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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 21/3/2019, SPi
A TREATISE ON NORTHERN IRELAND

A Treatise on
Northern Ireland
Volume 1: Colonialism
The Shackles of the State and

Hereditary Animosities
B R E N D A N O ’ LEARY
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Brendan O’Leary 2019
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2019
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018966372
ISBN 978–0–19–924334–1
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
To Lori Salem
Contents: Volume 1
List of Figures xi
List of Maps xiii
List of Tables xv
List of Boxes xvii
Abbreviations and Glossary xix
Terminology xxix
Introduction 1
National and Ethnic Conflict and the Daily Recognition of Identities 9
History and Northern Ireland 17
Plan of the Volumes 21
Concepts and Methods 23
1.1. An Audit of Violence after 1966 27
The Spatial Distribution of Political Death 30
The Comparative Scale of the Conflict: “Troubles” or “War”? 37
The Combatants and their Victims 47
The Combatants: Republicans, Loyalists, and UK Security Forces 52
Forms of Killing 74
Trends in Deaths 1969–1990 versus 1991–2012 75
Victims and Responsibilities for Deaths 82
Injuries, Explosions, Shootings, Robberies, Intimidation, Incarcerations,
and Dirty War 90
Among Other Costs 97
Appendix 1.1.1: Different DataBases on Killings in Northern Ireland 103
1.2. Conceptual Conspectus: Colonialism 106
Definitions and Applications 108
Purposes and Types 118
Godly Matters 121
Internal Colonialism 123
The Dependent Kingdom Thesis: A False Alternative 125
Ruling Indirectly to Contain Nationalism 126
A Normal Ancien Régime? 127
The Union without Union 133
Marxism and Colonialism in Ireland 136
“Postcolonialists” and Colonialism 138
Bonn and Composite Colonialism in Ireland 139
On the Alternative 141
The Persistence and Vicissitudes of Settler Colonial Ideologies in Ulster 142
What was Wrong with Colonialism and how it was Remedied 144
1.3. Wild and Bitter Fruits and Royal Pains: Colonial Triangles
and Trilemmas, 1603–1800 146
Slow and Incomplete Penetration 149
Planting Ulster 156
The Rising of 1641 and the Catholic Confederacy 172
The Confederation of Kilkenny 178
Cromwell’s Moment and its Aftermath 181
viii Contents: Volume 1
The Restoration and the Dutch Coup 189

Outlawing Catholicism and Dissent: The Penal Laws 193
From Jacobites and Loyalists to Jacobins and Unionists 202
1.4. Overlooked by the Tall Kingdom before Dying of Political
Economy: Ireland under the Union, 1801–1857 217
Emancipation 221
The Protestant Crown, Orange Lords, and Internal Colonialism 230
Authority in the Union 237
Fiscal Dependencies and Uneven Development 241
Repeal and Ulster 245
The Political Economy of Famine 246
The State and the Godly 255
Anglicization without West Britons 258
Appendix 1.4.1: Facts and Tales about Irish Americans 259
1.5. Crying Aloud for Vengeance and the Power of a Colonial Caste:
Toward Union’s End, 1858–1914 263
Participation Crises 264
Mobility and Blocked Social Mobility 272
The Contest over Hearts, Schools, and Colleges 277
Irish Nationalism, Republicanism, Land Questions, Home Rule,
and Unionism 279
Countdown to Civil War 290
World War to the Rescue 305
1.6. “’Twas better to die ’neath an Irish sky, than at Suvla, or
Sud-El-Bar”: Revolution and Counter-Revolution, 1914–1922 311
The First World War 314
The Easter Rising and its Aftermath 320
The Irish Convention 330
The Elections of 1918 333
An Act of Partition 338
The War of Independence 340
On the Failure to Federalize, 1886–1922 344
Irish Nationalism and Ulster Unionism in Comparative Perspective 352
Conclusion 360
1.7. Scratches across the Heart: Comparing Ireland’s Partition 370
Clarifying Lines 370
Types of Partition 372
Implications of Comparative Partitions 375
Explaining Partition 376
Justifications of Partition 381
The Modalities 383
The Counterarguments of Anti-partitionists 385
Judging Partition 391
Fraud and Deceit on Partition in the Making of the Treaty and its
Implementation 391
Acknowledgments 397
Notes 403
Bibliography 435
Index of Names 483
General Index 497
Contents for All Three Volumes
VOLUME 1: COLONIALISM
THE SHACKLES OF THE STATE AND
HEREDITARY ANIMOSITIES
List of Figures xi
List of Maps xiii
List of Tables xv
List of Boxes xvii
Abbreviations and Glossary xix
Terminology xxix
Introduction 1
1.1. An Audit of Violence after 1966 27
1.2. Conceptual Conspectus: Colonialism 106
1.3. Wild and Bitter Fruits and Royal Pains: Colonial
Triangles and Trilemmas, 1603–1800 146
1.4. Overlooked by the Tall Kingdom before Dying of Political
Economy: Ireland under the Union, 1801–1857 217
1.5. Crying Aloud for Vengeance and the Power of a Colonial Caste:
Toward Union’s End, 1858–1914 263
1.6. “ ’Twas better to die ’neath an Irish sky, than at Suvla, or
Sud-El-Bar”: Revolution and Counter-Revolution, 1914–1922 311
1.7. Scratches across the Heart: Comparing Ireland’s Partition 370
Acknowledgments 397
Notes 403
Bibliography 435
Index of Names 483
General Index 497
VOLUME 2: CONTROL
THE SECOND PROTESTANT ASCENDANCY
AND THE IRISH STATE
List of Figures xiii

List of Maps xv
List of Tables xvii
List of Boxes xix
x Contents for All Three Volumes
Abbreviations and Glossary xxi

Terminology xxxi
2.1. Conceptual Conspectus: Control 1
2.2. Not an Inch: Gaining Control in the North, 1919–1939 17
2.3. Digesting Decolonization: From Declared to Undeclared
Republic, 1919–1940 61
2.4. The Unexpected Stabilization of Control: The Second World
War and its Aftermath, 1940–1957 126
2.5. Losing Control, 1958–1972 148
2.6. British Intervention: The Politics of Embarrassment, 1969–1972 176
Acknowledgments 197
Notes 203
Bibliography 219
Index of Names 239
General Index 246
VOLUME 3: CONSOCIATION AND CONFEDERATION

FROM ANTAGONISM TO ACCOMMODATION?
List of Figures xxiii
List of Maps xxv
List of Tables xxvii
List of Boxes xxix
Abbreviations and Glossary xxxi
Terminology xli
3.1. Conceptual Conspectus: Consociation and Arbitration 1

3.2. “No. Please Understand”: The Return to Imperial Direct Rule
and the Limits to British Arbitration, 1972–1985 33
3.3. An Experiment in Coercive Consociation: The Making, Meaning(s),
and Outcomes of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, 1985–1992 87
3.4. A Tract of Time between War and Peace: Melding Negotiations
and a Peace Process, and the Making of the Belfast and the
British–Irish Agreements, 1992–1998 135
3.5. The Making, Meaning(s), and Tasks of the 1998 Agreement 175
3.6. The Long Negotiation: The Tribunes Become Consuls, 2002–2016 230
3.7. Confederal and Consociational Futures 290
Notes 365
Acknowledgments 391
Bibliography 397
Index of Names 429
General Index 439
List of Figures
1.1.1. Places people were killed in the region, the Isles and the EU, 1969–2001 30
1.1.2. The distribution of killings in Belfast, 1966–2003 31
1.1.3. Two-way plot of killings (1969–2001) by parliamentary constituencies
as of 1997, and percentage of constituency voting for nationalist parties
in the Westminster elections of 2001 33
1.1.4. The first war: The triangle of ethno-national combat, 1969–1989 48
1.1.5. The second war: The killing of civilians, 1969–1989 49
1.1.6. The two wars, 1969–1989 50
1.1.7. The republican reading of the war, 1969–1989 51
1.1.8. The annual and cumulative death toll from political violence, 1969–1990 75
1.1.10. The civilian annual death toll from political violence, 1966–2003 77
1.1.11(a). Escalation: Civilians killed, 1966–1976 78
1.1.11(b). Containment: Civilians killed, 1977–1986 78
1.1.11(c). Peace process: Civilians killed, 1987–2003 79
1.1.12. Armed agents responsible for deaths, 1969–1989 (IIP), 1969–2001
(Sutton), and 1966–2003 (Lost Lives) 85
1.1.13. Status of victims, 1969–1989 (IIP) and 1966–2003 (Lost Lives) 85
1.1.14. Estimates of the success of armed agents in killing their intended
targets, and their responsibilities for civilian deaths, 1969–1989 (IIP) 88
1.1.15. Data on related violence, with five-year trend lines, 1969–2011 91
1.1.16. Conflict-related injuries, 1990–2011 92
1.1.17(a). Loyalist and republican paramilitary-style attacks, shootings, 1991–2012 95
1.1.17(b). Loyalist and republican paramilitary-style attacks, assaults, 1991–2012
(assaults) 95
1.1.18. Northern Ireland prison population, 1967–2012 97
1.3.1. Two centuries of colonial land confiscation 186
1.4.1. Population growth and decline in the Isles, 1801–1921 220
1.4.1.A. Distribution of Americans who identify as “Irish,” by religion and
region, 1990–2000 260
1.5.1. The underrepresentation of Catholics in the secular professions
in Ireland, 1861–1911 273
1.5.2(a). Timeline of franchise reform in the four nations, 1793–1884 284
1.5.2(b). Timeline of franchise reform in Great Britain and Ireland, 1898–1969 284
1.5.3. Borough enfranchisement rates, four nations of the UK, 1868 288
List of Maps
1.1.1. Northern Ireland and its Westminster parliamentary constituencies, 1983– 31

1.1.2. The distribution of killings in Northern Ireland and Belfast by
Westminster constituency, 1969–2001 32
1.1.3. The distribution of death rates in Northern Ireland at ward level,
1969–2001 35
1.1.4. The distribution of death rates across Belfast at ward level, 1969–2001 36
1.2.1. The distribution of army garrisons in Ireland, 1837 110
1.3.1. The plantation of Ulster under the Stuarts, 1607–1641 163
1.3.2. The distribution and concentration of Catholics in Ireland, 1981 164
1.3.3. English and Scottish Settlements in Ulster c.1630 (based on numbers
and surnames recorded in the muster rolls) 166
1.3.4. Scottish and English settlement and cultural areas in modern Ulster 167
1.3.5 The Cromwellian confiscations 185
1.5.1. Catholics in Ulster, 1911 303
1.7.1. The partition of Ireland and Ulster: Actual and proposed partition lines 387
List of Tables
1.1.1. Local-government districts in which over three-quarters of all fatal

incidents occurred, 1969–1998 33
1.1.2. Ten killing episodes labeled as massacres in Northern Ireland,
1971–1994 41
1.1.3. Estimates of numbers killed in political violence in Ireland, 1886–1965 47
1.1.4. Percentage of conflict-related deaths attributed to security forces,
loyalists, and republicans in Belfast, 1920–1922, and 1969–1999 51
1.1.5. Fatal casualties among the security forces, Lost Lives, 1969–2003 73
1.1.6. Types of incidents in which victims died, IIP database,
July 1969–June 1989 74
1.1.8. Killings of civilians in explosions by the IRA, IIP database, 1969–1989 82
1.1.9(a). Conflict-related deaths in Northern Ireland, IIP database, 1969–1989 83
1.1.9(b). Conflict-related deaths in Northern Ireland, Sutton, 1969–2001 83
1.1.9(c). Conflict-related deaths in Northern Ireland, Lost Lives, 1966–2003 84
1.3.1. Comparing Ireland’s penal laws with Southern US segregation and
Apartheid laws in South Africa 201
1.4.1. Seats won in Westminster general elections by Irish nationalist
candidates as a ratio of available seats, 1832–1847 235
1.4.2. Population decline in Ireland by province, 1841–1911 252
1.5.1. Numbers of Irish emigrants leaving the Union by first destination,
1851–1921 265
1.5.2. Population and workforce, Ireland and United Kingdom, 1840–1911 265
1.5.3. Rate of Irish emigration per decade by province 265
1.5.4. Land Acts under the late Union, 1870–1909 270
1.5.5. The Irish establishment at Union’s end 275
1.5.6. Seats won in Westminster general elections by Conservative or
Liberal candidates as a ratio of available seats, 1852–1880 286
1.5.7(a). Safe Unionist seats (13) in Westminster constituencies in Ulster
in general elections, 1885–1910 292
1.5.7(b). Safe Nationalist Seats (13) in Westminster constituencies in Ulster
in general elections, 1885–1910 292
1.5.7(c). Battleground or marginal Seats (7) in Westminster constituencies
in Ulster, 1885–1910 293
1.6.1. Recruits to British Army per 10,000 of the population in the UK
by November 4, 1914 318
1.6.2. By-elections contested by Sinn Féin, 1917–1918 329
1.6.3(a). The Westminster election throughout Ireland, 1918 336
xvi List of Tables
1.6.3(b). The Westminster election in Ireland, the twenty-six counties that

became the Irish Free State, 1918 336
1.6.3(c). The Westminster election in Ireland, the nine counties of historic
Ulster, 1918 336
1.6.3(d). The Westminster election in Ireland, the six counties that became
Northern Ireland, 1918 337
List of Boxes
1.1.1. Debating the Definition of War 45

1.3.1. Hugh O’Neill’s “Manifesto,” 1599 160
1.3.2. The Accounting of an Atrocity in Kilmore, 1641 174
1.3.3. From Tone’s Memorandum to the French Government, February 29, 1796 210
1.5.1. The Ulster Covenant, 1912 262
1.5.2. Table appended by John Redmond to a memorandum presented at the
Buckingham Palace Conference, July 1914 306
1.6.1. The Easter Proclamation, 1916 310
1.6.2. Timeline for First Phase of the Irish Revolution, 1916–1918 363
1.6.3. Timeline for Second Phase of the Irish Revolution, 1919–July 1921 365
1.6.4. Timeline for Third Phase of the Irish Revolution, July 1921–1924 367
1.6.5. Sinn Féin’s Manifesto to the Irish People, 1918 334
1.7.1. Article 12 of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 6, 1921 signed by
British and Irish delegates at 10 Downing Street, London 393
Abbreviations and Glossary
ACRI American Committee for Relief in Ireland

AIA Anglo-Irish Agreement, treaty between the governments of Ireland and
the United Kingdom made in 1985
ANC African National Congress
AOH Ancient Order of Hibernians: Irish nationalist and religious
organization, especially strong in the USA, previously strong in Belfast,
but not since the 1930s
APNI Alliance Party of Northern Ireland, originally supported power-sharing
devolved government within the Union as well as an Irish dimension,
now neutral on the Union; it explicitly claims Catholic, Protestant, and
other support
ASU active service unit of the IRA, small specialist cell
assimilation here a government policy aimed at making people publicly and privately
culturally alike—either through acculturation, in which the subordinate
conform to the culture of the dominant, or through fusion, in which two
or more culturally different groups merge into a shared culture
attainder act of taking the estate of an outlaw, or depriving a convicted criminal of
rights to inherit or transmit land
AV alternative vote, a preferential voting system in which the winning
candidate obtains a majority of all ballots, either after the counting of all
first-preference votes, or after the elimination of lower-placed
candidates and the transfer of any lower-order preferences expressed by
those who had voted for them
BA Belfast Agreement, the name unionists give to the Agreement reached
on April 10, 1998
BIA British Irish Association
BIC British–Irish Council
B–IIGC British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference
B Specials armed reserve constables of the RUC, disbanded 1970
BREXIT the misleading acronym to describe “Britain’s” prospective departure
from the EU; see UKEXIT
BRIC Brazil, Russia, India, and China
Bunreacht na (Irish) Constitution of Ireland (1937, as amended)
hÉireann
CAIN Conflict Archive on the Internet
CCAR Chief Constable’s Annual Report
CDRNI Campaign for Democratic Rights in Northern Ireland
CEC Campaign for Equal Citizenship
CDU Campaign for Democracy in Ulster
C-IRA Continuity IRA
xx Abbreviations and Glossary
CnP Clann na Poblachta, party formed by Sean McBride in the belief that FF
had ceased to be a proper republican party
cess originally any local tax, but in Ireland also the levying of soldiers and
provisions, or the billeting of soldiers
CLRNI Campaign for Labour Representation in Northern Ireland.
condominium political entity over which two or more states share sovereignty
confederation states unified by treaty for certain public functions, but that retain their
sovereignty, international identity, and usually rights of secession and
veto
consociation political system used to share governmental power proportionally
between divided peoples—in the executive, the legislature, and public
employment, including security forces; each community enjoys cultural
autonomy, and public expenditure may be allocated on a proportional
basis; in strong consociations the organized communities enjoy veto
rights over major legislation
Continuity IRA breakaway organization from the IRA
covenanters Scottish Presbyterians who wanted the Scottish system of church
government applied throughout Scotland, England, and Ireland; in 1643
a treaty with the English parliament appeared to give them what they
wanted (The Solemn League and Covenant)
CRC Community Relations Council
CRF Catholic Reaction Force—see INLA
CSJ Campaign for Social Justice, founded in 1960s; became part of NICRA
Cumann (Irish) Irish women’s republican organization
na mBan
Cumann na (Irish) pro-treaty party formed from Sinn Féin, which led governments
nGaedhael of the Irish Free State from 1922 until 1932; later dissolved into Fine
Gael; sometimes spelled Cumman na nGaedheal
DAAD Direct Action Against Drugs (IRA front)
Dáil Éireann (Irish) “trans. Assembly of Ireland,” the official name for the lower
house of the Irish parliament (Oireachtas)
devolution act of creating a subcentral government with executive and legislative
powers inside a state; the institutions are constituted by a delegated (and
revocable) act of the political center
DEA Department of External Affairs of the IFS, later the DFA of Ireland
DFA Department of Foreign Affairs (Ireland), today the Department of
Foreign Affairs and Trade
DFM Deputy First Minister
DL Democratic Left, a party formed in 1992 from a split in the Workers’
Party, now absorbed by the Irish Labour Party–some say it was a takeover
dominions originally the partly self-governing (white) settlement colonies of the
British Empire; evolved in the 1920s into sovereign states of the British
Commonwealth of Nations
DPPB District Policing Partnership Boards
DRs Dissident Republicans, expression and abbreviation used by the PSNI
and MI5 to refer to post-IRA republican organizations that remain
actively engaged in what they define as armed struggle
Abbreviations and Glossary xxi
DUP Democratic Unionist Party

EC European Commission
ECB European Central Bank
ECNI Equality Commission for Northern Ireland
EEA European Economic Area
EEC European Economic Community
EFTA European Free Trade Agreement
EMU Education for Mutual Understanding, program for schools in Northern
Ireland
EOC Equal Opportunities Commission
EPA Emergency Provisions Act: emergency anti-terrorist legislation applied
in Northern Ireland
EPS executive power-sharing
ethnonym the name of an ethnic group
EU European Union
FDI foreign direct investment
FEA Fair Employment Agency
FEC Fair Employment Commission
federation sovereign state in which executive and legislative powers are shared and
divided between federal & regional governments, and
intergovernmental relations are constitutionally regulated; see
discussion of “federacy” at Vol 3. Ch. 5, pp. 202–4
Fenians American sister-organizational name of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood (1858–1923)
FET Fair Employment Tribunal
Fianna Fáil (Irish [lit. “Soldiers of Destiny”]), also known as the Republican Party;
formed by Eamon de Valera in a breakaway from Sinn Féin; mobilized
the defeated side in the Irish civil war and became the dominant party in
independent Ireland until 2011
fine Irish for “clan elite,” the leadership of a clan and its leading families
Fine Gael (Irish [lit. “Tribe of Gaels”]); formed from the merger of Cumann na
nGaedhael, the pro-treaty party of independent Ireland, the Centre
party, and the “Blueshirts;” usually the second most powerful political
party in independent Ireland
FM First Minister
FOI Friends of Ireland
GAA Gaelic Athletic Association (Irish, Cumann Lúthchleas Gael)
Garda Síochána Full title: Garda Síochána na hÉireann—i.e., Guardians of the Peace of
Ireland, the name of the Irish police force, also known as “the Guards”
GFA Good Friday Agreement, the name most Irish nationalists give to the
Agreement of April 10, 1998
GFA–BA Good Friday Agreement–Belfast Agreement
GPI Global Peace Index
xxii Abbreviations and Glossary
HCNM High Commissioner on National Minorities (of the Organization for

Security and Cooperation in Europe)
hegemonic a system of ethnic domination, in which the power-holders make revolt
control by the controlled ethnic group(s) unworkable
HET Historical Enquiries Team (of the PSNI)
HIU (proposed) Historical Investigations Unit, suggested in the Haass–
O’Sullivan proposals
HMSU Headquarters Mobile Support Unit
IAPL Irish Anti-Partition League
ICIR (proposed) Independent Commission for Information Retrieval,
suggested in the Haass–O’Sullivan proposals
IEP Institute for Economics and Peace
IFS Irish Free State, known as Saorstát Éireann in Irish
IGC Intergovernmental Conference
IICD Independent International Commission on Decommissioning
IIP Irish Independence Party, formed in 1977 because it regarded the SDLP
as insufficiently nationalist; dissolved before 1989
IIP Irish Information Partnership
ILP Irish Labour Party
IMC Independent Monitoring Commission
IMDWCC IMD World Competitiveness Center
IMF International Monetary Fund
INLA Irish National Liberation Army: Marxist rival to the IRA in Northern
Ireland, formed from ex-Official IRA cadres and others in late 1974;
sometimes operated under the names Catholic Reaction Force (CRF)
and People’s Republican Army (PRA)
integration A policy of unifying a territory or culture under one set of public norms.
Unlike assimilation, integration does not require the homogenization of
“private” cultural differences (see O’Leary and McGarry 2012). British
integrationists argue that Northern Ireland should be fully integrated
into the UK’s administrative system (England’s, Scotland’s, or Wales’s?),
into its party-political system, and that educational integration
(socializing Protestants and Catholics within the same institutions)
should be an imperative of social policy. Irish integrationists suggest, by
contrast, that Northern Ireland should be administratively and
electorally integrated into the Irish Republic. Integration is the policy
advocated by supporters of a shared future: into exactly what people are
to be integrated remains disputed
IPLO Irish People’s Liberation Organization, breakaway from the INLA,
founded in late 1986, forcibly disbanded by the IRA in 1992
IPP Irish Parliamentary Party, sought home rule for Ireland, 1882–1921:
in the North its adherents formed the Nationalist Party after 1921;
in the South most eventually joined Cumann na nGaedhael, or later
Fine Gael
Abbreviations and Glossary xxiii
IRA Irish Republican Army; Óglaigh na hÉireann (Volunteers of Ireland) is

its Irish name; see OIRA and PIRA; PIRA recognized as IRA by most
after 1972
IRB Irish Republican Brotherhood, also known as the Fenians, also known as
the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood
IRG (proposed) Implementation and Reconciliation Group, suggested in the
Haass–O’Sullivan proposals
IRSP Irish Republican Socialist Party, political wing of the INLA
ITGWU Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union
IUA Irish Union Association
IV Irish Volunteers
Jacobins the most militant republicans in the French Revolution
Jacobites those who continued to recognize the House of Stuart as the legitimate
dynasty in England, Scotland, and Wales after 1688
joint authority the sharing of sovereign governmental authority over a territory by two
or more states (also known as a condominium)
JRRT Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust
KKK Ku Klux Klan
LAW Loyalist Association of Workers
LRDG Loyalist Retaliation and Defence Groups (name used by the UDA)
LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force, breakaway from the UVF, founded in 1996
majority rule simple “majority,” “plurality rule,” or “winner-takes all” is a decision-
making norm used in many democracies, especially in electoral,
constitutional, government-formation, and policymaking systems. It
usually means rule by those with the most votes, rather than absolute
majority rule. It is less pleasantly described as the norm of the
“minimum winning coalition” or as the “tyranny of the majority.”
majoritarianism the conviction that a simple majority (50 percent plus one) should prevail
in democratic decision-making, and a belief that rejects co-decision-
making rights for minorities or qualified majority decision-making
marches territories near boundaries or frontiers, often disputed, especially
around the English Pale
MI5 the UK’s domestic counter-intelligence and security agency
MLA Member of the Legislative Assembly (of Northern Ireland)
MNC multinational corporation
MPA multiparty agreement
nationalizing a state that seeks to homogenize its citizens into one national identity; an
state expression owed to Rogers Brubaker (1996), it amounts to “coercive
assimilation”
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NCU National Council for Unity
NDP National Democratic Party
NI21 Twenty-first-century Northern Ireland, brief-lived political party
NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, formed to protest against
discrimination by the Northern Ireland government and parliament
xxiv Abbreviations and Glossary
NIHRC Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission

NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party
NIO Northern Ireland Office
NLN National League of the North
NORAID Northern Aid Committee
NPF National Popular Front
NSMC North–South Ministerial Council
NU National Unity
NUI National University of Ireland
NUPRG New Ulster Political Research Group
OFMDFM Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister
OIRA (Official) IRA, now disbanded
ONH abbreviation for Óglaigh na hÉireann (Volunteers of Ireland), name for
the IRA in Irish; it was the name of the organization founded to defend
home rule in arms; it is the official name of the Army of Ireland in Irish;
it was used throughout the years 1970–2005 by the Provisional IRA; the
name is now claimed by a small “dissident” republican organization
OO Orange Order, anti-Catholic and pan-Protestant organization, founded
in 1795, often banned in the 19th century, integrally linked to the UUP
until it decided to sunder its formal links in 2005
OASA Offences Against the State Act, Irish counterinsurgency and emergency
legislation
OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
OSF Official Sinn Féin, political faction that supported the OIRA, later
became SFWP (Sinn Féin—The Workers’ Party), before becoming
simply The Workers’ Party, often known colloquially as “the Stickies”
OUP Official Unionist Party (see UUP)
PACE Protestant and Catholic Encounter
PAF Protestant Action Force, name used by the UVF
PAG Protestant Action Group, name used by the UDA
PANI Police Authority for Northern Ireland
partition here, the division of a national homeland along a novel or fresh border
PBPA People Before Profit Alliance
PCB Police Complaints Board
PD People’s Democracy
PDs Progressive Democrats, “New Right” liberal party formed in the
Republic, 1985–2009
PIRA (Provisional) IRA, later recognized by most as the IRA, now disbanded,
sometimes operated under the names of DAAD and RAF (Republican
Action Force), often known colloquially as “the Provos”
PLA see INLA
PLO Palestine Liberation Organization
PO Prison Officer
power-sharing see consociation, federation, and confederation
Abbreviations and Glossary xxv
PR proportional representation
PRONI Public Records Office Northern Ireland
PSF Provisional Sinn Féin
PSI Policy Studies Institute (London)
PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland
PTA Prevention of Terrorism Act
PUP Progressive Unionist Party, political wing of the UVF
QUB Queen’s University Belfast
R&D research and development
Republican an advocate of a unified Ireland in a republic free of the British Crown;
an advocate of the thesis that there should be one Irish nation—
composed of its diverse multiple components—in which all share a
common citizenship
Republican see OIRA
Clubs
RHC Red Hand Commandos, name used by the UVF
RHD Red Hand Defenders, name used by the LVF and the UDA after 1998
RHI Renewable Heating Initiative
RIC Royal Irish Constabulary
RIR Royal Irish Regiment (regiment of the British Army created from the
merger of the UDR with the Royal Irish Rangers)
R-IRA Real IRA, breakaway from the IRA in 1997, which does not recognize
either Ireland’s or Northern Ireland’s legitimacy
RLP Republican Labour Party
RSF Republican Sinn Féin, breakaway from Sinn Féin in 1986, which does
not recognize either Ireland’s or Northern Ireland’s legitimacy
RTÉ Raidió Teilifís Éireann (Ireland’s public broadcaster, of both radio and
television)
RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary
SE Saor Éire, left-wing republican grouping of the 1930s, revived briefly in
1969–71
Saorstát Éireann (Irish) Irish Free State, name of dominion status for Ireland agreed in
the Anglo-Irish Treaty and named as such in the first Constitution of
Ireland established under that Treaty
SAA Saint Andrews Agreement, reached in Scotland in October 2006
between the Governments of Ireland and the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland, and tacitly agreed by Northern Ireland’s
major political parties. Key elements included a change in the method of
electing the First and Deputy First Ministers, the full acceptance of the
Police Service of Northern Ireland by Sinn Féin, the restoration of the
Northern Ireland Assembly and a promise to abolish its Suspension Act
by the British government, and a commitment by the DUP to power-
sharing with republicans and nationalists in the Northern Ireland
Executive. The plan envisaged the devolution of policing and justice
powers within two years of the restoration of the executive
SACHR Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights
xxvi Abbreviations and Glossary
SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party of Northern Ireland, party formed
in 1970 from the merger of civil-rights activists, labor activists, and
former members of the Nationalist Party and the National Democratic
Party
SF Sinn Féin (Irish; lit. “Ourselves”). Irish Republican political party,
though originally formed in 1905 by Arthur Griffith and others to
advocate a common monarchy presiding over independent British and
Irish parliaments (modeled on the dual monarchy of Austro-Hungary).
Radicalized as a republican (anti-monarchical) party in 1917, and after.
It split during the making of the 1921 Treaty and the Irish civil war; and
later after the formation of Fianna Fáil; it split again into Provisional
and Official Sinn Féin in 1969–70; later, Provisional Sinn Féin’s claim to
the title Sinn Féin was uncontested. The party is organized in Northern
Ireland and Ireland
sheriff royal official within a shire (or county)
SHA Stormont House Agreement (2014)
Stormont the site of the Northern Ireland Parliament in a suburb of Belfast from
1932 to 1972, of the Northern Ireland Assembly of 1973–4 and 1982–6,
and of the Northern Ireland Assembly since 1998
STV single transferable vote, a preferential and proportional candidate-based
voting system, in which more than one candidate is elected in a district,
and in which the winners normally have to achieve a quota
Tánaiste (Irish) literally successor to the chief, whence the title of Ireland’s
Deputy Prime Minister
Taoiseach (Irish) Chief, whence the title of the prime minister in Ireland’s
constitution of 1937
TCD Trinity College, Dublin University
TD Teachta Dála (Irish), deputy elected to Dáil Éireann, equivalent to
MP in the UK or Member of Congress in the USA
TRNC Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (so-called)
TUV Traditional Unionist Voice, a party formed by James Allister that
broke from the DUP after the DUP formed a government with
Sinn Féin 2007
UCC University College Cork
UCD University College Dublin
UCG University College Galway
UDF Ulster Defence Force
UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters
Ulster Clubs Loyalist organization formed in response to the AIA of 1985
UCDC Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (see also UPV)
UDA Ulster Defence Association, largest loyalist paramilitary organization
UDI unilateral declaration of independence
UDP Ulster Democratic Party, political party of the UDA
UDR Ulster Defence Regiment, formed in 1970, dissolved into the RIR in
1992
UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters, killing component of the UDA
Abbreviations and Glossary xxvii
UIL United Irish League

UKIP United Kingdom Independence Party
UK United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
UKEXIT the correct acronym to describe proposals to take the entirety of the UK
out of the EU
UKEXITINO a UK Exit In Name Only from the EU, otherwise known as a “soft
BREXIT”
UKUP United Kingdom Unionist Party, formed by Robert McCartney
ULDP Ulster Loyalist Democratic Party
UMS Ulster Marketing Services
unitary state sovereign state in which sovereignty is monopolized at the political
center; subcentral governments enjoy no autonomous sovereignty—all
decentralization is a revocable act of delegation by the center
union state state that recognizes at least some of the composite entities of which it
was formed, in either their territories, their legal systems, or their
cultures
Unionist an advocate of the maintenance of the Union between Great Britain and
Northern Ireland (previously between Great Britain and Ireland), and of
the maintenance of the Union of Great Britain (between Scotland and
England [and Wales])
UPNI Unionist Party of Northern Ireland
UPV Ulster Protestant Volunteers, loyalist militia formed in the 1960s
USC Ulster Special Constabulary, also known as the B Specials, replaced by
the UDR
UUC Ulster Unionist Council
UULCC United Ulster Loyalist Central Coordinating Committee
UUP Ulster Unionist Party, known for a time as the Official Unionist Party
(OUP)
UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council, temporary coalition of the UUP, DUP,
and VUP that fought to end the Sunningdale agreement of 1973
UVF Ulster Volunteer Force, loyalist paramilitary organization
UWC Ulster Workers’ Council
VUP Vanguard Unionist Party, hardline loyalist political party formed and
led by William Craig in the 1970s
WC (Northern Ireland) Women’s Coalition, aka NIWC
Westminster a “majoritarian” political system, characterized by the concentration of
model executive power in one-party and bare-majority governments, the
fusion of executive and legislative powers under cabinet dominance, and
the plurality-rule (winner-takes-all) election system in single-member
districts/constituencies
WP Workers’ Party, Marxist-Leninist party formed from Sinn Féin, the
Workers’ Party; previously OSF
WTO World Trade Organization
Terminology
Charges of ethnic or sectarian bias accompany writing on Northern Ireland

because terminology raises complex questions about objectivity. The following
pedantry is therefore required. “Northern Ireland” is here the formal political unit,
not the “Six Counties” or “Ulster,” as republicans and loyalists respectively prefer.
Ulster refers here to “historic Ulster”—that is, the province of nine northern
counties of pre-1920 Ireland, and Northern Ireland to a “region” of the United
Kingdom, not a province or the Province (though unionists often use the latter
terms). Historic Ulster was a province of pre-1920 Ireland; it was partitioned in
1920, and remains a unified province in all-Ireland sports (for example, in rugby
union, Gaelic football, and hurling), music and dance. Northern Ireland, however,
is not legally a province of either Ireland or Great Britain. Northern Ireland is in
Union with Great Britain but it is not part of Great Britain, which refers to
England (incorporating Wales) and Scotland, the polity from which the colonies
that became the United States of America liberated themselves. The “North of
Ireland” is mostly employed by nationalists, and is not used here as a synonym for
Northern Ireland, though the expression “the North,” is used, because, along with
“the South,” it was jointly agreed in the text of the 1998 Agreement. Since that
Agreement has nationalist, republican, unionist, and loyalist champions, and
because this book culminates in an account of the making, potential
stabilization—and potential disruptions—of this Agreement, “North” and
“South” are used for the two entities, mostly after 1995.
Other lax usages, with no justifications in formal agreements or treaties, are out
of order. The entity loosely called “the South” is a state; the other, loosely called
“the North,” is not; and it never has been. Two nations have come to exist in
Ireland, one Irish, the other British, but the island does not consist of two states
named Ireland and Northern Ireland. The two states that share the island are
Ireland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Northern
Ireland has never been a state, though distinguished people have suggested
otherwise in their book titles.¹ Northern Ireland may become a “federacy,”
based on a distinctive federal relationship with Great Britain, but UKEXIT may
put paid to that prospect.² Occasional reference may be made to two polities (or
political systems) on the island after 1920, but this usage does not imply that
Northern Ireland is or has been a state, because the Northern Ireland polity was,
and remains—for now—part of the United Kingdom.
¹ See, e.g., Conor Cruise O’Brien (1974); Bew et al. (1996: 21 ff.); David Fitzpatrick (1998). These
authors obtained Ph.Ds in history, but this matter is not disciplinary; it is simply mistaken usage.
Northern Ireland has never been a state according to any standard definition; see, e.g., the work of
Nicholas Mansergh (1936: 16, 108, 149), who emphasized that Northern Ireland was not sovereign, had
no constituent power, was a devolved rather than a federative entity, and was (when he wrote) wholly
subject to having its status altered by the Westminster parliament. The Stormont regime had attributes
fairly described as those of a “quasi-state,” but a quasi-state, no matter how quasi, is not a state. In this
respect I agree with Brendan Clifford (2011).
² See Stepan et al. (2011); see also Vol. 3, Ch. 5, pp. 202–04.
xxx Terminology
“The British mainland” is not a synonym for Great Britain. Ideologically

charged, the expression erroneously implies that Northern Ireland is geographic-
ally British, which a map inspection and its record of conflict put in immediate
doubt. Great Britain encompasses islands off the coasts of Scotland and England,
but no part of the island of Ireland.³ “The British mainland” refers to the
contiguous land mass of Scotland, England, and Wales, in contradistinction, for
instance, to the Scilly Isles, Anglesey, and the Hebrides, to name genuinely British
(though also Celtic) isles. The “Union” is between Great Britain and Northern
Ireland; the previous relevant Union was between Great Britain and Ireland; the
Union of Great Britain that preceded these unions runs in parallel with them: it is
the Union of Scotland and England (in which Wales was presumed incorporated).
“Ireland” was one island-wide administrative unit when coerced (and bought)
into Union in 1801, and remained so before it was unilaterally partitioned by
the United Kingdom Parliament in the Government of Ireland Act of 1920.
“Independent Ireland” or “the Republic of Ireland” refers to the state that occupies
the space that the UK briefly tried to name “Southern Ireland,” a policy rejected by
Irish nationalist votes, and overturned in a guerrilla war and a diplomatic settle-
ment in 1921, which recognized the Irish Free State, but which in UK law required
the latter’s formation through the parliament of Southern Ireland. These volumes
by contrast, respect Article 4 of the Constitution of Ireland (1937), which estab-
lished the name of the state as Ireland in the English language, and as Éire in the
Irish language. This naming was recognized by the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland in 1999, in the treaty giving effect to the Agreement
of 1998. The Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, to give it its official title, formally recognized the Government of Ireland
by its official name in 1999, just as the Government of Ireland fully recognized the
full name of the United Kingdom as a result of the referendum result of 1998.
Since the two governments, and popular majorities in both jurisdictions on the
island of Ireland, North and South, have officially recognized one another’s official
titles, these are followed here. The ugly abbreviations GUKGBNI and GOI are
avoided.
Ireland and Northern Ireland officially are no longer contested titles, but are
geographically inexact. Donegal, the most northerly part of the island of Ireland, is
not in Northern Ireland; political Northern Ireland, geographically speaking, is
North and North-East Ireland; whereas the political “South” references “North-
West, West, Central and South.”
Using the expression “the twenty-six counties” rejects Ireland’s legitimacy, just
as the “six counties” rejects that of Northern Ireland. Such usages fetishize county
jurisdictions, introduced by the English conquerors. The author is a citizen of
Ireland (as well as of the USA), recognizes its legitimacy, and therefore references
the twenty-six counties and the six counties only when considering the moment of
partition (of which he plainly does not approve).
“Ireland” here therefore refers to the entire geographical entity, including its
surrounding islands—for example, Rathlin or the Blaskets—or to the unit of
³ Brittany had been “Little Britain,” in contrast with “Great Britain,” before the latter became the
name of the unified kingdoms of Scotland and England (Hay 1955–6: 55–66).
Terminology xxxi
administration before 1920 or to the government and territory of the Irish Free
State, Éire, and the Republic of Ireland, the latter three of which have so far been
coextensive. Sometimes sovereign Ireland is used for clarity to describe the state.
Terminological exactitude imposes further norms. “The Isles” here refers to
Great Britain and Ireland, and their respective territorial waters and islands. “The
British Isles” is a tendentious expression.⁴ Ireland is an island behind an island,
but it is not part of the much smaller isles that surround Great Britain (or Britain).
The Romans knew better, and distinguished Hibernia from Britannia, but, alas,
love of Latin has melted like the snows of yesteryear. The expression the “British
archipelago” is avoided, because not all the archipelago is British, and the adjective
“archipelagic,” a term encouraged by a bright historian of ideas from New
Zealand, would occasion pain for readers.⁵ For the same reason I avoid “Atlantic
archipelago.” Try saying “archipelagic” with any variety of an Ulster accent;
“consociational” is much easier.
Capital-letter designations reference formal political membership of an organ-
ization; lower-case designations refer to political disposition or doctrine. Thus
“Nationalist” refers to the Nationalist party, whereas “nationalist” refers to an Irish
nationalist who may not have been a member of the Nationalist party. Most
unionists are British nationalists, but to avoid confusion and unnecessary debate
they are called unionists, and labeled Irish, Ulster, or British unionists, as required.
Irish unionists wanted all of Ireland to remain within the Union with Great
Britain; Ulster unionists focused on keeping Ulster within the Union, and settled
for Northern Ireland, which they renamed as Ulster without the consent of their
opponents; while British unionists once wanted to keep Ireland or Ulster in
Union, and now simply want to keep Northern Ireland in the Union—and
Scotland, Wales, and England. “Unionist” with a capital U refers to one of the
parties that bears this name, whereas a “unionist” refers to those who wish to
preserve the Union.
“Republicans” are Irish nationalists who advocate a secular, united, and inde-
pendent island of Ireland, free of the Crown and Government and Parliament of
Great Britain. Not all Irish republicans are pacifists; but only some have been
militarist, and none are monarchists. There are patriots of the state of Ireland who
have no wish to see Irish reunification who also describe themselves as repub-
licans, but others rarely describe them as such.
“Loyalists” are loyal to the British Crown. Typically, they are “ultras”—that is,
more loyal to the loyalist community than toward the relevant Majesty’s Govern-
ment. There were Irish and there are Ulster loyalists—they often call Northern
Ireland Ulster.
Catholic and Protestant are not synonyms for nationalist and unionist, though
there has been and there remains a very significant correlation between religion of
origin and political belief.
⁴ This is to follow Norman Davies (1999), whose excellent book has a few mistakes, not surprisingly
given its ambitious scope—e.g., it implies that the pro-treaty party was defeated in the Irish civil war
(p. 905).
⁵ See, e.g., J. G. A. Pocock (2005).
xxxii Terminology
Lengthy “stroking” expressions are avoided: Catholic/nationalist/republican or

Protestant/unionist/loyalist are inelegant mouthfuls, and will not be met again in
this book.
The expression Derry/Londonderry for the disputed second city of Northern
Ireland has some merits. Ordering the slashed term by the alphabet makes sense,
and I have sometimes used it in other work. Here, however, I have reconsidered.⁶
“Legenderry” is inappropriate. “Stroke city” might once have been just, to reflect
the contested name and the high rate of heart disease encouraged by smoking, the
local cooking, and the alcohol used to absorb it: “Ulster fries” continue to keep
statins in business. Yet the city’s cuisine and drinks, as with much else, are
improving. The sober resolution to the naming questions that surround the
second largest city in Northern Ireland follows: the county is Londonderry, even
though some locals refer to it as Derry; the urban area of over 100,000 people on
both banks of the Foyle, and governed by the City Council, is Derry or Derry city;
and the interior of the old walled city, and the walls, is Londonderry. The rationale
for this proposed trifold usage is that the county was defined by the English
settlers, and did not replace any previous singular Irish territorial unit covering
exactly the same space. The (now inner) walled city was new when it was created,
and it was created as Londonderry, on a then largely ruined site—though there is
evidence that the vicinity has been inhabited for over 6,000 years.⁷ The name was
an ethnic fusion of two place names from two languages, the English “London” and
the Irish “Derry” (Doire). Sadly, the fusion did not represent tolerant binational
sentiments. The “Arms of Londonderry” indicate that the fortress was created by
the City of London. The built-up urban area was legally administered by London-
derry City Council (or Corporation) for much if its recent history, but since 1984
the City Council has officially called itself Derry. This change, put through by the
then SDLP-led council, reflects the original Irish name, Doire (oak-grove). The pre-
colonial settlement, which had existed before the London companies built their fort,
had been Doire Chalgach, later Doire Cholum Chille (Colum Cille’s oakwood),
named after St Colmcille (Columba in Latin). When conversing, local residents
call the entire city Derry, whether Catholics or Protestants or neither, but Protest-
ants generally dislike the change to the name of the City Council. The subject
remains, to my knowledge, under peaceful litigation, evidence of the lasting power
of colonial (and anti-colonial) mentalities. My usages, intended to be accommoda-
tive, will offend those who wish to be offended.⁸
Throughout the text the term “paramilitaries” is generally used rather than
“terrorists.” The former expression is more precise. Paramilitaries are unofficial
armed bodies, “militias.” Terrorism, the deliberate killing of civilians for political
purposes, has been practiced by governments and government-supporters as well
as by insurgents in British and Irish history, as it has elsewhere. The term
“terrorist” and its cognates are now used almost exclusively in mass media to
⁶ Influenced in part by the arguments of Curl (1986, 2000).

⁷ See History Ireland, 21/ 3 (May–June 2013), p. 6, col. 1.
⁸ The first newspaper of the maiden city was London-Derry Journal, but routinely referred to by its
editor as the Derry Journal in the late 1700s. Playing mild havoc with my resolution, on 1 April 2015
the City of Derry and Strabane districts were merged to create the Derry City and Strabane local
government district.
Terminology xxxiii
refer to insurgents. But, when “terrorist” or its cognates are used here, it is usually
because the views of the official authorities are being reported, or those of political
parties opposed to particular uses of violence. These terms, however, are also used
when it is plain that organizations, official or unofficial, have deliberately targeted
violence against civilian non-combatants. That reflects my belief that the term
terrorism should properly be confined to the tactic of those who deliberately kill
non-combatants—as loyalists frequently did, and as republicans, soldiers, and
police officers sometimes did in late-twentieth-century Northern Ireland. There is,
however, no consensus on this subject.⁹ The data reviewed in Volume 1,
Chapter 1, show that loyalist paramilitaries killed more civilians deliberately—as
a proportion of the total number of killings for which they were responsible after
1966—than either republicans or the UK’s security forces. On the preceding
definitions, they were therefore proportionally the most terroristic of the organ-
izations in the recent conflict. This logical conclusion is not, however, one that
loyalists or unionists are likely to embrace, and, upon absorbing these syllogisms,
some loyalists (and unionists) may be inclined to cease reading any further.
The use of the term “paramilitaries” instead of “terrorists” does not indicate,
and should not be construed to mean, any tacit support for any paramilitary
organization in the Isles, past or present; it is, simply, a more accurate and helpful
description than the available alternatives. The usage may be misunderstood by
specialists on Latin America, who describe paramilitaries as right wing and pro-
regime, and guerrillas as left wing and insurgent. Paramilitaries in Northern
Ireland were unauthorized and unlawful combatants; loyalists were pro-regime
and pro-state, and sometimes cooperated with government intelligence agencies
and the police, but their members were not invariably right wing; republicans
were anti-regime, and insurgent, and, though generally left wing, they were not
always so, and not all of their violent or forceful actions took the form of guerrilla
warfare. Experts in the ways of Northern Ireland may now think they know all of
what is to follow, but they are invited, along with others who claim no such
expertise, to read on.
⁹ See O’Leary and Tirman (2007).

The ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned had thirty oars,
and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius
Phalereus, for they took away the old planks as they decayed, putting in new
and stronger timber in their place, inasmuch that this ship became a standing
example among the philosophers for the logical question of things that grow;
one side holding that the ship remained the same, and the other contending
that it was not the same.
Plutarch’s Life of Theseus, second century CE
Sedulo curavi, humanas actiones non ridere, non lugere, neque detestari, sed
intelligere
I have labored carefully, not to ridicule, or detest, but to understand.
Baruch Spinoza, A Political Treatise
Introduction
Dán órdha ní hé do ni, It is not a gilded poem

cosnamh gach cúise a-deirthí, which best defends the cause you plead
as taosga i dtealaigh na bhFionn, in the land of the fair ones
acht leabhair aosda Éirionn but rather the ancient books of Ireland
Lughaidh Ó Cléirigh, in The Contention of the Bards (1616–24)a
We have thought little of our ancestry–much of our posterity. Are we forever

to walk like beasts of prey over the fields which our ancestors stained with
blood?
Internal document of the United Irishmen, 15 December 1791b
Great Britain’s formation of Northern Ireland in 1920, out of the six counties of
Antrim, Down, Armagh, Londonderry, Fermanagh, and Tyrone, led to new
political antagonisms, and modified older divisions. The overt antagonism that
animated the new place was simple. British and Ulster unionists insisted that all of
Northern Ireland should remain exclusively part of the Union of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland under the sovereignty of the Crown and Westminster
parliament, whereas Irish nationalists, by contrast, insisted it should immediately,
or eventually, join an all-island Irish nation-state, unitary, federal, or confederal,
and preferably a republic. The political aims of nationalists and unionists seemed
mutually exclusive, “zero-sum”—that is, they could not cooperate because what
one would gain the other would exactly lose. Mutually exclusive and intensely felt
national aspirations helped generate the conflict that marked Northern Ireland off
in the late twentieth century as “a place apart”¹ within the peaceable polities of
democratic western Europe. Outsiders alleged that local minds were narrower
than Belfast’s backstreet terraces in 1969, their quarrels barely disturbed by the
small numbers who claimed not to belong to the two principal protagonists: the
Oxford English Dictionary used to record “bad-temper” and “illogicality” as
definitions of “Irish.”² Renewed violence in the Basque lands before and after
General Franco’s death, and in Yugoslavia a decade after the death of Marshal
Tito, forced the belated recognition that Northern Ireland was not unique, even in
western Europe, but part of the world’s large set of unresolved “national ques-
tions,” though it was not just that. Before 1998 no regime had emerged with
widespread support among both the British unionist and primarily Protestant,
¹ The phrase became a book (Dervla Murphy 1979). ² Eagleton (1999: 17).
2 Volume 1: Colonialism
and the Irish nationalist and predominantly Catholic, communities, who composed
most of the region’s population.
The key animating antagonism between nationalists and unionists did not begin
in 1920, though it had acquired a new form. With qualifications to be supplied, two
distinct communities, originally three, differentiated by national identity, ethni-
city, and religion of origin, had already lived on “narrow ground” for over three
centuries, sometimes cheek by jowl.c The most recent phase of violent conflict
began in the summer of 1966, when two young Irish Catholic men, John Patrick
Scullion, a 28-year-old storeman, and Peter Ward, an 18-year-old bartender, who
had served in the British Army, were deliberately shot on the streets of Belfast.³
Scullion was shot on May 27 and died on June 11.⁴ In what became known as “the
Malvern Street murder,” Ward was shot and died instantly on June 26, and two of
three Catholic friends in his company were seriously wounded. The day after
Ward’s death, Matilda Gould, a Protestant widow aged 77, died of her injuries
sustained on May 7, when her home had been mistakenly fire-bombed instead of
an immediately adjacent Catholic-owned bar and off-license. John Scullion and
Peter Ward were the first to die as “representative targets” of loyalist paramilitar-
ies, while Matilda Gould was the first to die as loyalist “collateral damage.”d
Slogans had been daubed on the premises next to her home. They included:
“This house is owned by a Taig—Popehead—Remember 1690.”⁵ “Taig,” or “Teague,”
the plural is “Taigs,” or “Teagues,” is a derogatory name for Irish Catholics.⁶
Abbreviated slogans such as KAT, “Kill All Taigs,” or ATWD, “Any Taig Will
Do” (that is, for assassination), are still written on walls, and accompany loyalist
July 12 bonfires, which annually light the night skies to commemorate the victory
of the Dutch Protestant William, Prince of the House of Orange (William III), over
the British Catholic King James II of the House of Stuart at the Battle of the Boyne
in 1690. The first named was both nephew and son-in-law of the second, and the
great-grandson of James I. “Popehead” does not need to be glossed.
The unfortunate Scullion, Ward, and Gould were killed by members of the
loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), in which Augustus (“Gusty”) Spence was
then a principal leader.⁷ He became a hero in the overwhelmingly Protestant
Shankill Road area of Belfast, though in the 1990s he would be a significant player
in a generally successful peace process. The UVF’s name recalled an army with the
same title, of doubtful legality, which had spearheaded the armed resistance of
Ulster’s Protestant population to the idea of “home rule” for Ireland in the second
decade of the twentieth century. Its founding members, later battle-hardened in
³ The year 1966 is the starting date for Lost Lives, the most exhaustive and reliable published
catalogue of those who died in the recent conflict (McKittrick et al. 2004); in contrast, an earlier book
erroneously attributed the first assassinations in the recent conflict to the IRA (Dillon and Lehane 1973: 25).
⁴ He was wrongly reported as having been stabbed (by the police), an account which still gets
reported as fact (e.g. J. Bowyer Bell 1993: 53). An autopsy conducted after the exhumation of his
remains confirmed that he had been shot (McKittrick et al. 2004: 25).
⁵ McKittrick et al. (2004: 28). An off-license is a liquor store.
⁶ Its provenance is widely attributed to the anti-Jacobite song ‘Lillibulero’, which once provided the
signature tune of the BBC World Service: it opens with “Ho, brother Teague, does hear the decree?”
⁷ Augustus Andrew Spence (1933–2011) was a former solider in the Ulster Rifles division of the
British Army who had served as a sergeant in the British military police in Germany and Cyprus; he
always denied he had murdered Ward.
Introduction 3
the First World War, had formed the toughest core of special police units used to
establish unionist control of Northern Ireland. The old UVF had feared that the
Westminster parliament would create an all-island parliament encompassing all
of Ulster. In 1966 the new UVF feared that Irish Catholics were still determined to
abolish Northern Ireland. Earlier that year street disturbances had ensued from
demonstrations in Belfast led by the Free Presbyterian minister, the Revd Dr Ian
Kyle Paisley.e He was protesting against the raising of flags to recognize the fiftieth
anniversary celebrations of the Irish Rising of 1916. These celebrations, confined
to Irish nationalists, recalled the insurrection of a faction of the Irish Volunteers
(Óglaigh na hÉireann) who had named themselves the Irish Republican Army
(IRA) on Easter Monday 1916. These Volunteers had been raised in response to
the formation of the UVF, to defend the establishment of home rule in arms—
and, for some, to establish Ireland’s independence.f
For many contemporary loyalists and unionists, however, the most recent
violent conflict did not begin in 1966, but rather in 1956, when the IRA launched
a campaign of guerrilla warfare, on the border of Northern Ireland, called
“Operation Harvest.” Its goal was the reunification of the island of Ireland into
one sovereign and independent republic. The military campaign failed, quickly,
and humiliatingly for the IRA, but dragged on before it was concluded in 1962.
Less than twenty people died in “the border war,” partly because the IRA had
initially avoided targeting the UVF’s successors in the special police units, and had
avoided armed conflict in Belfast, Northern Ireland’s largest and capital city.⁸ In
1966 loyalists had not forgotten this IRA insurrection. They sometimes heard
Irish Catholics singing Seán South from Garryowen in the 1960s and 1970s, a
tribute to an IRA volunteer from Limerick in the south of Ireland who had died in
an armed attack on Brookeborough police barracks in county Fermanagh on New
Year’s Eve 1956. Alongside him died Fergal O’Hanlon, memorialized in another
and very different song, The Patriot Game, written by Dominic Behan. Know-
ledgeable locals know that Seán South from Garryowen is sung to the same tune as
Roddy McCorley, a nineteenth-century ballad that commemorates the execution
of a young United Irishman. A Presbyterian from Duneane, McCorley’s family
had been evicted from their farm. He joined the United Irishmen in the mass
rebellion of 1798. In hiding after their defeat, he was betrayed, brought before a
court-martial in Ballymena, county Antrim, and hung near the Bridge of Toome,
across the River Bann that splits Ulster in two, on Good Friday 1799.g
It is easy to link collective memories over political Irish deaths, places, and dates.
Deaths: Seán South regarded himself as a descendant of the United Irishmen.
Fergal O’Hanlon considered himself the reincarnation of Redmond O’Hanlon, a
seventeenth-century south Armagh outlaw. Places: The River Bann divides North-
ern Ireland, geographically and electorally. To the west, nationalists now win a
majority of the seats and votes, in any form of election; to the east, unionists win
a majority of the seats and votes available, except in Belfast. Ballymena, east of the
Bann, had become the largest town in Ian Paisley’s constituency when he was elected
⁸ One explanation emphasizes that the IRA’s leaders feared triggering sectarian conflict in Belfast;
another emphasizes the disorganization of the Belfast IRA after the arrest of its commanding officer
(Robert W. White 2006: 58).
to the Westminster parliament. Paisley’s generation of Presbyterians were, however,

mostly staunch unionists, unlike Roddy McCorley, who had joined with Catholic
Defenders to create an Irish Republic modeled on revolutionary France. On Jan-
uary 1, 1969, a memorial to McCorley was partly destroyed by an overnight
explosion the day the People’s Democracy commenced their famous four-day
civil-rights march from Belfast to Derry, which was attacked at Burntollet.⁹ Dates:
Easter has often been the occasion of major events in Ireland, but with no direct
Christian causation. The latest instance is the Good Friday Agreement of April 10,
1998. Commemorations matter, however, because they resonate in current power
struggles, not because the locals have a peculiar preoccupation with doleful history.
The rebellion proclaimed on Easter Monday 1916 failed in its immediate
objective of establishing an independent Irish Republic.¹⁰ Six years later, however,
significant political freedom was officially won for the Irish Free State (Saorstát
Éireann). Its status was provisionally agreed in a treaty signed by the negotiators
of Great Britain and of Ireland, on December 6, 1921—thereafter known as “the
Treaty.” The British negotiators were a coalition of Conservatives and Liberals.
The Liberal prime minister, David Lloyd George, had Winston Churchill, his
Secretary of State for the Colonies, then still a Liberal, at his side. Ireland’s
negotiators, led by Arthur Griffith, came from the Sinn Féin party,¹¹ and included
Michael Collins, secretary, and later president, of the underground Irish Repub-
lican Brotherhood, and by then the major moving force within the IRA. The treaty
was narrowly ratified by Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s revolutionary parliament, on
January 7, 1922, and confirmed later that year in the Constitution of the Irish
Free State, enacted by Dáil Éireann on October 25.h
The name Saorstát Éireann suggested a fully independent Irish state; that was
not so. Its sovereignty was constrained by the British insistence that the King of
Great Britain would remain the King of Ireland, and that so would his successors.
Ireland had to remain in the British Empire as a “Dominion” within the newly
named British Commonwealth of Nations. The treaty specified that the Consti-
tution of the Irish Free State was bound by—subordinate to—all its provisions.
The retention of British sovereignty over key naval bases on the Irish coast, the so-
called treaty ports, and confirmation of further British air and naval rights “subject
to” provisions that facilitated “His Majesty’s Imperial Forces,” openly qualified the
new entity’s external and territorial sovereignty. British supervision of the Free
State’s constitution—the first draft, overseen by Michael Collins, was rejected by
the British cabinet as incompatible with the treaty—was especially painful for
Ireland’s Provisional Government. In Article 2 of the treaty, Ireland’s constitu-
tional status was classified as on a par with the Dominion of Canada. The latter
had been created by the British government in 1867, and had not patriated its
⁹ Deutsch and Magowan (1973: 16). The explosion was certainly the work of loyalists, damaging a
monument to a Protestant republican; it was most likely the work of the UVF, which in these years also
attacked republican monuments to Daniel O’Connell and Wolfe Tone in Dublin and Bodenstown
respectively.
¹⁰ A lucid exegesis of the “Proclamation of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic” may
be found in de Paor (1997).
¹¹ The Irish name (pronounced Shin Fain) means “Our Selves,” or “Our Selves Alone,” emphasizing
the goal of independence.
Introduction 5
constitution at that juncture (it was then embedded in the British North America
Act as an Act of the Westminster, not the Ottawa, parliament). Ireland’s status
was not that of a fully sovereign state, such as that enjoyed by the north American
republic that successfully revolted from Great Britain.
The Irish Free State would, however, soon weaken the role of the Crown (that is,
the symbols and form of UK legal authority and statehood) in its institutions, and
establish the marks of full sovereignty. Together with the Dominions of Canada,
South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and Newfoundland, the Irish Free State
ensured the passage of the Statute of Westminster in 1931, which gave effect to the
agreements of Imperial Conferences of the Dominions of 1926 and 1930. In the
Statute, “the mother of parliaments” renounced its rights to legislate for the States
of the Commonwealth, including the Irish Free State. Predicting its passage,
the Irish Minister of External Relations, Patrick McGilligan, declared to Dáil
Éireann: “The States of the Commonwealth [now] control the Crown and the
prerogatives of the Crown absolutely.” His government had achieved its “one
purpose . . . [in entering the negotiations] that there must be uprooted from the
whole system of this State the British Government.”¹² The British government had
hoped to exclude the Irish Free State from the Statute of Westminster.
Later, in 1937, under the premiership of Éamon de Valera, who had resigned
from office rather than accept the treaty signed by those whom he had appointed
as negotiators in 1921, the Irish Free State abolished itself, and established the
Constitution of Ireland. It did so without British supervision or approval. Ratified
in a referendum, the new constitution substituted a president for the King and
Governor-General, and confined recognition of the Crown to the headship of the
Commonwealth. Ireland was now a republic in all but name—its head of state was a
president, and its new constitution, which declared its formal sovereignty and
independence, had been drafted solely by its officials and ratified by its parliament
and people. In 1939 Ireland, as it was now named in English by its constitution,
renegotiated the return of the treaty ports, and the withdrawal of all British military
forces from its soil. In the Second World War Ireland declared itself neutral, thereby
confirming its full independence in foreign policy. Later, a multi-party coalition
under Taoiseach (Irish for chief, and used for prime minister) John A Costello,
officially declared Ireland a republic in an act passed in December 1948, which took
effect the following April, which led to its departure from the British Commonwealth:
at that stage British governments insisted republics could not be members of the
Commonwealth, a position almost immediately reversed with India’s independence.i
The Irish Free State came into existence with an even more profound constraint
on its sovereignty. Under the terms of the treaty, it was obliged to permit another
new entity, Northern Ireland, to secede from it, if the Belfast parliament—
established by law in December 1920 and which first sat in June 1921—chose to
do so. Northern Ireland could thereby rejoin the United Kingdom, or remain
within it, depending upon the preferred constitutional framing of permitted
events. More bluntly put, the treaty obliged Ireland to accept the partition of the
island that the UK Parliament had unilaterally legislated in 1920 in the Govern-
ment of Ireland Act, without the consent of any Irish MPs—thereby acting as
¹² See Keith (1948: 239, 241).

Great Britain, not Great Britain and Ireland. In the unionist understanding, the
Irish Free State seceded from the Union. In the nationalist view, Great Britain
partitioned Ireland, and forced Sinn Féin’s negotiators to allow the newly created
Northern Ireland to secede from Ireland—the treaty violated Ireland’s territorial
integrity. The textual evidence supports both perspectives.
The Irish negotiators had sought to keep all of Ulster within Ireland. The British
government refused, however, as it put it, “to coerce Ulster,” by which it meant the
Protestant majority in four of the nine counties of the north-east of the historic
province, and the Protestant minority in two other counties appended to these
four to create “Northern” Ireland. Great Britain was wholly willing to coerce to
preserve its formation of Northern Ireland. But Ulster, however defined or
redefined, was not homogeneous, and the treaty made provision for a Boundary
Commission to adjust the border of Northern Ireland if the latter’s parliament
opted out of the Irish Free State. This Commission was later formed, but its report
was not only not implemented; it was never officially published.
The new UVF of 1966 restarted killing to keep Northern Ireland within the
Union—at least that was how it defended its activities. In extreme form, its
volunteers re-expressed the insecurity that had marked both Northern Ireland’s
founding elite and its unionist followers. The new entity had not looked certain to
survive its statutory birth in 1920. The streets of its new capital, Belfast, ran with
blood in 1920 and in 1922, after pogroms initiated against Catholics led to
extensive inter-communal killings.j The newly formed majority feared territorial
reduction through the Boundary Commission, and eventual absorption into a
reunited Ireland.
In the two years after the murders of 1966 further street disturbances accom-
panied demonstrations demanding full civil rights. These marches were mostly
composed of and led by Northern Irish Catholics, though they were leavened by
Protestant and secular radicals who believed it was past time for cultural Catholics
to be treated as equal citizens of the Union, and of Northern Ireland. The peaceful
civil-rights movement was met with Ulster loyalist and quasi-official state vio-
lence. Police and auxiliary police (“B Specials”) beat up civil-rights marchers;
some marches had been banned. The police and the B Specials were responsible
for seven of the first eight deaths in 1969, the year most believe the current conflict
began.¹³ These events encouraged a sustained new campaign of republican vio-
lence led by the IRA. It was matched by loyalist campaigns, which had preceded it,
if conflict initiation is dated to 1966, but not if it is marked as 1956. In place of
1966 unionists might insist on 1916, or 1867, or 1641. In place of either 1966 or
1956 republicans might insist on 1912, or 1798, or 1649, or 1609—some might
fixate on 1169. Each side has an arsenal of precisely dated arguments. But, in the
recent period, “the loyalist backlash,” unofficial in the UVF, or official but
unauthorized in the ranks of the police, including the B Specials, preceded the
formation of the Provisional IRA. The first killer combatants and bombers in the
recent conflict were members of the UVF.k
¹³ In July 1969, the RUC and RUC Reserve were responsible for the deaths of Francis McCloskey in
Dungiven, and Samuel Devenney in Derry; on August 14, 1969, they were responsible for the deaths of
Patrick Rooney, a child, in Belfast, and Samuel McLarnon, Michael Lynch, John Gallagher, and Hugh
McCabe, all adults. These persons were Catholics.
Introduction 7
After 1969 significant and protracted political violence lasted twenty-eight

years, punctured by a few truces. In 1994 the IRA declared a ceasefire that was
reciprocated six weeks later by most loyalist paramilitaries. This phase of violence
had been the longest in the island’s post-conquest history involving the same
leaders and organizations.l Republicans had sought the final removal of sovereign
British power from the North and the island’s reunification. They claimed that
Northern Ireland was “unreformable.” Loyalists, by contrast, had sought to retain
the sovereignty of the Crown in and over Northern Ireland, and usually insisted
on local majority rule. It was clear after 1994 that there would be more reforms.
There would be no simple majority rule, except that a simple majority would be
required in both parts of Ireland for reunification by conjoint referendums.
In 1969 the British Labour government sent the British Army to Northern
Ireland to restore order, in support of the civil power, meaning the unionist-
dominated government. The mission failed, though that was not immediately
obvious. Three years later the British Conservative government prorogued the
Northern Ireland Parliament, and began “direct rule,” initially conceived of as
temporary, but which was soon expected to outlast the century. The language of
“direct rule” recalled British imperial practices—London’s administrators had
famously theorized and practiced its opposite, “indirect rule,” as the best way to
control imperial territories and colonies.
Armed engagements, bombings, and assassinations occurred between 1969 and
1994, spreading on occasions to Great Britain, the Republic, and the European
continental mainland, before conflict petered out into a handful of deaths per
annum in 1999 and after.¹⁴ The “Troubles,” so-called in the local euphemism,
illustrated protracted conflict. Some defined the conflict as “low intensity,”¹⁵ but
that did not accurately describe events in certain locations, such as North and
West Belfast, nor certain times, for example, between August 1971 and the winter
of 1976. Over 3,700 people were killed after 1966 amid a regional population then
the current size of the city of Philadelphia—that is, just over one and a half million
people. Hundreds were also killed in Great Britain, the Irish Republic, and
continental Europe. About 50,000 people suffered serious injuries. Facts, figures
and comparisons, and disputes about them, are presented in Chapter 1.
The Agreement of April 10, 1998, the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement, as it
is called by nationalists and unionists respectively, is widely held to have resolved
this phase of violent conflict.¹⁶ The Agreement and its consequences receive the
attention they deserve in the last volume of this book. Though ratified in a
referendum held simultaneously in both parts of Ireland, it was followed by
an alternation between stalemates and breakthroughs in its implementation.
The long war was succeeded by the long negotiation, including the negotiation
of what had been negotiated. On February 5, 2010, however, a pact between Irish
¹⁴ PSNI statistics for 2006–16 record 2.3 deaths per annum.

¹⁵ See Kitson (1971). According to Conor Cruise O’Brien, who changed his opinions on most
matters under discussion here, the desire to acquire Northern Ireland was “a low-intensity aspiration”
in the Republic, matched by a low-intensity aspiration “to get rid of Northern Ireland” in Great Britain
(Conor Cruise O’Brien: 1980: 39).
¹⁶ Brendan O’Leary (1999b). Rather than use the ugly acronym GFA–BA, I refer to “the Agree-
ment,” just as others have referred to “the Treaty” to describe the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1921.
republicans and Ulster unionists, ratified by the British and Irish governments,
was published as “the Hillsborough Agreement.” In this text, two political
parties, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionists, briskly explained that they
would in future jointly manage the administration of justice in the North—that
is, the courts—jointly oversee recently reformed policing institutions, and agree
joint mechanisms for the management and resolution of disputes over public
parades and flags. The Hillsborough Agreement of 2010 was made nearly
twenty-five years after another agreement signed at Hillsborough, the Anglo-
Irish Agreement of 1985. It marked—what was expected by many to be—the
final implementation of the 1998 Agreement. Together with the Stormont House
Agreement of 2014, and its successor, Fresh Start, it provides the formal end-
point for this book.m
Any judgment on the stability of the novel institutions of the 1998 Agreement,
as modified at St Andrews Golf Club in Scotland in 2006, and confirmed at
Hillsborough in 2010, must remain provisional. They operate within Northern
Ireland, and between Northern Ireland and its neighbors in Ireland and Great
Britain. Key confidence-building measures have been executed. The immediate
future may bring minor modifications, and mutually agreed refurbishments,
but a complete redesign is not likely. Northern Ireland for now largely conforms
to its remarkable Agreement. If this distinctive settlement breaks down, an
inbuilt stabilizer exists, one that concentrated the minds of the Democratic
Unionist Party in 2006–10, and other grave possibilities exist. If the local parties
fail to operate the new institutions, then, in one scenario, Northern Ireland would
become a de facto condominium of Great Britain and Ireland: Great Britain would
keep the livery and the costs of sovereignty, but the two governments would share
responsibility in the standing intergovernmental conference, and would endeavor
to re-create a local power-sharing executive whenever that seemed likely to
endure. Alternatively, the two governments could be more radical, and engineer
Northern Ireland’s internal regionalization, possibly recomposing it into subre-
gions, as foreseen in 2005 when Peter Hain was the UK’s Secretary of State for
Northern Ireland.n
In late 2017, however, the continuation of the 1998 Agreement with the
amendments made in St Andrews Golf Club, or a temporary reversion to direct
rule, seemed to exhaust immediate futures, though that judgment will be signifi-
cantly qualified in the final chapter of Volume 3. That was ten years after the
decision by Ian Paisley, then the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, to share
the premiership and executive government with Sinn Féin, the party of militant
Irish nationalism, whose leaders claim political descent from the leaders of the
Easter Rising. This was the very same Free Presbyterian minister who just over
forty years earlier had wanted to ban the celebrations of the Easter Rising. His
volte-face lost him the leadership of his church but consolidated Northern Ire-
land’s cold peace, and warmed cross-community relations. Paisley’s decision
made sustained power-sharing viable; his act of statesmanship won him obituary
tributes that would have amazed his followers of 1966.o But shortly after Paisley’s
death, and the resignation of his successor Peter Robinson, a momentous and
unexpected event occurred. A referendum held in the UK produced a narrow
overall majority to leave the European Union, while the people of Northern
Ireland voted to remain. The ramifications of this event will close these volumes.
Another random document with
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[7] This is an instrument through which we can see things much
clearer and larger than we could with the naked eye.
LESSON VI.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EARTH’S SURFACE.—DIVISION OF IT INTO ZONES.—
TORRID, TEMPERATE AND ARCTIC ZONES.—THE FIVE GREAT
CONTINENTS.—RELATIVE DIMENSIONS OF AMERICA, EUROPE, ASIA,
AFRICA AND AUSTRALIA.
§ 32. Having learned the relation of our Earth to the Sun and the
Planets, it will be well to acquaint ourselves with the principal objects
on its surfaces.—What the Interior of our Earth consists of, we have
as yet no idea, because we have not yet been able to penetrate
deeper than a few hundred feet; and this is, in proportion to the
Earth’s Diameter, little more than nothing. But as regards her
surface, we know that it consists partly of land and partly of water.
Little more than one fourth of the Earth’s surface is covered with
land; all the rest is water.—The great lands are called Continents;
the great waters are called Oceans. Smaller portions of land
surrounded on all sides by water, are called Islands. Smaller bodies
of water surrounded by land are called Lakes.
§ 33. The land on our Earth is divided into Five Continents:
America, Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia.—These, however, are
not all of the same extent. Europe is the smallest of them. America
and Asia are the greatest.
The adjoining Plate No. XI, will give you an idea of the proportion of
land and water on our Earth, and of the relative extent of the Five
Continents.
Fig. I represents the surface of the Earth divided into land and
water. Were all land on our Earth put together in a circle, and the
water placed round it, then the land would only fill the inner circle, the
water occupying the surrounding ring, a space nearly four times as
large as the circle. Fig. II, III, IV, V and VI represent the comparative
surfaces of America, Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia. Fig. VII
represents the comparative surface of the Moon.
Upon close inspection of these figures you will perceive;
1. That the extent of America and Asia are nearly equal; but that
each of these Continents is several times larger than either Europe
or Australia.
2. That the next greatest portion of our Globe is Africa, which is
more than three times larger than Europe.
3. That Europe is the smallest Continent of our globe.
4. That the whole surface of the Moon would not be more than
enough to cover either America or Asia.
No. XI.
Fig. 1.
THE OCEAN
THE LAND
Fig. 2.
EUROPE
Fig. 3.
ASIA
Fig. 4.
AFRICA
Fig. 5.
AMERICA
Fig. 6.
AUSTRALIA
Fig 7.
THE MOON’S
SURFACE
Geographical Miles.
No. XII.
Fig. 1.
THE WHOLE TORRID ZONE
Comparative Extent
of the
TWO TEMPERATE
ZONES
Comparative
EXTENT
of the
TWO ARCTIC
ZONES
Fig. 2.
Comparative Extent
of one of the
WHOLE TORRID
ZONE
Fig. 3.
Comparative Extent
of one of the
TWO TEMPERATE
ZONES
Fig. 4.
ONE
of the
ARCTIC
ZONES
Fig. 5.
Comparative Extent
of the
WHOLE LAND
on our
GLOBE
No. XIII.
No. XIV.
Square contents
of the Two
TEMPERATE
ZONES.
Square contents
of the
WHOLE TORRID
ZONE.
Square contents
of the Two
ARCTIC ZONES.
The whole surface

of the five
GREAT CONTINENTS
on our
GLOBE
Compared to one of the two
TEMPERATE ZONES.
§ 34. The Earth’s surface is not throughout equally illumined or

heated by the Sun; because the Sun’s rays strike some portions of
the Earth more perpendicular than others. Our Earth, therefore, is
divided into Climates or Zones, which you will understand better from
Plate XII.
You will see from it that the Sun’s rays are perpendicular to the
central part of the Earth’s surface; but that toward the extremities of
the Earth’s Diameter these rays strike us more and more obliquely.
The greatest heat, therefore, must be felt by the people living
between the two circles EF and IK. The circle GH, which is exposed
to the perpendicular rays, is termed the Equator; and the two circles
EF and IK, which are at equal distance from the Equator, are called
Tropic Circles. The whole surface included by these two circles is
called the torrid Zone. The space between either of the circles CD
and EF, or IK and LM, is called a temperate Zone; because the Sun’s
rays striking these portions neither perpendicular nor very obliquely,
their inhabitants suffer neither great heat nor cold. In one of these
Zones are situated the United States of America and the greater
portion of Europe. Beyond them, toward the extremities of the
Diameter AB, are the two icy or arctic zones. The Sun’s rays strike
them very obliquely; which is the cause of their being almost
continually covered with ice or snow.
The two circles, CD and LM, are called Polar circles; and the two
extremities, A and B, of the Earth’s Diameter, situated in those
regions, are called the Poles. A is called the North-Pole and B the
South-Pole of the Earth.
§ 35. The different zones of which we have just spoken, are not
equal to one another. Plate XIII, will show their relative extent.
Fig. I represents the surface of the Earth divided proportionally into
its three zones: the torrid, the temperate and the arctic. The inner
circle represents both the arctic zones; the yellow ring b, which
surrounds it, represents the united extent of the two temperate zones;
and the outmost red ring, the whole of the two torrid zones.
Fig. II represents separately the whole torrid zone;—Fig. III one of
the temperate zones;—Fig. IV one of the arctic zones; and Fig. V the
whole extent of land on our globe.
The next Plate, No. XIV, represents the comparative surfaces of
these zones, drawn separately in form of squares; and the last figure
on that Plate, shows the extent of the five continents, compared to
one of the temperate zones.
No. XV.
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3.
Fig. 4.
Fig. 5.
Fig. 6.
You will observe from a close inspection of these figures, that the
whole extent of land on our globe is nearly equal to that of a
temperate zone; and that if it were possible to unite America,
Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia into one, their united extent would
not yet fill one of the temperate zones! You will also perceive that the
two temperate zones occupy together the greatest portion of the
Earth’s surface, and that the arctic zones occupy comparatively the
smallest.
RECAPITULATION OF LESSON VI.

QUESTIONS.
[§ 32.] Do we know anything about the Interior of our Earth? Why
not? What does the surface of our Earth consist of? What proportion
does the land bear to the water? What are the great lands called?
What, the great waters? What are smaller portions of land,
surrounded by water, called? What, small portions of water,
surrounded by land?
[§ 33.] Into how many continents is all the land of our Globe
divided? What are they? Are all the continents of our globe of the
same extent? Which is the smallest of them? Which are the largest?
Explain Plate, No. XI.
What proportion does the extent of America bear to that of Asia?
What relation do these continents bear to Europe or Australia? What
is the next greatest portion on our globe? Which continent is the
smallest? What relation does the surface of the Moon bear to
America or Asia?
[§ 34.] Is the whole Earth equally illumined or heated by the Sun?
Why not? What is, therefore, the surface of our Earth divided into?
Upon what portion of our Earth do the Sun’s rays fall perpendicular?
What portion do they strike more obliquely? What people, therefore,
will experience the greatest heat?
[The pupil ought now to explain Plate XII. The elder pupils ought to
draw a sphere with the Equator, the tropic and arctic circles. They
ought also to draw the Diameter of the Earth, and indicate the North
and South Pole.]
[§ 35.] If you compare the whole extent of land on our globe to the
Contents of one of the temperate zones, what proportion do you find
them to bear to each other? If it were possible to unite the five great
continents, America, Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia, what zone
would they nearly fill? What two zones occupy the largest portion of
the Earth’s surface? What two, the smallest?
APPENDIX
CONTAINING THE COMPARATIVE POPULATION OF THE DIFFERENT
QUARTERS OF OUR GLOBE.
[The numbers are given in Table III.]
§ 36. The Five principal parts of our globe, America, Europe, Asia,
Africa and Australia are not equally thickly settled. Europe and Asia
have, in proportion to their extent, the greatest population; America
and Australia the least.—The following Plate, No. XV, shows the
comparative population of these continents.
Fig. I represents the whole surface of land on our globe, inhabited
by nearly One Thousand Millions (One Billion) human beings. If
these were to live throughout as close together as in Europe, then
they would only occupy a surface of land as large in proportion, as
the inner circle marked a. But the two rings, b and c, occupy each as
much surface as the circle a; hence there is yet room for twice as
many human beings; before each quarter of the world is as thickly
settled as Europe.
Fig. II represents Asia and its population. If this quarter were
settled as thickly as Europe is, then its inhabitants would only fill the
inner circle marked b; the ring a, therefore, is still left for settlement.
Fig. III exhibits the population of Africa. If the inhabitants of this
continent lived as close together as those of Europe, they would only
fill the inner circle, marked c, and the surrounding ring might yet be
inhabited.
Fig. IV shows the comparative population of America. Its
inhabitants, crowded together as the inhabitants of Europe, would
only occupy the small circle e; the whole broad ring f, therefore, is
still left for settlement!!
Fig. V represents Australia. Its inhabitants, settled as in Europe,
would only fill the circle a.
Fig. VI represents the population of Europe filling the whole of that
Quarter.
The whole of these Six figures may represent to the pupil the
comparative extents of the five great continents of our globe; but the
inner circles of these figures, and the whole of the sixth figure, show
their comparative populations. From a close inspection of this plate
the pupil may learn:
1. That the population of Asia is yet greater than that of all the rest
of the world. (The circle b in figure II being yet larger than the inner
circles of all the other figures, and figure VI taken together.)
2. That the population of Europe is as yet larger than that of
America, Africa and Australia, taken together.
3. That the population of Africa is larger than the joint populations
of America and Australia.
4. That America if once settled as Europe is, will have more than
Six times her population.
[The teacher, if he think proper to ask the pupils some questions in
reference to the Appendix, will find no difficulty in adapting them to the
capacity of his pupils.]
TABLE I.
Showing the Diameter, Surface, and Cubic Contents of the Sun and
the Planets.
Diameter in Surface in Cubic Contents in
Names. Geographical Geographical Square Geographical Cubic
Miles. Miles. Miles.
Sun, 194,000 118,093,000,000 3,825,903,253,970,000
Mercury, 608 1,161,314 117,659,099
Venus, 1678 8,844,063 2,473,469,743
Earth, 1719 9,282,066 2,659,159,061
Mars, 1006 3,178,805 532,996,317
Vesta, 74 15,000 2,121,347
Juno, 309 282,690 2,355,750
Ceres, 352 389,182 22,832,034
Pallas, 465 650,266 52,886,472
Jupiter, 19566 1,202,280,406 23,533,143,597,631
Saturn, 17263 936,530,620 2,757,547,946,775
Herschel, 7564 173,696,911 1,359,227,438,858
Moon, 480 723,686 51,561,578
TABLE II.
Showing the exact Duration of the Revolutions of the different
Planets round the Sun.
Duration of the Moon’s
Planets. Years. Days. Hours. Min. Sec.
revolution round the Earth.
27 days, 7 hours, 43 minutes,
Mercury, — 87 23 15 44
and 12 seconds.
Venus, — 224 16 49 10
Earth, 1 — 6 9 8
Mars, 1 321 22 18 31
Vesta, 3 225 — — —
Juno, 4 131 10 30 —
Ceres, 4 220 13 4 —
Pallas, 4 221 15 35 —
Jupiter, 11 314 20 39 —
Saturn, 29 166 2 — —
Herschel, 83 266 9 — —
TABLE III.
Showing the Extent and Population of the five great Continents.
Names of the Continents. Extent in Sq. Miles. Population.
America, 14,868,000 40,000,000
Europe, 3,292,000 198,000,000
Asia, 15,000,000 500,000,000
Africa, 11,267,900 150,000,000
Australia, 3,823,200 1,500,000
The United States, 1,781,926 13,000,000
POPULAR
LESSONS IN ASTRONOMY,
ON A NEW PLAN;
IN WHICH
SOME OF THE LEADING PRINCIPLES OF THE SCIENCE

ARE ILLUSTRATED
BY ACTUAL COMPARISONS, INDEPENDENT OF THE
USE OF NUMBERS.
BY FRANCIS J. GRUND,
AUTHOR OF “AN ELEMENTARY TREATISE ON PLANE

AND SOLID GEOMETRY,” “ELEMENTS OF NATURAL
PHILOSOPHY AND CHEMISTRY,” &c. &c.
BOSTON:
CARTER, HENDEE, AND CO.
1833.
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A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume

1: Colonialism Brendan O'Leary

A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume 2: Control

A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume 3: Consociation

Treatise on Awakening Mah■y■na Faith John Jorgensen

Harmony from Discords: A Life of Sir John Denham

Policing and Combating Terrorism in Northern Ireland

A Bird on Water Street Elizabeth O. Dulemba

The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles,

Sully: A dark, age gap, MC romance (Royal Bastards MC:

A TREATISE ON NORTHERN IRELAND

The Shackles of the State and

viii Contents: Volume 1

The Restoration and the Dutch Coup 189

Contents for All Three Volumes

List of Figures xiii

x Contents for All Three Volumes

Abbreviations and Glossary xxi

VOLUME 3: CONSOCIATION AND CONFEDERATION

3.1. Conceptual Conspectus: Consociation and Arbitration 1

1.1.1. Northern Ireland and its Westminster parliamentary constituencies, 1983– 31

1.1.1. Local-government districts in which over three-quarters of all fatal

xvi List of Tables

1.6.3(b). The Westminster election in Ireland, the twenty-six counties that

1.1.1. Debating the Deﬁnition of War 45

Abbreviations and Glossary

ACRI American Committee for Relief in Ireland

xx Abbreviations and Glossary

Abbreviations and Glossary xxi

DUP Democratic Unionist Party

xxii Abbreviations and Glossary

HCNM High Commissioner on National Minorities (of the Organization for

Abbreviations and Glossary xxiii

IRA Irish Republican Army; Óglaigh na hÉireann (Volunteers of Ireland) is

xxiv Abbreviations and Glossary

NIHRC Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission

Abbreviations and Glossary xxv

xxvi Abbreviations and Glossary

Abbreviations and Glossary xxvii

UIL United Irish League

Charges of ethnic or sectarian bias accompany writing on Northern Ireland

“The British mainland” is not a synonym for Great Britain. Ideologically

Lengthy “stroking” expressions are avoided: Catholic/nationalist/republican or

⁶ Inﬂuenced in part by the arguments of Curl (1986, 2000).

⁹ See O’Leary and Tirman (2007).

Dán órdha ní hé do ni, It is not a gilded poem

We have thought little of our ancestry–much of our posterity. Are we forever

to the Westminster parliament. Paisley’s generation of Presbyterians were, however,

¹² See Keith (1948: 239, 241).

After 1969 signiﬁcant and protracted political violence lasted twenty-eight

¹⁴ PSNI statistics for 2006–16 record 2.3 deaths per annum.

The whole surface

§ 34. The Earth’s surface is not throughout equally illumined or

RECAPITULATION OF LESSON VI.

SOME OF THE LEADING PRINCIPLES OF THE SCIENCE

AUTHOR OF “AN ELEMENTARY TREATISE ON PLANE

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

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