first level of control. The
phospholipids are tightly packed together, and the membrane has a
hydrophobic interior. This structure causes the membrane to be selectively
permeable. A membrane that has selective permeability allows only
substances meeting certain criteria to pass through it unaided. In the case of
the cell membrane, only relatively small, nonpolar materials can move
through the lipid bilayer (remember, the lipid tails of the membrane are
nonpolar). Some examples of these are other lipids, oxygen and carbon
dioxide gases, and alcohol. However, water-soluble materials—like glucose,
amino acids, and electrolytes—need some assistance to cross the membrane
because they are repelled by the hydrophobic tails of the phospholipid
bilayer. All substances that move through the membrane do so by one of two
general methods, which are categorized based on whether or not energy is
required. Passive transport is the movement of substances across the
membrane without the expenditure of cellular energy. In contrast, active
transport is the movement of substances across the membrane using energy
from adenosine triphosphate (ATP).
Passive Transport
In order to understand how substances move passively across
Before moving on, you need to review the gases that can diffuse across a cell
membrane. Because cells rapidly use up oxygen during metabolism, there is
typically a lower concentration of O2 inside the cell than outside. As a result,
oxygen will diffuse from the interstitial fluid directly through the lipid bilayer
of the membrane and into the cytoplasm within the cell. On the other hand,
because cells produce CO2 as a byproduct of metabolism, CO2 concentrations
rise within the cytoplasm; therefore, CO2 will move from the cell through the
lipid bilayer and into the interstitial fluid, where its concentration is lower.
This mechanism of molecules moving across a cell membrane from the side
where they are more concentrated to the side where they are less concentrated
is a form of passive transport called simple diffusion.
Facilitated Diffusion
As an example, even though sodium ions (Na+) are highly
concentrated outside of cells, these electrolytes are charged and cannot pass
through the nonpolar lipid bilayer of the membrane. Their diffusion is
facilitated by membrane proteins that form sodium channels (or “pores”), so
that Na+ ions can move down their concentration gradient from outside the
cells to inside the cells. There are many other solutes that must undergo
facilitated diffusion to move into a cell, such as amino acids, or to move out
of a cell, such as wastes. Because facilitated diffusion is a passive process, it
does not require energy expenditure by the cell.
Figure 2.4
Water also can move freely across the cell membrane of all cells, either
through protein channels or by slipping between the lipid tails of the
membrane itself. Osmosis is the diffusion of water through a semipermeable
membrane.
Osmosis
CONCENTRATION OF SOLUTIONS
Active Transport
For all of the transport methods described above, the cell
expends no energy. Membrane proteins that aid in the passive transport of
substances do so without the use of ATP. During active transport, ATP is
required to move a substance across a membrane, often with the help of
protein carriers, and usually against its concentration gradient.
One of the most common types of active transport involves proteins that
serve as pumps. The word “pump” probably conjures up thoughts of using
energy to pump up the tire of a bicycle or a basketball. Similarly, energy
from ATP is required for these membrane proteins to transport substances—
molecules or ions—across the membrane, usually against their concentration
gradients (from an area of low concentration to an area of high
concentration).
Sodium-Potassium Pump
Figure 2.7: Sodium Potassium Pump
Active transport pumps can also work together with other active or passive
transport systems to move substances across the membrane. For example, the
sodium-potassium pump maintains a high concentration of sodium ions
outside of the cell. Therefore, if the cell needs sodium ions, all it has to do is
open a passive sodium channel, as the concentration gradient of the sodium
ions will drive them to diffuse into the cell. In this way, the action of an
active transport pump (the sodiumpotassium pump) powers the passive
transport of sodium ions by creating a concentration gradient. When active
transport powers the transport of another substance in this way, it is called
secondary active transport.
Symporters are secondary active transporters that move two substances in the
same direction. For example, the sodiumglucose symporter uses sodium ions
to “pull” glucose molecules into the cell. Because cells store glucose for
energy, glucose is typically at a higher concentration inside of the cell than
outside. However, due to the action of the sodium-potassium pump, sodium
ions will easily diffuse into the cell when the symporter is opened. The flood
of sodium ions through the symporter provides the energy that allows glucose
to move through the symporter and into the cell, against its concentration
gradient.
extracellular material, and they are typically not highly selective in the
substances they bring in. Cells regulate the endocytosis of specific substances
via receptor-mediated endocytosis. Receptor-mediated endocytosis is
endocytosis by a portion of the cell membrane that contains many receptors
that are specific for a certain substance. Once the surface receptors have
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of taking chances of happiness, as Sophia Western takes them with
Tom Jones (very good chances, to my way of thinking); it is a
question of unalterable laws by which the gods limit our human joy.
But there is no sharp sense of disappointment awakened in our
hearts when we read “Lady Rose’s Daughter,” as when more
powerful currents of emotion turn awry. That Henry Esmond should
have married Lady Castlewood, or rather, that he should not have
married Beatrix, I count one of the permanent sorrows of life.
In an exceedingly clever and ruthlessly disagreeable novel by
Mr. Bernard Shaw, “Cashel Byron’s Profession,” there is a brief, clear
exposition of that precise phase of life which novelists, as a rule,
decline to elucidate. Cashel Byron is a prize-fighter, a champion
light-weight, well-born (though he does not know it) and of cleanly
life; but nevertheless a prize-fighter, with the instincts, habits, and
vocabulary of his class. A young woman, rich, refined, bookish,
brought up in a rarefied intellectual atmosphere which has starved
her healthy sentiment to danger point, falls helplessly in love with his
beauty and his strength, and marries him, in mute desperate
defiance of social laws. The story closes at this point, but the author
adds a brief commentary, designed to explain the limited possibilities
of happiness that exist for the ex-pugilist and his wife.
“Cashel’s admiration for Lydia survived the ardour of his first love
for her, and she employed all her forethought not to disappoint his
reliance on her judgment. She led a busy life, and wrote some
learned monographs, as well as a work in which she denounced
education as practised in the universities and public schools. Her
children inherited her acuteness and refinement, with their father’s
robustness and aversion to study. They were precocious and
impudent, had no respect for Cashel, and showed any they had for
their mother principally by running to her when they were in
difficulties.... The care of this troublesome family had one advantage
for her. It left her little time to think about herself, or about the fact
that, when the illusion of her love passed away, Cashel fell in her
estimation. But the children were a success, and she soon came to
regard him as one of them. When she had leisure to consider the
matter at all, which seldom occurred, it seemed to her that, on the
whole, she had chosen wisely.”
Here are conditions which, if presented at length and with
sufficient skill, might hold us spellbound. Here is an opportunity to
force conviction, were the novelist disposed to grapple with his real
work. As it is, Mr. Shaw contents himself with adding one more to the
marital failures of fiction. Dr. Johnson said that most marriages would
turn out as well if the Lord Chancellor made them. The Lord
Chancellor would assuredly make them better than that blundering
expert, the novelist.
OUR BELIEF IN BOOKS
What pleasantness of teaching there is in books,—how easy,
how secret! How safely we lay bare the poverty of human
ignorance to books, without feeling any shame! They are
masters who instruct us without rod or ferule, without angry
words, without clothes or money. If you come to them, they are
not asleep; if you ask and inquire of them, they do not withdraw
themselves; they do not chide if you make mistakes; they do not
laugh at you if you are ignorant. O books, who alone are liberal
and free, who give to all who ask of you, and enfranchise all who
serve you faithfully.—Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham,
A. D. 1459.
Mr. Henry James is of the opinion (and one envies him his ability
to hold it) that “the sum of Italian misery is, on the whole, less than
the sum of the Italian knowledge of life. That people should thank
you, with a smile of enchanting sweetness, for the gift of twopence is
a proof certainly of an extreme and constant destitution; but—
keeping in mind the sweetness—it is also a proof of a fortunate
ability not to be depressed by circumstances.” This is a comforting
faith to foster, and more credible than the theory of secreted wealth
within the beggar’s pouch. It takes a great many pennies to build up
a substantial fortune, and the competition in mendicancy is too keen
to permit of the profits being large. The business, like other roads to
fortune, is “not what it once was.” A particularly good post, long held
and undisputed, an imposingly venerable and patriarchal
appearance, a total absence of legs or arms,—these things may lead
to modest competency; but these things are rare equipments. My
belief in the affluence of beggars, a belief I was cherishing carefully
for the sake of my own peace of mind, received a rude shock when I
beheld a crippled old woman, whose post was in the Piazza S.
Claudio, tucked into a doorway one cold December midnight, her idle
crutches lying on her knees. If she had had a comfortable or even an
uncomfortable home to go to, why should she have stayed to shiver
and freeze in the deserted Roman streets?
The latitude extended by the Italian Church to beggars, the
patronage shown them, never ceases to vex the tourist mind. An
American cannot reconcile himself to marching up the church steps
between two rows of mendicants, each provided with a chair, a little
scaldino, and a tin cup, in which a penny rattles lustily. There is
nothing casual about the appearance of these freeholders. They
make no pretence—as do beggars at home—of sudden emergency
or frustrated hopes. They are following their daily avocation,—the
only one for which they are equipped,—and following it in a spirit of
acute and healthy rivalry. To give to one and not to all is to arouse
such a clamorous wail that it seems, on the whole, less stony-
hearted to refuse altogether. Once inside the sacred walls, we find a
small and well-selected body of practitioners hovering around the
portals, waiting to exact their tiny toll when we are ready to depart.
“Exact” is not too strong a word to use, for I have had a lame but
comely young woman, dressed in decent black, with a black veil
framing her expressive face, hold the door of the Aracœli firmly
barred with one arm, while she swept the other toward me in a
gesture so fine, so full of mingled entreaty and command, that it was
worth double the fee she asked. Occasionally—not often—an
intrepid beggar steals around during Mass, and, touching each
member of the congregation on the shoulder, gently implores an
alms. This is a practice frowned upon as a rule, save in Sicily, where
a “plentiful poverty” doth so abide that no device for moving
compassion can be too rigidly condemned. I have been present at a
high Mass in Palermo, when a ragged woman with a baby in her
arms moved slowly after the sacristan, who was taking up the
offertory collection, and took up a second collection of her own, quite
as though she were an authorized official. It was a scandalous sight
to Western eyes,—in our well-ordered churches at home such a
proceeding would be as impossible as a trapeze performance in the
aisle,—but what depths of friendly tolerance it displayed, what
gentle, if inert, compassion for the beggar’s desperate needs!
For in Italy, as in Spain, there is no gulf set between the rich and
poor. What these lands lack in practical philanthropy is atoned for by
a sweet and universal friendliness of demeanour, and by a prompt
recognition of rights. It would be hard to find in England or in America
such tattered rags, such gaunt faces and hungry eyes; but it would
be impossible to find in Italy or in Spain a church where rags are
relegated to some inconspicuous and appropriate background. The
Roman beggar jostles—but jostles urbanely—the Roman prince; the
noblest and the lowliest kneel side by side in the Cathedral of
Seville. I have heard much all my life about the spirit of equality, and
I have listened to fluent sermons, designed to prove that Christians,
impelled by supernatural grace, love this equality with especial
fervour; but I have never seen its practical workings, save in the
churches of southern Europe. There tired mothers hush their babies
to sleep, and wan children play at ease in their Father’s house.
There I have been privileged to stand for hours, during long and
beautiful services, because the only available chairs had been
appropriated by forlorn creatures who would not have been
permitted to intrude into the guarded pews at home.
It has been always thus. We have the evidence of writers who
give it with reluctant sincerity; of Borrow, for example, who firmly
believed he hated many things for which he had a natural and visible
affinity. “To the honour of Spain be it spoken,” he writes in “The Bible
in Spain,” “that it is one of the few countries in Europe where poverty
is never insulted nor looked upon with contempt. Even at an inn the
poor man is never spurned from the door, and, if not harboured, is at
least dismissed with fair words, and consigned to the mercies of God
and His Mother.”
The more ribald Nash, writing centuries earlier, finds no words
too warm in which to praise the charities of Catholic Rome. “The
bravest Ladies, in gownes of beaten gold, washing pilgrims’ and
poor soldiours’ feete.... This I must say to the shame of us English; if
good workes may merit Heaven, they doe them, we talk about them.”
The Roman ladies “doe them” still; not so picturesquely as they
did three hundred years ago, but in the same noble and delicate
spirit. Their means and their methods are far below the means and
methods of charitable organizations in England and America. They
cannot find work where there is no work to be done. They cannot lift
the hopeless burden of want which is the inevitable portion of the
Italian poor. They can at best give only the scanty loaf which keeps
starvation from the door. They cannot educate the children, nor
make the swarming populace of Rome “self-respecting,” by which we
mean self-supporting. But they can and do respect the poverty they
alleviate. Their mental attitude is simpler than ours. They know well
that it is never the wretchedly poor who “fear fate and cheat nature,”
and they see, with more equanimity than we can muster, the ever
recurring tragedy of birth. The hope, so dear to our Western hearts,
of ultimately raising the whole standard of humanity shines very
dimly on their horizon; but if they plan less for the race, they draw
closer to the individual. They would probably, if questioned, say
frankly with Sir Thomas Browne: “I give no alms only to satisfy the
hunger of my Brother, but to fulfil and accomplish the Will and
Command of my God.” And if the “Religio Medici” be somewhat out
of date,—superseded, we are told, by a finer altruism which rejects
the system of reward,—we may still remember Mr. Pater’s half rueful
admission that it was all “pure profit” to its holder.
When Charles Lamb lamented, with innate perversity, the decay
of beggars, he merely withdrew his mind from actualities,—which
always annoyed him,—and set it to contemplate those more
agreeable figures which were not suffering under the disadvantage
of existence. It was the beggar of romance, of the ballads, of the
countryside, of the merry old songs, whose departure he professed
to regret. The outcast of the London streets could not have been—
even in Lamb’s time—a desirable feature. To-day we find him the
most depressing object in the civilized world; and the fact that he is
what is called, in the language of the philanthropist, “unworthy,”
makes him no whit more cheerful of contemplation. The ragged
creature who rushes out of the darkness to cover the wheel of your
hansom with his tattered sleeve manages to convey to your mind a
sense of degraded wretchedness, calculated to lessen the
happiness of living. His figure haunts you miserably, when you want
to forget him and be light of heart. By his side, the venerable, white-
bearded old humbugs who lift the leather curtains of Roman and
Venetian churches stand forth as cheerful embodiments of self-
respecting mendicancy. They, at least, are no pariahs, but
recognized features of the social system. They are the Lord’s poor,
whose prayers are fertile in blessings. It is kind to drop a coin into
the outstretched hand, and to run the risk—not so appalling as we
seem to think—of its being unworthily bestowed. “Rake not into the
bowels of unwelcome truth to save a half-penny;” but remember,
rather, the ever-ready alms of Dr. Johnson, who pitied most those
who were least deserving of compassion. Little doubt that he was
often imposed upon. The fallen women went on their way, sinning as
before. The “old struggler” probably spent his hard-earned shilling for
gin. The sick beggar whom he carried on his back should by rights
have been languishing in the poorhouse. But the human quality of
his kindness made it a vital force, incapable of waste. It warmed sad
hearts in his unhappy time, as it warms our sad hearts now. Like the
human kindness of St. Martin, it still remains—a priceless heritage—
to enrich us poor beggars in sentiment to-day.
And this reminds me to ask—without hope of answer—if the
blessed St. Martin can be held responsible for the number of
beggars in Tours? The town is not pinched and hunger-bitten like the
sombre old cities of Italy, but possesses rather an air of comfort and
gracious prosperity. It is in the heart of a province where cruel
poverty is unknown, and where “thrift and success present
themselves as matters of good taste.” Yet we cannot walk half an
hour in Tours without meeting a number of highly respectable
beggars, engrossed in their professional duties. They do not sin
against the harmony of their surroundings by any revolting
demonstration of raggedness or penury. On the contrary, they are
always neat and decent; and on Sundays have an aspect of such
unobtrusive well-being that one would never suspect them of
mendicancy. When a clean, comfortably dressed old gentleman, with
a broad straw hat, and a rosebud in his buttonhole, crosses the
street to affably ask an alms, I own I am surprised, until I remember
St. Martin, who, fifteen hundred years ago, shared his mantle with
the beggar shivering by the way. It was at Amiens that the incident
occurred, but the soldier saint became in time the apostle and bishop
of Tours; wherefore it is in Tours, and not in Amiens, that beggars do
plentifully abound to-day; it is in Tours, and not in Amiens, that the
charming old tale moves us to sympathy with their not very obvious
needs. They are an inheritance bequeathed us by the saint. They
are in strict accord with the traditions of the place. I am told that
giving sous to old men at church doors is not a practical form of
benevolence; but neither was it practical to cut a military cloak in
two. Something must be allowed to impulse, something to the
generous unreason of humanity.
And, after all, it is not begging, but only the beggar who has
forfeited favour with the elect. We are begged from on an arrogantly
large scale all our lives, and we are at liberty to beg from others. It
may be wrong to give ten cents to a legless man at a street corner;
but it is right, and even praiseworthy, to send ten tickets for some
dismal entertainment to our dearest friend, who must either purchase
the dreaded things or harass her friends in turn. If we go to church,
we are confronted by a system of begging so complicated and so
resolute that all other demands sink into insignificance by its side.
Mr. John Richard Green, the historian, was wont to maintain that the
begging friar of the pre-reform period, “who at any rate had the
honesty to sing for his supper, and preach a merry sermon from the
portable pulpit he carried round,” had been far outstripped by a “finer
mendicant,” the begging rector of to-day. A hospital nurse once told
me that she was often too tired to go to church—when free—on
Sundays. “But it doesn’t matter whether I go or not,” she said with
serious simplicity, “because in our church we have the envelope
system.” When asked what the system was which thus lifted church-
going from the number of Christian obligations, she explained that
envelopes marked with each Sunday’s date were distributed to the
congregation, and duly returned with a quarter inclosed. When she
stayed at home, she sent the envelope to represent her. The
collecting of the quarters being the pivotal feature of the Sunday’s
service, her duty was fulfilled.
With this, and many similar recollections in my mind, I own I am
disposed to think leniently of Italy’s church-door mendicants. How
moderate their demands, how disproportionate their gratitude, how
numberless their disappointments, how unfailing their courtesy! I can