"Latter Rain" Vailing in the East:

Early-Twentieth-Century Pentecostalism
in India and the Debate over
Speaking in Tongues
GARY B. MCGEE

Looking back at the events that led up to the Azusa Street revival in
Los Angeles, California, the foremost revival of the century in terms of
global impact, eyewitness Frank Bartleman announced that the "re­
vival was rocked in the cradle of little Wales . . . 'brought up' in India"
and then became "full grown" in Los Angeles, California.1 To the
Pentecostal "saints," as they commonly called themselves in America,
the appearance of "Pentecostal" phenomena (for example, visions,
dreams, prophecy, glossolalia, and other charismatic gifts) in India
confirmed that what the Old Testament prophet Joel had foretold
about the "latter rain" outpouring of the Holy Spirit in the end times
(Joel 2: 28-29) was being fulfilled simultaneously in other parts of the
world. 2 As one songwriter put it, "The latter rain has come, / Upon the
parched ground . . . The whole wide world around." 3
Yet when queried today about the origins of modern Pentecostalism,
historians point to revivals at Charles F. Parham's Bethel Bible School
in Topeka, Kansas (1901), and the Apostolic Faith Mission on Azusa
Street in Los Angeles, California (1906-1909).4 Many early Pentecostals
looked to Azusa as the fountainhead of the movement. Not surpris-

1 Frank Bartleman, Azusa Street (South Plainneld, Ν J Bridge, 1980), 19, originally
published in 1925 under the title How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles
2 All scripture quotations are taken from the Authorized Version, the Bible translation
commonly used by the persons mentioned m this article
3 D W G , "The 'Latter Ram/ " m Psalms, Hymns and Songs Spiritual, ed Charles A Squire
et al (St Louis Squire and Kinne, 1910), no 62
4 For the revival m Topeka, see James R Goff Jr, Fields White Unto Harvest Charles F
Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville University of Arkansas
Press, 1988), for Azusa Street, see D William Faupel, The Everlasting Gospel The Signifi­
cance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought (Sheffield, U Κ Sheffield
Academic Press, 1996), 187-227

Gary Β McGee is professor of church history and Pentecostal studies at Assemblies of

God Theological Seminary
© 1999, The American Society of Church History
Church History 68 3 (September 1999)

648
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 649

ingly, when Alfred G. ("A. G.") and Lillian Garr, newly Spirit-baptized
missionaries from Azusa Street, stepped off the ship in Calcutta at the
turn of 1907, they scarcely realized that Pentecostal or Pentecostal-like
movements had already preceded them in India by nearly fifty years.
Missionary accounts of revivals in Tirunelveli (1860-1865) and Travan-
core (1873-1881) tell of glossolalia and kindred phenomena among
Indian Christians.5 The most recent outburst of tongues antedated
their arrival by six months and marked the beginning of another such
movement, one not shaped by American Pentecostalism.
Whether or not the Garrs knew about these revivals, they likely
knew of the spiritual awakening in India that had been in progress
since 1905. At least three factors had contributed to it. The first was
disappointment in the failure of traditional mission methods to in­
crease the number of conversions in India (there were only one million
Protestant communicants and adherents out of a population of 284
million by 1900).6 The second was encouraging news of revivals with
large-scale conversions, particularly in Wales (1904), which seemed to
indicate that the "last days" revitalization of the church had begun
(Acts 2:17). The third was the desire of Indian believers for indigenous
forms of worship and leadership. 7
Since early Pentecostalism in India has received little attention, this
essay briefly explores the three stages of the movement: the appear­
ance of paranormal phenomena from the beginning of the awakening
in 1905; incidents of persons speaking in tongues in 1906; and happen­
ings that came on the heels of reports from the Azusa Street revival,
called by Bartleman the "American Jerusalem/' 8 It then examines how

5 Memoir of Anthony Noms Groves, 3d ed (London James Nisbet, 1869), 571-640, on J C

Aroolappen, see G H Lang, The Histories and Diaries of an Indian Christian (London
Thynne and C o , 1939), 138-207, W J Richards, "The 'Six Year's Party' in Travancore,"
Church Missionary Intelligencer and Record, Nov 1882, 660-67, Joseph Chakko Kurunda-
mannil, "Yuomayam A Messianic Movement m Kerala, India" (D Miss diss, Fuller
Theological Seminary, 1978) With phenomena common to twentieth-century Pentecostal
movements, the roots of these revivals can be partly traced to the influence of the
Plymouth Brethren, a movement with early ties to Edward Irving and his followers, see
Timothy C F Stunt, "Irvingite Pentecostalism and the Early Brethren," Journal of the
Christian Brethren Research Fellowship 10 (1965) 40-48 For the influence of evangelical
pietism, see [J Rheruus], c o m p , Memoir of the Rev Charles Theophilus Ewald Rhenius,
Comprising Extracts from his Journal and Correspondence, with Details of Missionary Proceed­
ings in South India (London James Nisbet, 1841), Ε Β Bromley, They Were Men Sent from
God (Bangalore Scripture Literature, 1937) Tirunelveli is part of present-day Tamil Nadu
state m India, Travancore is now part of Kerala
6 Harlan Ρ Beach, A Geography and Atlas of Protestant Missions (New York Student
Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions, 1906), 2 19
7 Gary Β McGee, "Pentecostal Phenomena and Revivals in India Implications for Indig­
enous Church Leadership," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 20 (1996) 112-14,
116-17
8 Bartleman, Azusa Street, 63
650 CHURCH HISTORY

the evolution of the movement challenges the exclusive claim of an

American beginning, as well as the dominance of the classical Pentecos-
tal doctrine of speaking in tongues. Contrary to Frank Bartleman's
chronology and interpretation of events, Pentecostalism had in reality
become "full grown" in India before word of Azusa reached the
subcontinent.
Before examining the developments in India, several definitions of
"Pentecostal" must be considered in order to understand the twists of
meaning attached to the term by key players in this study. Well before
the end of the nineteenth century, the popularity of Wesleyan Holiness
and Keswickian ("Higher Life") teachings had generated interest in
the baptism and gifts of the Holy Spirit. Wesleyan Holiness preachers
told the faithful that a crisis experience of sanctification subsequent to
conversion, the "second blessing," would instantaneously eradicate
their sinful dispositions and elevate them to a new plateau of Christian
living. Higher Life advocates, sharing belief in a second work of grace,
but avoiding the "sinless perfection" of the Wesleyans, preferred to
look at it as "full consecration" that empowered them for evangelism.9
By the end of the century, both camps chose to use Pentecostal
imagery from the New Testament to describe this second work of
grace. Thus, the experience of "sinless perfection" and "full consecra-
tion" constituted the postconversionary baptism in the Holy Spirit,
identical to that received by the disciples on the Day of Pentecost (Acts
2). In this way, Holiness and Higher Life believers regarded them-
selves as Pentecostal in spirituality.
Building on his Wesleyan Holiness theology, Charles Parham framed
the chief doctrinal distinctive of classical Pentecostalism that was later
taught at Azusa by Bartleman and William J. Seymour (the best-known
leader at the mission). According to Parham, glossolalia provided the
requisite sign or "Bible evidence" of the baptism in the Holy Spirit by
distributing among the saints every intelligible language to expedite
world evangelization in the end times. Such divine bestowals would
eliminate the nuisance of formal language study for missionaries. "If
Balaam's mule could stop in the middle of the road and give the first
preacher that went out for money a bawling out in Arabic," said
Parham, "[then] anybody today ought to be able to preach in any
language of the world if they had horse sense enough to let God use
their tongue and throat."10 Or as the editors of the Apostolic Faith (Los

9. Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson,

1987), 87-113.
10. Charles F. Parham, quoted in Sarah E. Parham, The Life of Charles F. Parham (Baxter
Springs, Kans.: Apostolic Faith Bible College, 1930), 51-52.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 651

Angeles), the voice of the Apostolic Faith Mission on Azusa Street, put
it, "God is solving the missionary problem, sending out new-tongued
missionaries on the apostolic faith line."11
Nevertheless, A. G. Garr and most other Pentecostals dropped the
notion that these languages could be used for missionary preaching.
Although they were still considered recognizable languages and re-
quired as evidence of baptism in the Holy Spirit, believers uttered
them during times of intense prayer. From this vantage, to be Pentecos-
tal meant that one prayed in tongues, an experiential dynamic from
which one derived spiritual power.
Minnie F. Abrams and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, however, added
another flavor to the definition.12 For them, "Pentecostals" were the
recipients of spiritual power and the gifts of the Spirit, including but
not necessarily requiring praying in divinely given languages, intelli-
gible or unintelligible. They based this more inclusive definition on
Joel's prediction of paranormal phenomena in the "last days" outpour-
ing of the Holy Spirit and Paul's statement in 1 Cor. 13: 1 where he
referred to speaking with "the tongues of men and of angels." Conse-
quently, they did not insist that every Pentecostal had to experience
glossolalia.

I. REVIVAL IN INDIA
The burden to evangelize the world before the imminent return of
Christ weighed heavily on the minds of radical evangelicals whose
millennial clocks ticked only to the midnight hour. Told of the immen-
sity of the mission task in India, the 1898 Keswick Convention in
England responded to the personal appeal of Pandita Ramabai, one of
India's foremost Christians, and prayed that God would raise up two
hundred thousand Indian male and female evangelists "to go up and
down the land proclaiming the Gospel of Christ."13 Missionaries and
Indian Christian leaders themselves prayed ardently for a spiritual
harvest on India's "stony ground."
Both Holiness and Higher Life currents flowed through India. In
1880-1882, Methodist missionaries gained inspiration from the Holi-
ness preaching of John S. Inskip and other leaders of the National

11. Untitled note, Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), Nov. 1906,2, col. 4.
12. Ramabai Dongre Medhavi received the titles "Pandita" and "Saraswati" in honor of her
accomplishments in Sanskrit from the learned Pandits of Calcutta (1878) and Varanasi.
She then became universally known as Pandita Ramabai. See Nicol Macnicol and Vishal
Mangalwadi, What Liberates A Woman? The Story of Pandita Ramabai: A Builder of Modern
India (1926; reprint, New Delhi: Nivedit Good Books, 1996), 87.
13. Helen S. Dyer, comp., Revival in India, 1905-1906 (New York: Gospel Publishing House,
1907), 161.
652 CHURCH HISTORY

Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness as they

toured the country.14 In conferences for college and university students
in the mid-1890s, Robert P. Wilder, a founder of the Student Volunteer
Movement for Foreign Missions and traveling secretary of the Indian
YMCA, accentuated the Higher Life view of baptism in the Holy
Spirit. He called them to seek for "power from on high" (Luke 24: 49),
the kind that provides "divine enablement for ministry distinctive
from . . . regeneration." 15
While it might seem that expecting the power of the Holy Spirit
would have heightened the anticipation of miracles as in Bible times,
missionaries generally doubted their likelihood and relevance in the
modern era. 16 Yet when word reached India of the revival in Wales,
with its unusual spiritual happenings and remarkable number of
conversions, dramatic events challenged that outlook. Revival began
in March 1905 among tribal peoples in the Khassia Hills in the
northeast at stations staffed by Welsh Presbyterian missionaries. Believ­
ers there began confessing their sins in "prayer-storms" (hours spent
in fervent and loud prayer) that pushed aside the traditional order of
worship. 17
Revival expectancy had also grown at Ramabai's Mukti Mission at
Kedgaon in south India. 18 In one of the most celebrated moments of
the revival, a story that underwent several redactions, the matron of a
girls' dormitory rushed to the quarters of Minnie F. Abrams, sometime
Methodist missionary (1887-1899) and now an associate of Ramabai,
at 3:30 a.m. on June 29. Declaring that one of the girls had been
baptized in the Holy Spirit and with "fire" (Matt. 3: 11), she related
how she "saw the fire, and ran across the room for a pail of water, and
was about to pour it on her, when I discovered that she was not on
fire."19 This prompted confessions of sin and repentance among the
other girls. Mukti then became a chief center for revival activity.
Mission publications carried stories of similar developments across
India, providing coverage for an awakening that came to encompass

14 W McDonald and John E Searles, The Life of Rev John S Inskip (Boston McDonald and
Gill, 1885), 329-41
15 Robert Ρ Wilder, "Power from on High/' in A Spiritual Awakening Among India's Students
(Madras Addison, 1896), 26
16 Evident in Robert Stewart, Apostolic and Indian Missions Compared (Calcutta Baptist
Mission Press, 1903), 60-72
17 "The Revival in the Khassia Hills," Christian Patriot, 29 April 1905,3
18 Helen S Dyer, Pandita Ramabai Her Vision, Her Mission and Triumph of Faith, 2d ed
(London Pickering and Inglis, η d ), 99-110, Macnicol and Mangalwadi, What Liberates A
Woman? 168-77
19 Minnie F Abrams, "The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire," Indian Witness, 26 April
1906, 261 It should be noted that the girl had prayed to be baptized m the Spirit before
she went to sleep
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 653

Anglicans (Church Missionary Society [CMS]); Baptists; Danish Luther-

ans; members of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA), Lon-
don Missionary Society, Church of Scotland, Young Men's and Wom-
en's Christian Associations; Methodists; Open Brethren; Presbyterians;
Reformed; Wesleyan Methodists (U.K.); and others. Along with confes-
sions of sin and prayer storms (the most striking features), other
wonders captured attention: visions, dreams, reception of the "burn-
ing" work of the Holy Spirit, accounts of visible "tongues of fire," and
even miraculous provisions of food.20
Two of the best-known publicists of the revival were J. Pengwern
Jones and Minnie Abrams, a Presbyterian and a Methodist.21 Jones
observed firsthand the happenings in the Khassia Hills and in the
course of two years published many widely read reports. In May 1906,
Abrams first penned her influential Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, a
popular exposition combining Holiness and Keswickian teachings
that urged Christians to seek the baptism in the Holy Spirit. "Some
who have sought the baptism of the Holy Ghost and fire have received
the fire only for cleansing," wrote Abrams, "but from Acts [2] we see
that the tongues of fire gave power for service, as well as cleansing."22
Two major Christian newspapers with readerships across India, the
Bombay Guardian (Bombay, now Mumbai) and Christian Patriot (Ma-
dras, now Chennai), as well as the Methodist periodical Indian Witness
(Calcutta and Lucknow), serialized it.23

II. RESTORATION OF THE GIFT OF TONGUES

Despite claims that Pentecostalism first sprouted in America, the
fact that Holiness seed had been scattered on the soil of India has been
overlooked. Missionaries there read the identical books and periodi-
cals perused on the American scene and even attended some of the
same conferences. Not surprisingly, their convictions mirrored those of
other Wesleyan and Higher Life believers.
While Pentecostal-like phenomena had been present in the 1905
revival, the more controversial occurrences of speaking in tongues

20 For instance, J Pengwern Jones, "The Revival in the Khassia Hills/' Indian Witness, 7 June
1906,359
21 Abrams herself had been baptized in the Spirit in 1895, but without the "nre " For
autobiographical information, see Minnie F Abrams, "How the Recent Revival Was
Brought about in India," Latter Rain Evangel, July 1909,6-13, idem, "The Battles of a Faith
Missionary," Latter Rain Evangel, March 1910,13-18
22 Minnie F Abrams, "The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire," Bombay Guardian, 9 June
1906,9
23 Partial runs of these periodicals may be found at Yale University libraries m New Haven,
Connecticut
654 CHURCH HISTORY

came later. Still, it was a point of discussion. For instance, the Christian
Patriot reprinted an article by the American Congregationalist mission­
ary Robert A. Hume in April 1905 in which he warned of a "wide­
spread misapprehension" about the work of the Holy Spirit. He
specifically referred to the notion that gospel preaching should be
"attended by some remarkable signs corresponding to the tongues of
fire upon the heads of the disciples, and accompanied with some
unusual power of utterance like the gift of tongues." Though the
article was originally written for an American audience, an editorial
note added that "much of it applies also to India." 2 4
Others took a more positive stance. Reflecting on the revival happen­
ings at the Asansol District Conference in the fall of 1905, Methodist
Bishop John E. Robinson wrote in the Indian Witness that he would not
have been surprised had he "seen tongues of fire descend upon the
disciples present, or had I heard them speak with other tongues as the
Spirit gave them utterance."'15
In October, the Christian Patriot printed a story by the British writer
Jessie Penn-Lewis in which she raised the topic of tongues by telling of
a recent trip to Wales. There she heard the story of a visiting Dutch
pastor who had miraculously preached sermons in English on two
occasions. Because of this "remarkable manifestation of the Spirit," she
declared, "Truly we are having the marks of Pentecost among us, and
if the Church of God will be willing and obedient in this time of His
power we shall see greater things than these in the days to come. Let us
cast aside all unbelief and hesitation, in obedience to the Holy Ghost,
and abandon ourselves to God, that He may manifest through us to an
unbelieving world the truth of His written Word in its record of His
supernatural power." 26 While she later castigated the "Tongue move­
ment," this early endorsement, along with Hume's and Robinson's
comments, probably furthered the discussion. Indeed, the gift of
tongues had been a point of interest in some radical mission circles
since the 1880s.27
Although Penn-Lewis's account centered on the value of tongues for

24 Robert A Hume, "Some Hmdrances to the Spirit's Work," Christian Patriot, 22 April 1905,
3, originally published in the Congregationalist
25 J E Robinson, "Days of Blessmg and Power at Asansol," Indian Witness, 21 December
1905,804
26 (Mrs ) [Jessie] Perm-Lewis, "The Revival," Christian Patriot, Oct 1905, 6, cf idem, "Mrs
Penn-Lewis on the True and False m the Revival," Indian Witness, 28 March 1907,
202-203
27 Gary Β McGee, "The Radical Strategy in Modern Mission The Linkage of Paranormal
Phenomena with Evangelism," m The Holy Spirit and Mission Dynamics, ed C Douglas
McConnell, Evangelical Missiological Society Series 5 (Pasadena, Calif William Carey
Library, 1997), 69-95
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 655

preaching, when tongues did follow in India few if any made this
application before 1907. Hence, tongues was simply viewed as another
display of the Spirit's power, albeit more unusual than the others.
Incidents of speaking in tongues took place two and three months after
a CMS conference in Aurangabad in April of 1906 where Minnie
Abrams spoke. The testimony of a "pupil teacher" who returned home
in June to the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission orphanage at Man-
mad sparked a revival where one or two girls likely spoke in tongues. 28
The best known episode, however, took place in early July when
other girls returned from Aurangabad to the CMS boarding school in
Bombay. Their enthusiasm stirred the students to prayer and confes­
sion of sins. Several girls spoke in tongues including a nine-year-old
named Sarah. Canon R. S. Heywood, thinking it might be analogous to
what took place on the Day of Pentecost, found someone who could
interpret Sarah's words and who then announced that she was "plead­
ing with God for [the conversion of] Libya." 29
Undoubtedly this incident (and probably others) pressed Maud
Wiest to editorialize in the September 1906 issue of the India Alliance
(CMA): "Those who are following through the papers the reports of
the revival movement in India cannot but be struck with the likeness of
many things in the revival to apostolic times and events, and the
records frequently read like a continuation of the Acts of the Apostles.
Some of the gifts which have been scarcely heard of in the church for
many centuries, are now being given by the Holy Ghost to simple,
unlearned members of the body of Christ and communities are being
stirred and transformed by the wonderful grace of God. Healings, the
gift of tongues, visions and dreams, discernment of spirits, the power
to prophecy and to pray the prayer of faith, all have a place in the
30
present revival." Despite the fact that Wiest mentioned tongues
without reference to preaching in new languages or to having a

28 L Β Butcher, "Manmad," Prayer Circular, Nov 1906,4 Butcher highlights the experience
of certain girls in the revival "One or two girls, after days of fasting and prayer, seemed
to receive the Holy Spirit in a special measure, and their words made a great impression
on the others " He probably used the expression "in a special measure" to avoid
mentioning speaking in tongues, a report that might have generated serious criticism
about the happenmgs at Manmad For a similar tactic m regard to the occurrence of
tongues m Bombay m July, see Dyer, Revival in India, 88, cf Minnie F Abrams, Baptism of
the Holy Ghost and Fire, 2d ed (Kedgaon Mukti Mission Press, 1906), 69
29 For this and other information about tongues at the CMS boardmg school m Bombay
from the September 1906 issue of the Prayer Circular, see Donald Gee, The Pentecostal
Movement, Including the Story of the War Years (1940-1947), rev ed (London Ehm, 1949),
28, Abrams, Baptism of the Holy Ghost, 69 For another account of tongues, see "Tongues m
India A Missionary's Testimony," Leaflets on "Tongues," no 11 (Sunderland, U Κ
Roker Tracts, [1907?])
30 Maud Wiest, "Editorials," India Alliance, Sept 1906,30
656 CHURCH HISTORY

normative function for baptism in the Holy Spirit, this mixture of

supernatural ingredients caught the attention of Bartleman, Seymour,
and others at Azusa Street where a Pentecostal revival had been in
progress since April. In the November 1906 issue of the Apostolic Faith
(Los Angeles), an excerpt of her editorial appeared with a preface
stating, "News comes from India t h a t . . . tongues [are] being received
there by natives who are simply taught of God." 3 1

III. TONGUES AT Μυκπ

The occurrences of speaking in tongues at Manmad and Bombay
were followed by reports of the same at the Mukti Mission in late
December 1906. Having read about the Los Angeles revival in the
pages of the Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), Ramabai and Abrams
acknowledged that "the deeper fulness of the outpouring of the Holy
Ghost accompanied by the gift of tongues . . . had not yet been
received" at Mukti and they encouraged the faithful to "tarry" anew
(Luke 24: 49). Before Christmas, seekers, claiming divine enablement,
spoke for the first time in languages they had never studied, among
them English, Kannada, and Sanskrit. Unintelligible or "unknown"
tongues could also be heard. Several girls acquired the gift of interpre­
tation and others that of healing. 32 Abrams herself testified to speaking
in Hebrew—"a hymn of praise to the triune Jehovah"; Ramabai did
not speak in tongues, but commended the experience.33
In the second edition of Abrams's Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire
(Dec. 1906), which mentions the restoration of tongues, she made no
reference to their utility for preaching or requirement for baptism in
the Holy Spirit. Instead, if spoken publicly, their value depended on
someone present who either knew the language or had the gift of
interpretation. When done privately, praying in tongues as an unintel­
ligible expression of deep piety denoted praise and intercessory prayer

31. "Pentecost in India," Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), Nov. 1906, 1, col. 4; Donald Gee
claimed that word of the Azusa Street revival reached India for the first time in
September 1906 but offers no details in his Pentecostal Movement, 28. The first reference to
Azusa that I have found in the missionary literature dates to November 1906 when R. J.
Ward referred to receiving a personal letter giving "an account of the wonderful work
going on in Los Angelos [sic]"; see his "Signs and Wonders in California," Prayer Circular,
Nov. 1906, 6-7. In 1920, Max Wood Moorhead said that he had heard about Azusa while
in Sri Lanka in August 1906; see his "Latter Rain in Calcutta, India," Pentecostal Evangel,
17 April 1920, 6. References to Charles E Parham do not appear in the published
materials from India that I have found.
32. Max Wood Moorhead, "Pentecost in Mukti, India," Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), Sept.
1907,4, cols. 2-3.
33. Rachel Nalder, "Miracles of Salvation, Healing, Provision and Protection," Latter Rain
Evangel, Nov. 1908,10.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 657

in the Holy Spirit to God. In turn, this empowered believers to

evangelize lost souls.34
When comparing tongues with prophecy, Abrams said the latter
was the "gift most needed, and most to be sought after," following
Paul's evaluation in 1 Cor. 14:l.35 The value of prophecy (spoken in
one's own language) focused on preaching. According to Ramabai,
some exercised the gift "so that they could give God's messages in
very clear language, taught by the Holy Spirit. The believers and
unbelievers were moved alike by these messages, and a deep spiritual
work began in our midst."36
Therefore, neither Abrams nor Ramabai registered tongues as indis-
pensable to every instance of baptism in the Holy Spirit as did their
American counterparts. Both views, however, found expression at
Mukti. In a letter to the editor of Confidence (U.K.) in 1908, Abrams
wrote that some believed it to be the only sign of the experience,
"while others of us feel t h a t . . . all may and should receive this sign,
yet we dare not say that no one is Spirit-baptized who has not received
this sign." In assessing what effects the two opinions had in the lives of
believers there, she concluded: "We see the same gifts and graces and
power for service in those who hold these different beliefs, and, so far
as I know, we are as yet working in love and unity for the spread of this
mighty work of the Holy Ghost."37
To some extent, her reluctance to insist on the need for tongues may
have been caused by stinging criticisms that her teaching of a "baptism
of fire" seemed to demand a burning sensation. A writer in Dnyano-
daya, the Anglo-Marathi newspaper published by the Ahmednagar
mission of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis-
sions, called it "sensuous and superstitious . . . pure heathenism in
Christian dress." 38
Responding to queries and criticisms about the doctrines taught at
Mukti, Abrams reaffirmed the mission's orthodoxy by citing its creed
in the September 1907 issue of the Mukti Prayer-Bell. Along with
historic articles of faith and premillennial eschatology, the document
says the following without mentioning tongues specifically: "We be-
lieve that this baptism of the Holy Ghost, giving power for service, is
given with the gifts of the Spirit as recorded in 1 Cor. 12:4-11, and that

34 See Minnie F Abrams, "A New Outpouring of the Holy Spirit at Mukti, Accompanied by
the Gift of Tongues," Faith Work in India, 10 July 1907
35 Abrams, Baptism of the Holy Ghost, 70
36 Ramabai, "Showers of Blessing," Mukti Prayer-Bell, Sept 1907,5
37 Minnie Abrams, "A Message from Mukti," Confidence, 15 Sept 1908,14
38 Cited m "And Fire," Indian Witness, 6 Dec 1906, 772
658 CHURCH HISTORY

the exercise of these gifts are [sic] for the education of the children of
God, and also given to bring unbelievers to repentance."39
Just as Abrams and Ramabai held to this inclusive doctrinal posi-
tion, so did many others, including A. B. Simpson, founder of the
Christian and Missionary Alliance, William J. Seymour in later years,
and several prominent European Pentecostal leaders.40 This fact ex-
plains why Abrams's Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, both in the
original and revised editions, notably lacked the "Bible evidence"
doctrine, later popularly called the "initial evidence." Ironically, while
offering a more inclusive doctrine than that taught at Topeka and
Azusa, it served as one of the earliest expositions of Pentecostal faith
and mission.
Leaving in 1908 for a promotional tour in the United States with
Manoramabai (Ramabai's daughter), Abrams visited important cen-
ters of Pentecostal activity including Carrie Judd Montgomery's Home
of Peace in Oakland, California, and Elmer K. Fisher's Upper Room
Mission in Los Angeles. At the Stone Church in Chicago, she received a
warm welcome from the pastor, William Hamner Piper, who labeled
the "Bible evidence" doctrine as "false teaching."41 Remaining more
traditionally Wesleyan than Parham and the leaders at Azusa, Abrams
ranked the fruits of the Holy Spirit, especially "perfect love" as defined
by Paul in 1 Corinthians 13, above the value of the gifts of the Spirit.42
During one of her sermons there, she added fuel to the debate in
America by declaring, "God's rule [is] to give speaking in tongues at
the time or sometime after one's baptism, but I think I see from the
Word of God that He has exceptions."43 Yet by this time, the voices of
Abrams, Piper, and others were being drowned out by those of
Bartleman and a growing host of Pentecostal leaders who rejected the
possibility of exceptions.
Given the international reputation of Ramabai and the respect
accorded to Abrams, some observers accepted the tongues at Mukti as

39. Minnie F. Abrams, "Mukti Mission," Mukti Prayer-Bell, Sept. 1907,21.

40. A. B. Simpson, "Special Manifestations," Tenth Annual Report of the Christian and Mission-
ary Alliance, 1907,6; idem, "Special Field—India," Tenth Annual Report, 14^-17; William J.
Seymour, The Doctrines and Discipline of the Azusa Street Apostolic Faith Mission of Los
Angeles, Cal (Los Angeles: by the author, 1915), 52; Cornells van der Laan, "The
Proceedings of the Leaders' Meetings (1908-1911) and of the International Pentecostal
Council (1912-1914)," Pneuma: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies 10 (1988):
36-49.
41. William Hamner Piper, "Manifestations and 'Demonstrations' of the Spirit," Latter Rain
Evangel, Oct. 1908,18.
42. Abrams, Baptism of the Holy Ghost, 65-68.
43. Minnie F. Abrams, "The Object of the Baptism in the Holy Spirit," Latter Rain Evangel,
May 1911,10.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 659

genuine or politely restrained their criticisms.44 Others, however,

sharply protested what appeared to be emotional excesses. In the end,
the moderating position of the two women on tongues, enhanced by
testimonies that known languages had miraculously been heard there,
did not alienate them from the larger missionary community. Thus,
major mission periodicals, including the Missionary Review of the World,
eulogized the contributions of Abrams after her death in 1912.45

IV. THE GREAT ISSUE

If the Pentecostal outpouring at Mukti enjoyed a measure of tolera-
tion, the next one brought a tempest of criticism. A. G. Garr's visit to
Calcutta in January 1907 coincided with a missionary conference that
featured Otto Stockmayer, one of the best-known proponents of faith
healing and Keswickian theology in Europe, and R. J. Ward, a leading
Higher Life speaker and director of the Missionary Training Home at
Coonoor.46 As the meetings drew to a close, many felt the anticipated
cloudburst of "latter rain" had missed them once again. Max Wood
Moorhead, a Presbyterian missionary with the YMCA in Ceylon (now
Sri Lanka), sighed, "We were all about as hungry and dry as when we
started."47
This gathering offered Garr the opportunity he wanted to tell of the

44. Such an appraisal is evident in a letter written by Lord Grenville Radstock, a well-known
revival leader and evangelist, who visited there in 1908-1909; see "Manoramabai,"
Confidence, Feb. 1909, 50. In America, sympathetic coverage came from an article by
William T. Ellis, a newspaper reporter for the Chicago Daily News, who visited in July
1907: "Have Gift of Tongues. Girl Widows in Christian Church in India Develop
Wonderful Phenomena/' (Chicago) Daily News, 14 Jan. 1908; reprinted as "Pentecostal
Revival Touches India," Assemblies of God Heritage 2 (1982-1983): 1,5.
45. For example, "Minnie F. Abrams, of India," Missionary Review of the World (hereafter cited
as MRW) 26 (1913): 156. Abrams organized the Bezaleel Evangelistic Mission in 1910, the
only Pentecostal women's mission agency that I have discovered. Its efforts focused on
Uska Bazar in the Basti District, an area bordering Nepal. Dana L. Robert discusses the
missiological contributions of Abrams in American Women in Mission: A Social History of
Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1996), 244-48.
46. See F. E. Marsh, "Pastor O. Stockmayer on the Gift of Tongues," Christian Alliance and
Missionary Weekly, 13 March 1909,397.
47. Moorhead, "Latter Rain in Calcutta," 9; for his testimony of Spirit baptism, see, "A
Personal Testimony," Cloud of Witnesses to Pentecost in India, Sept. 1907,36-38. Moorhead
had attended D. L. Moody's Northfield Conference in 1886 and joined the one hundred
students who dedicated their lives to missionary service; out of this conference arose the
Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions. Eight years later, he edited The
Student Missionary Enterprise: Addresses and Discussions of the Second International Conven-
tion of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions Held at Detroit, Mich., Feb. 28 to
Mar. 4,1894 (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1894).
660 CHURCH HISTORY

recent events in Los Angeles.48 Copies of the Apostolic Faith (Los

Angeles) had preceded the Garrs and "made God's children hungry
for the light to come to India." Furthermore, as they discovered, "the
revival had already broken out among the natives, and some were
speaking in tongues." 49 At the invitation of Pastor C. H. Hook, Garr
then began to hold services at the historic Carey Baptist Chapel in Lai
Bazaar, Calcutta.50 There he taught the classical Pentecostal doctrine of
tongues as conceived by Charles F. Parham, stating unequivocally that
without tongues one had not received the baptism in the Holy Spirit
and could not be considered Pentecostal.
Conflict naturally bubbled over his alleged ability to preach in
Bengali and insistence on the necessity of tongues.51 Despite the
clamor, J. Pengwern Jones met with the Garrs that summer and
afterward affirmed them as "God's servants." They were prayerful,
desired to lead non-Christians to salvation, had accepted some theologi-
cal correction, but remained errant in their certainty of the "gift of
tongues as a proof of the fullness of the Spirit."52 To the missionaries
who had witnessed the revival since 1905 and applauded its powerful
influence on Indian Christians, Garr's narrow definition of "Pentecos-
tal" was especially galling. In this way, he alienated missionaries
sympathetic to Pentecostal phenomena, but who had not spoken in
tongues themselves.53
Although steadfastly holding to the evidential part of Parham's
thesis on tongues, for a pragmatic reason (he could not speak Bengali

48. For Garr's account of the revival in Calcutta, see B. F. Lawrence, The Apostolic Faith
Restored: A History of the Present Latter Rain Outpouring of the Holy Spirit Known as the
Apostolic or Pentecostal Movement (St. Louis: Gospel Publishing House, 1916), 96-105.
49. Sister A. G. Garr, "In Calcutta, India/' Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), April 1907,1, col. 1.
50. Hook's advice on seeking for tongues sounds more like that of Abrams than Garr; see
C. H. Hook, "A Message from Camberwell," Confidence, 15 Oct. 1908,11.
51. Garr reflected on his inability to preach in Bengali in "A letter from A. G. Garr," Special
Supplement to "Confidence", May 1908,1-3. On page 2, he wrote, "So far I have not seen
any one who is able to preach to the natives in their own tongue with the languages
given with the Holy Ghost. Here in Hong Kong, we preached the word to the Chinese
through an interpreter."
52. J. Pengwern Jones to Jessie Penn-Lewis, 4 July 1907, Donald Gee Centre for Pentecostal
and Charismatic Research, Doncaster, U.K. Garr's critics objected to using the accounts
of tongues in the Book of Acts as a gauge to determine when a person had been
Spirit-baptized. Traditional Protestant theological method required explicit statements
from the Bible to establish dogma. Garr's new teaching depended primarily on narrative
materials (Acts 2: 4, 10: 45-46, 19: 6; 8: 17, and 9: 17 by implication), and this made it
appear vulnerable; for more information, see Gary B. McGee, "Early Pentecostal Herme-
neutics: Tongues as Evidence in the Book of Acts," in Initial Evidence: Historical and
Biblical Perspectives on the Pentecostal Doctrine of Spirit Baptism (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrick-
son, 1991), 96-118.
53. For an assessment of the claims about the Calcutta revival, see the untitled news report in
Indian Witness, 1 Aug. 1907,494.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 661

after all) and theological reasons, Garr modified it within a few weeks
of his arrival. While retaining tongues as the indispensable sign of
baptism in the Holy Spirit, he doubted their capacity for preaching.
Though still the "tongues of men and of angels" (1 Cor. 13: 1),
glossolalia functioned primarily in prayer. He now marveled at the
"blessedness of [God's] presence when those foreign words flow from
the Spirit of God through the soul and then are given back to Him in
praise, in prophecy, or in worship." 54
Moorhead credited the Calcutta revival as the beginning of the "first
general outpouring of the Spirit" in India.55 By this, he meant not only
the restoration of glossolalia, but the introduction of the "Bible evi-
dence" teaching on tongues. Among those who spoke in tongues at the
meetings and accepted this doctrine was Susan C. Easton (Methodist),
a veteran missionary with the Woman's Union Missionary Society of
America for Heathen Lands.56 R. J. Ward, however, at first concurred
and then renounced the doctrine; he wondered how the gift of tongues,
considered as less important than prophecy by Paul, could have a
special status above the others, and that without the gift of interpreta-
tion. Besides, how could tongues verify baptism in the Holy Spirit
more accurately than "perfect love"?57 Learning from his mistake, but
without denying the validity of tongues, Ward now advised caution:
Seekers should ask the "great Helmsman" to guard them from spiri-
tual shipwreck by avoiding not only the "Scylla of false satisfaction,"
but also the "Charybdis of unscriptural recklessness."58
Less charitably, some onlookers grumbled that the "supernatural
speech" heard at the meetings sounded more like "barnyard cackle"
than languages, with one wag calling it the "gift of unintelligible
gibberish."59 Far away in America, Arthur T. Pierson, editor of the
influential Missionary Review of the World, diagnosed the "emotional
mania" as stemming from the dizziness of "heated brains" and shud-

54. A. G. Garr, "Tongues, The Bible Evidence/' Cloud of Witnesses to Pentecost in India, Sept.
1907,43; with a few editorial changes, this is the same as his earlier 'Tongues. The Bible
Evidence to the Baptism with the Holy Ghost/' Pentecostal Power (Calcutta), March
1907,3.
55. Max Wood Moorhead, "A Short History of the Pentecostal Movement," Cloud of
Witnesses to Pentecost in India, Nov. 1908,21-22.
56. Easton later joined the Assemblies of God; see Edith L. Blumhofer, "Woman to Woman:
Susan Easton's Missionary Vision," Assemblies of God Heritage 12 (1992-1993): 4r-8,26.
57. R. J. Ward's endorsement of the revival in early 1907 in his Prayer Circular is most likely
the article ("This Is That") printed anonymously in Triumphs of Faith, March 1908,
100-104.
58. R. J. Ward, "The Prayer Circular and the Gift of Tongues," Prayer Circular, April 1907;
reprinted as "The Gift of Tongues," Indian Witness, 18 April 1907,249.
59. Price, "Manifestations Genuine and Counterfeit," Indian Witness, 18 April 1907, 251; H.
Gulliford, "Speaking with Tongues," Harvest Field, April 1907,133.
662 CHURCH HISTORY

dered to think that "most of those susceptible to such contagious

influences have been women of the more emotional, hysterical type." 60
The debate over tongues ignited the first major theological dispute
within the Pentecostal movement, several years before the better-
known quarrels ("Finished Work of Calvary" and the "New Issue")
surfaced in the United States, controversies that later forged the
identities of Pentecostal denominations. What missionary R. E. Mas-
sey trumpeted as the "Great Issue" of the evidential role of tongues
appears to have started first in India, and then in North America and
Europe. "Tongues is the essentially important issue in the present
Revival," he warned as late as 1909, "and Satan will use all his forces to
get us to compromise at this point. Shall we be true to our convictions?
We will by the grace of God."61 Indeed, Moorhead's periodical, Cloud
of Witnesses to Pentecost in India (1907-ca. 1910), which printed Mas-
sey's statement, helped keep the devil from the door by advancing the
American view of tongues to counter deviant teachings.

V. THE REVIVAL IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Early Pentecostalism in India represented an important chapter in
the story of modern Pentecostalism that must be examined on its own
merits and not just as a spinoff from the Azusa Street revival. When
speaking in tongues followed the Aurangabad conference, it marked a
new but virtually predictable development in the long-standing quest
for spiritual power among radical evangelical missionaries and Indian
believers. Even after news arrived in the fall of 1906 telling of the Los
Angeles revival and more people began to speak in tongues, their
understanding of tongues-speech differed in crucial respects.
Since tongues was not tied to the "Bible evidence" doctrine, the
number of missionaries and Indian Christians who experienced glosso-
lalia actually climbed in the succeeding years.62 In 1908, the Apostolic

60. Arthur T. Pierson, "Speaking in Tongues—II/' MRW 20 (1907): 683. Pierson's contention
("Speaking with Tongues," MRW 20 [1907]: 489) that no one had ever preached in a
language they had not learned was refuted by the editor of the Baptist Missionary Review
in "Exchanges and Reviews," Baptist Missionary Review 13 (1907): 307. He cited as a "very
rare exception" the story of two girls in the Nellore field who could preach in Hindustani
when Muslims were present. The editor of India Alliance also took exception to Pierson's
"sweeping statements"; see "Editorials," Aug. 1907, 19. Pierson received enough pro-
tests that he printed a letter written by a missionary in India in support of the movement,
in order for his readers to hear both sides of the matter; "Speaking with Tongues," MRW
21 (1908): 60-61.
61. R. E. Massey, "Tongues, the Bible Evidence; The Great Issue," Cloud of Witnesses to
Pentecost in India, Aug. 1909,6.
62. Max Wood Moorhead, "How Pentecost Came to Calcutta," Latter Rain Evangel, Dec.
1913,23.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 663

Faith (Portland) announced that a thousand people scattered across the

subcontinent had received tongues, including sixty missionaries from
fifteen mission societies serving in twenty-eight stations.63 The moder-
ating approach to tongues enabled them to accommodate the charis-
matic gift to their own theological traditions. As a result, they chose to
remain within their agencies instead of becoming independent or
joining the later Pentecostal mission boards.64
Most American Pentecostals came to champion glossolalia as norma-
tive to baptism in the Holy Spirit and in so doing created a majority
view upheld by the later Pentecostal denominations. Consequently,
any stance that lessened the imperative of tongues compromised the
Pentecostal message. Bartleman could only say that the movement
had "grown up" in India, because in his estimation it fell short of the
maturity achieved at Azusa Street. In their quest to make Azusa the
"epicenter of a worldwide Pentecostal revival," Joe Creech notes that
"Bartleman and his colleagues reported the happenings at Azusa not
only as sovereign acts of God but as apocalyptic events of international
magnitude. These early promoters also minimized certain elements of
historical context, such as prior theological or institutional develop-
ments at Azusa and other pentecostal centers."65
Through the years, Bartleman's history of the Azusa Street revival,
How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles (1925), has led historians to elevate

63. "A Late Report from Bombay," Apostolic Faith (Portland), July/August 1908, 3. The
following are the fifteen mission agencies listed: Church Missionary Society, English
Baptist Mission, American Baptist Mission, Mukti Mission, Perdei Mission, Open Breth-
ren, Salvation Army, Scandinavian Alliance, Christian and Missionary Alliance, Ameri-
can Presbyterian, Women's Foreign Missionary, Thibetan Mission, Poona and Indian
Village Mission, Latter Rain Mission, and Industrial and Evangelical Mission. For similar
lists, see "The Field," Trust, Sept. 1908,15; and Max Wood Moorhead, "India," Confidence,
15 Sept. 1908, 20. Another source claimed that more than a score of CMA missionaries
had spoken in tongues; A. B. Simpson did not dispute the statistic when he cited it in his
"Editorial," Christian Alliance and Missionary Weekly, 20 Feb. 1909,348.
Several representatives of the Young Women's Christian Association in India also
spoke in tongues; see Nancy Boyd, Emissaries: The Overseas Work of the American YWCA,
1895-1970 (New York: Woman's Press, 1987), 46-53. To date, I have been able to identify
more than forty missionaries in India who professed to speaking in tongues between
1906-1912.
64. For Pentecostal activities in northern India in 1910, see "The Fyzabad Conference," Cloud
of Witnesses to Pentecost in India, July 1910, 10-14. It is evident that as a group the
missionaries who spoke in tongues had a far higher level of education than Pentecostal
ministers elsewhere; among them, Minnie F. Abrams (University of Minnesota, Chicago
Training School for City, Home and Foreign Missions); Agnes Hill (University of Illinois);
Alice E. Luce (Cheltenham Ladies College, U.K.); Max Wood Moorhead (Amherst
College and Union Theological Seminary in New York City); Albert Norton (Northwest-
ern University and Garrett Biblical Institute); Laura Radford (State University of Kan-
sas); and Christian H. Schoonmaker (Missionary Training Institute at Nyack, N.Y.).
65. Joe Creech, "Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal
History," Church History 65 (1996): 407.
664 CHURCH HISTORY

its importance above Parham's Topeka revival (1901) and other early
revivals to make it a prototype for appraising other Pentecostal reviv­
als and doctrinal perspectives. 66 As a result, the revival led in large
part by Minnie F. Abrams became invisible.67 Later historians, includ­
ing Nils Bloch-Hoell (The Pentecostal Movement, 1964), John T. Nichol
(Pentecostalism, 1966), Vinson Synan (The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement
in the United States, 1971), Walter J. Hollenweger (The Pentecostals,
1972), and Robert M. Anderson (Vision of the Disinherited, 1979) said
little or nothing about events in India. Bartleman's interpretation
became normative.
Despite the obscurity of the movement in India in Pentecostal
historiography, its influence transcended the borders of the country
through the activities of key participants. Women played particularly
significant roles in the larger drama. In spite of Pierson's qualms about
"hysterical" women, several engaged in theological and missiological
reflection and stood on both sides of the tongues debate. The two most
influential, Minnie F. Abrams and Alice E. Luce, had far-reaching
legacies since both unexpectedly affected the course of Latino Pentecos­
talism.
Abrams contributed to the birth of Chilean Pentecostalism through
mailing a copy of her book (probably the first edition, which lacked
any reference to the restoration of tongues) sometime before December
1906 to Willis and May Hoover, American Methodist missionaries in
Valparaiso, Chile. Her account of the 1905-1906 revival, striking claims
about the baptism of fire, and report of miracles added to the tinder
that sparked "Pentecostal Methodism" in Chile beginning in 1909. It is
noteworthy that Willis Hoover did not teach tongues as absolutely
fundamental to baptism in the Holy Spirit, demonstrating once more
the divergence of Pentecostal teachings outside of North America.68
Alice E. Luce, however, supported the "Bible evidence" doctrine.
The Anglican missionary principal of Queen Victoria High School in

66. For instance, Vinson Synan, introduction to Bartleman, Azusa Street, ix; Walter J.
Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide (Peabody, Mass.: Hen­
drickson, 1997), 18-24.
67. In two brief historical accounts, Abrams traced the beginning of the Pentecostal move­
ment in India to events at the Mukti Mission, but excluded mention of the revival in
Calcutta: "How the Recent Revival Was Brought About/' 6-13; "Brief History of the
Latter Rain Revival of 1910," Word and Work, May 1910,138-41.
68. Willis C. Hoover, "The Wonderful Works of God in Chili/' Latter Rain Evangel, April 1911,
19. Hoover recalled that the first news "that tongues were in the earth today" came in
1908 with a visit by Fredrik Franson, founder of the Evangelical Alliance Mission.
Abrams and May Hoover had been classmates at Lucy Rider Meyer's Chicago Training
School for City, Home, and Foreign Missions. According to A. B. Simpson, Hoover did
not believe in Parham's doctrine of tongues as the "Bible evidence"; see A. B. Simpson,
"Work in Chile, S. Α.," Word and Work, May 1910,157.
PENTECOSTALISM IN INDIA 665

Agra (1905-1912), she testified to baptism in the Holy Spirit in 1910.

After moving to America, she left the CMS and obtained missionary
ordination from the Assemblies of God in 1915. She then began to
evangelize Latinos and train them for ministry. Her students carried
the classical Pentecostal view of Spirit baptism (the modified form of
Garr and others) across North America and throughout Spanish
America.69 Rejecting traditional mission methods with their strong
paternal and institutional orientation with which she was familiar,
Luce crafted Assemblies of God missiology through her synthesis of
Pentecostal spirituality with Roland Allen's teachings on the indig-
enous church.70
The news of the "latter rain" falling over Bombay, Mukti, Calcutta,
and beyond revealed the broad scope of early Pentecostalism, illus-
trated its diversity, and challenged its idealized unity. The stories of
tongues in 1906 assured American Pentecostals of the worldwide
dimensions of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit at the close of human
history. Nevertheless, they were virtually forgotten and their impor-
tance marginalized as the priority of the Azusa Street revival became
firmly established and the classical Pentecostal doctrine of tongues
became hegemonic in the larger arena of Pentecostalism.
69. See H. C. Ball and A. E. Luce, Glimpses of Our Latin American Work in the United States and
Mexico (Springfield, Mo.: Foreign Missions Department, Assemblies of God, 1940); Victor
De Leon, The Silent Pentecostals: A Biographical History of the Pentecostal Movement among
the Hispanics in the Twentieth Century (Taylors, S.C.: Faith Printing, 1979), 19-23.
70. Alice E. Luce, "Paul's Missionary Methods/ 7 Pentecostal Evangel, 8 Jan. 1921, 6-7; 22 Jan.
1921, 6,11; 5 Feb. 1921, 6-7; Gary B. McGee, "Pioneers of Pentecost: Alice E. Luce and
Henry C. Ball," Assemblies of God Heritage 5 (1985): 6,12.
 ^ s
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