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Printed in the United States of America


Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2018

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Brief Contents
PART I The American System
Chapter 1: One Republic—Two Americas? 1
Chapter 2: The Constitution 35
Chapter 3: Federalism 70

PART II Civil Rights and Civil Liberties


Chapter 4: Civil Liberties 107
Chapter 5: Civil Rights 152

PART III People and Politics


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 207
Chapter 7: Interest Groups 241
Chapter 8: Political Parties 272
Chapter 9: Campaigns, Voting, and Elections 311
Chapter 10: The Media and Politics 355

PART IV Political Institutions


Chapter 11: The Congress 385
Chapter 12: The President 422
Chapter 13: The Bureaucracy 457
Chapter 14: The Courts 490

PART V Public Policy


Chapter 15: Domestic Policy 523
Chapter 16: Economic Policy 556
Chapter 17: Foreign Policy and National Security 585

PART VI State and Local Politics


Chapter 18: State and Local Government 621

Appendix
Appendix A The Declaration of Independence 651
Appendix B The Constitution of the United States 653
Appendix C The Federalist Papers Nos. 10 and 51 669
Glossary 675
Index 686

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Detailed Contents
PART I The American System Natural Rights and a Social Contract 42
The Rise of Republicanism 43
Chapter 1: One Republic—Two Americas? 1 The Articles of Confederation: The First Form
Politics and Government 7 of Government 43
Why Is Government Necessary? 7 Accomplishments under the Articles 44
Fundamental Values 8 Weaknesses of the Articles 45
Liberty 10 Shays’ Rebellion and the Need for Revision of the
Order and the Rule of Law 12 Articles 46
Individualism 12 Drafting the Constitution 46
Equality 12 Who Were the Delegates? 47
Property 13 The Working Environment 47
Factions among the Delegates 49
Why Choose Democracy? 14
Politicking and Compromises 50
Direct Democracy as a Model 16
The Virginia Plan 50
The Limits of Direct Democracy 18
The New Jersey Plan 50
A Democratic Republic 18
The “Great Compromise” 51
Principles of Democratic Government 19
The Three-Fifths Compromise 52
Who Really Rules in America? 20 Other Issues 52
Majoritarianism 20 Working toward Final Agreement 52
Elitism 21 The Madisonian Model—Separation of Powers 53
Pluralism 21 The Madisonian Model—Checks and Balances 53
Political Ideologies 23 The Executive 54
The Traditional Political Spectrum 24 A Federal Republic 55
In the Middle: Liberalism and Conservatism 24 The Final Document 55
The Difficulty of Defining Liberalism and
The Difficult Road to Ratification 55
Conservatism 24
The Federalists Push for Ratification 56
Liberalism 24
The Federalist Papers 56
Conservatism 25
The Anti-Federalist Response 57
Libertarianism 25
The March to the Finish 57
The Challenge of Change 26 Did the Majority of Americans Support the
Demographic Change in a Democratic Republic 26 Constitution? 57
Ethnic Change 27 State Ratifying Conventions 58
Globalization 29 Support Was Probably Widespread 58
The Technology Revolution 30 The Bill of Rights 60
Environmental Change 32 A “Bill of Limits” 60
No Explicit Limits on State Government Powers 61
Chapter 2: The Constitution 35
Altering the Constitution: The Formal Amendment
The Colonial Background 37 Process 61
Separatists, the Mayflower, and the Compact 38 Many Amendments Are Proposed; Few Are Accepted 62
More Colonies, More Government 39 Limits on Ratification 63
British Restrictions and Colonial Grievances 40 The National Convention Provision 64
The Colonial Response 40 Informal Methods of Constitutional Change 64
The First Continental Congress 40
Congressional Legislation 65
The Second Continental Congress 41
Presidential Actions 66
Declaring Independence 41 Judicial Review 66
The Resolution of Independence 41 Not a Novel Concept 66
July 4, 1776—The Declaration of Independence 42 Allows the Court to Adapt the Constitution 67
Universal Truths 42 Interpretation, Custom, and Usage 67

vi  

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Chapter 3: Federalism 70 Why Would the States Favor the Status Quo? 96
Federalism Becomes a Partisan Issue 97
Three Systems of Government 73
The “New Federalism” 98
A Unitary System 73 New Judicial Federalism 98
A Confederal System 73 Federalism in the Twenty-First Century 99
A Federal System 73
Federalism and the Supreme Court Today 100
Why Federalism? 74
Reining in the Commerce Power 100
A Practical Constitutional Solution 74 State Sovereignty and the Eleventh Amendment 101
Benefits for the United States 75 Tenth Amendment Issues 102
Allowance for Many Political Subcultures 75 Federalism and State Immigration Policy 102
Arguments against Federalism 77 Other Federalism Cases 103
The Constitutional Basis for American Federalism 78
Powers of the National Government 78
PART II Civil Rights and Civil Liberties
The Necessary and Proper Clause 78
Inherent Powers 79 Chapter 4: Civil Liberties 107
Powers of the State Governments 79
Concurrent Powers 82
Civil Liberties and the Bill of Rights 109
Prohibited Powers 82 Extending the Bill of Rights to State Governments 110
The Supremacy Clause 82 Incorporation of the Fourteenth Amendment 110
Vertical and Horizontal Checks and Balances 83 Freedom of Religion 111
Interstate Relations 83 The Separation of Church and State—The Establishment
The Full Faith and Credit Clause 83 Clause 111
Privileges and Immunities 84 Aid to Church-Related Schools 112
Interstate Extradition 84 A Change in the Court’s Position 113
Defining Constitutional Powers—The Early Years 86 School Vouchers 113
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) 86 The Issue of School Prayer—Engel v. Vitale 114
The Constitutional Questions 86 The Debate over School Prayer Continues 115
Marshall’s Decision 87 Prayer Outside the Classroom 115
Gibbons v. Ogden (1824) 87 The Ten Commandments 116
The Background of the Case 88 Forbidding the Teaching of Evolution 116
Marshall’s Ruling 88 Religious Speech 116
Public Expression of Religion 117
States’ Rights and the Resort to Civil War 88
Blasphemy and Free Speech Rights 117
The Shift Back to States’ Rights 89
The Free Exercise Clause 118
War and the Growth of the National Government 89
The Religious Freedom Restoration Act 118
The War Effort 89
The Civil War Amendments 90
Freedom of Expression 120
No Prior Restraint 120
The Continuing Dispute over the Division of Power 90
WikiLeaks, Edward Snowden, and Classified Information
Dual Federalism and the Retreat of National Authority 90
on the Internet 120
A Return to Normal Conditions 91
The Protection of Symbolic Speech 121
The Role of the Supreme Court 91
The Protection of Commercial Speech 122
The New Deal and Cooperative Federalism 91
Permitted Restrictions on Expression 123
The “New Deal” 92
Clear and Present Danger 123
The End of Dual Federalism 92
Modifications to the Clear and Present Danger Rule 123
Cooperative Federalism 92
Unprotected Speech: Obscenity 126
Methods of Implementing Cooperative Federalism 93
Definitional Problems 126
Categorical Grants 93
Protecting Children 126
Feeling the Pressure—The Strings Attached to Federal
Pornography on the Internet 126
Grants 94
Should “Virtual” Pornography Be Deemed a Crime? 127
Block Grants 94
Unprotected Speech: Slander 127
Federal Mandates 95
Campus Speech 128
The Politics of Federalism 95 Student Activity Fees 128
What Has National Authority Accomplished? 96 Campus Speech and Behavior Codes 128
Civil Rights and the War on Poverty 96 Hate Speech on the Internet 130

  vii

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Freedom of the Press 130 The Escalation of the Civil Rights Movement 164
Defamation in Writing 130 Modern Civil Rights Legislation 165
A Free Press versus a Fair Trial: Gag Orders 131 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 165
Films, Radio, and TV 132 The Voting Rights Act of 1965 166
Urban Riots 166
The Right to Assemble and to Petition
The Civil Rights Act of 1968 and Other Housing-Reform
the Government 133
Legislation 166
Online Assembly 134
Consequences of Civil Rights Legislation 167
More Liberties under Scrutiny: Matters Political Representation by African Americans 169
of Privacy 134 The U.S. Census and Civil Rights 170
Information Privacy 135 Lingering Social and Economic Disparities 170
Privacy Rights and Abortion 137 Race-Conscious or Post-Racial Society? 171
Roe v. Wade 137 #BlackLivesMatter 172
The Controversy Continues 137 Race and Confederate Symbols 173
Privacy Rights and the “Right to Die” 139
Women’s Campaign for Equal Rights 174
What If No Living Will Exists? 139
Early Women’s Political Movements 174
Physician-Assisted Suicide 139
Women’s Suffrage Associations 175
Privacy Rights versus Security Issues 140
The Second Wave of the Women’s Movement 177
The USA PATRIOT Act 140
The Equal Rights Amendment 180
Civil Liberties Concerns 141
Three-State Strategy 180
The Great Balancing Act: The Rights of the Accused Challenging Gender Discrimination in the Courts
versus the Rights of Society 143 and Legislatures 180
Extending the Rights of the Accused 144 Women in Politics Today 182
Miranda v. Arizona 145
Gender-Based Discrimination in the
Exceptions to the Miranda Rule 145
Workplace 183
Video Recording of Interrogations 146
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 183
The Exclusionary Rule 146
Sexual Harassment 184
The Death Penalty 146 Wage Discrimination 184
Cruel and Unusual Punishment? 147 The Equal Pay Act of 1963 184
The Death Penalty Today 147 Voting Rights and the Young 187

Immigration, Latinos, and Civil Rights 188


Chapter 5: Civil Rights 152 Mexican American Civil Rights 188
African Americans and the Consequences The Continued Influx of Immigrants 189
of Slavery in the United States 154 Illegal Immigration 190
Ending Servitude 155 Citizenship 191
The Civil Rights Acts of 1865 to 1875 155 Accommodating Diversity with Bilingual Education 191
The Limitations of the Civil Rights Laws 156 Affirmative Action 192
The Civil Rights Cases 157 The Bakke Case 192
Plessy v. Ferguson: Separate but Equal 157 Further Limits on Affirmative Action 194
Voting Barriers 157 State Ballot Initiatives 195
Extralegal Methods of Enforcing White
Supremacy 158
Making Amends for Past Discrimination through
The End of the Separate-but-Equal Doctrine 159
Reparations 196
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka 159 Special Protection for Older Americans 197
“With All Deliberate Speed” 160 Securing Rights for Persons with Disabilities 198
Reactions to School Integration 160 The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 198
Integration Today 161 Limiting the Scope and Applicability of the ADA 199
The Resurgence of Minority Schools 161 The Rights and Status of Gays and Lesbians 199
The Civil Rights Movement 162 Progress in the Gay and Lesbian Rights Movement 200
King’s Philosophy of Nonviolence 163 State and Local Laws Targeting Gays and Lesbians 200
Nonviolent Demonstrations 163 Gays and Lesbians in the Military 201
Marches and Demonstrations 163 Same-Sex Marriage 201
Another Approach—Black Power 164 Defense of Marriage Act 202
viii  

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A Short History of State Recognition of Gay Marriages 203 Material Incentives 248
Shift in Public Opinion for Marriage Equality 203 Purposive Incentives 248
Types of Interest Groups 248
PART III People and Politics Economic Interest Groups 249
Business Interest Groups 249
Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Agricultural Interest Groups 250
Labor Interest Groups 250
Socialization 207
Public-Employee Unions 252
Defining Public Opinion 210 Interest Groups of Professionals 253
Public Opinion and Policymaking 210 The Unorganized Poor 253
How Public Opinion Is Formed: Political Environmental Groups 254
Socialization 212 Public-Interest Groups 255
Models of Political Socialization 212 Nader Organizations 255
The Family and the Social Environment 213 Other Public-Interest Groups 255
Education as a Source of Political Socialization 213 Other Interest Groups 257
Peers and Peer Group Influence 213 Foreign Governments 257
Opinion Leaders’ Influence 215 What Makes an Interest Group Powerful? 257
Political Change and Political Socialization 218 Size and Resources 258
The Impact of the Media 218 Leadership 259
The Influence of Political Events 220 Cohesiveness 261
Political Preferences and Voting Behavior 221 Interest Group Strategies 261
Demographic Influences 221 Direct Techniques 261
Education 222 Lobbying Techniques 261
The Influence of Economic Status 222 The Ratings Game 262
Religious Influence: Denomination 224 Building Alliances 263
Religious Influence: Religiosity and Evangelicals 224 Campaign Assistance 263
The Influence of Race and Ethnicity 224 Indirect Techniques 264
The Gender Gap 225 Generating Public Pressure 265
Reasons for the Gender Gap 226 Using Constituents as Lobbyists 265
Geographic Region 227 Unconventional Forms of Pressure 266
Measuring Public Opinion 228 Regulating Lobbyists 266
The History of Opinion Polls 228 The Results of the 1946 Act 267
Sampling Techniques 229 The Reforms of 1995 267
Representative Sampling 229 Lobbying Scandals 268
The Principle of Randomness 229 Interest Groups and Representative Democracy 268
Problems with Polls 231 Interest Group Influence 269
Sampling Errors 231
Poll Questions 232 Chapter 8: Political Parties 272
Push Polls 232
What Is a Political Party and What Do
Technology, Public Opinion, and the Political Parties Do? 275
Process 233 Getting Organized: The Three Components of a Party 276
Public Opinion and the Political Process 233 Party Organization 277
Political Culture and Public Opinion 234 The National Convention 277
Political Trust and Support for the Political System 234 The State Party Organization 278
Public Opinion about Government 236 Local Party Organizations 280
The Party-in-Government 280
Chapter 7: Interest Groups 241
Divided Government 280
Interest Groups: A Natural Phenomenon 243 The Limits of Party Unity 280
Interest Groups and Social Movements 244 Party Polarization 281
Why So Many? 246 A History of Political Parties in the United States 281
Why Do Americans Join Interest Groups? 246 The First-Party System: The Development of Parties,
Incentives 247 1789–1828 283
Solidary Incentives 247 The Era of Good Feelings 284
  ix

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The Second-Party System: Democrats and Whigs, The Strategy of Winning 318
1828–1860 284 Candidate Visibility and Appeal 318
The Third-Party System: Republicans’ Rise to Power and the Taking the Public Pulse 319
Civil War, 1860–1896 284 The Media and Political Campaigns 319
“Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion” 285
The Triumph of the Republicans 285
Financing the Campaign 319
The Fourth-Party System: The Progressive Interlude Regulating Campaign Financing 322
and Republican Dominance, 1896–1932 285 The Federal Election Campaign Act 322
The Fifth-Party System: The New Deal and Democratic Further Reforms in 1974 322
Dominance, 1932–1968 286 Buckley v. Valeo 323
A Post-Party System Era, 1968–Present? 287 Interest Groups and Campaign Finance: Reaction
Red State, Blue State 288 to New Rules 323
Partisan Trends in the Elections of 2012 and 2016 288 PACs and Political Campaigns 324
The Two Major U.S. Parties Today 289 Campaign Financing beyond the Limits 324
Who Belongs to Each Political Party? 290 Contributions to Political Parties 324
Differences in Party Policy Priorities 292 Independent Expenditures 326
The 2012 Elections—Shaping the Parties for 2014 and 2016 292 Issue Advocacy 326
The 2016 Primaries and the Rise of “Outsiders” 294 The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 326
Why Has the Two-Party System Endured? 297 Key Elements of the New Law 327
The Historical Foundations of the Two-Party System 297 The Rise of the 527s 327
Political Socialization and Practical Considerations 297 Citizens United, Freedom Now, and the Future of Campaign
The Winner-Take-All Electoral System 298 Finance Regulation 329
Proportional Representation 298 Running for President: The Longest Campaign 330
State and Federal Laws Favoring the Two Parties 299 Reforming the Primaries 330
The Role of Minor Parties in U.S. Politics 300 Front-Loading the Primaries 331
Ideological Third Parties 301 The Rush to Be First 331
Splinter Parties 301 The 2016 Primary Season 331
The Impact of Minor Parties 302
On to the National Convention 332
Influencing the Major Parties 302
Seating the Delegates 332
Affecting the Outcome of an Election 302
Convention Activities 332
Mechanisms of Political Change 303 On to the General Election 333
Realignment 303
Voting in the United States 334
Realignment: The Myth of Dominance 303
Turning Out to Vote 334
Realignment: The Myth of Predictability 303
The Effect of Low Voter Turnout 336
Is Realignment Still Possible? 305
Is Voter Turnout Declining? 337
Dealignment 306
Factors Influencing Who Votes 337
Independent Voters 306
Why People Do Not Vote 339
Not-So-Independent Voters 306
Uninformative Media Coverage and Negative
Tipping 307
Campaigning 339
Tipping in Massachusetts 307
The Rational Ignorance Effect 340
Tipping in California 307
Plans for Improving Voter Turnout 340
Political Parties of the Future 308
Legal Restrictions on Voting 341
Chapter 9: Campaigns, Voting, Historical Restrictions 341
and Elections 311 Property Requirements 341
Who Wants to Be a Candidate? 313 Further Extensions of the Franchise 341
Why They Run 313 Is the Franchise Still Too Restrictive? 342
The Nomination Process 313 Current Eligibility and Registration Requirements 342
Who Is Eligible? 314 Extension of the Voting Rights Act 343
Who Runs? 314 Primary Elections, General Elections,
Women as Candidates 315 and More 344
The Twenty-First-Century Campaign 316 Primary Elections 344
The Changing Campaign 316 Closed Primary 345
The Professional Campaign Staff 317 Open Primary 345
x  

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Blanket Primary 345 Bias in the Media 379
Runoff Primary 345 Do the Media Have a Partisan Bias? 380
General and Other Elections 345 A Racial Bias? 380
How Are Elections Conducted? 346 A Gender Bias? 381
Office-Block and Party-Column Ballots 346
Vote Fraud 347
The Danger of Fraud 347 PART IV Political Institutions
Mistakes by Voting Officials 347
The Importance of the Voting Machine 348 Chapter 11: The Congress 385
The Electoral College 348 The Functions of Congress 387
The Choice of Electors 348 The Lawmaking Function 388
The Electors’ Commitment 349 The Representation Function 388
Criticisms of the Electoral College 349 The Trustee View of Representation 388
The Instructed-Delegate View of Representation 389
Chapter 10: The Media and Politics 355 Service to Constituents 389
A Brief History of the Media’s Role in United States The Oversight Function 390
Politics 357 The Public-Education Function 391
The Rise of the Popular Press 357 The Conflict-Resolution Function 391
Mass-Readership Newspapers 358 The Powers of Congress 391
News Delivered over the Airwaves 358 Enumerated Powers 391
The Revolution in Electronic Media 359 Powers of the Senate 392
The Special Relationship between the Media Constitutional Amendments 392
and the Executive 360 The Necessary and Proper Clause 392
The Internet and Social Media 363 Checks on Congress 393
The Role of the Media in Our Society 365 House–Senate Differences 393
The Media’s Political Functions 365 Size and Rules 394
Provide Information 366 Debate and Filibustering 394
Identify Problems and Set the Public Agenda 366 Prestige 395
Investigate and Report on Wrongdoing 367
Socialize New Generations 368
Congresspersons and the Citizenry: A Comparison 395
Providing a Political Forum for Dialogue Congressional Elections 396
and Debate 368 Candidates for Congressional Elections 396
The Media’s Impact: Political Campaigns 369 Congressional Campaigns and Elections 397
Presidential Effects 397
Advertising 369
The Power of Incumbency 398
Management of News Coverage 370
Campaign Debates 371 Congressional Apportionment 399
The Internet and Social Media 372 Gerrymandering 400
Redistricting after the 2010 Census 401
The Media’s Impact: Voters 373 Nonpartisan Redistricting 402
The Government’s Regulatory Relationship “Minority-Majority” Districts 403
with Media 374 Constitutional Challenges 403
Government Regulation of the Media 374 Changing Directions 404
Controlling Ownership of the Media 374 Perks and Privileges 404
Increased Media Concentration 375 Permanent Professional Staffs 404
Government Control of Content 376 Privileges and Immunities under the Law 405
Control of Broadcasting 376 Congressional Caucuses: Another Source of Support 405
Government Control of the Media during the Second Gulf The Committee Structure 406
War 377 The Power of Committees 406
The Government’s Attempt to Control the Media after Types of Congressional Committees 407
the September 11, 2001, Attacks 377 Standing Committees 407
Net Neutrality 377 Select Committees 408
The Public’s Right to Media Access 379 Joint Committees 408
  xi

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Conference Committees 408 Special Uses of Presidential Power 442
The House Rules Committee 408 Emergency Powers 442
The Selection of Committee Members 408 Executive Orders 443
The Formal Leadership 409 Executive Privilege 444
Leadership in the House 409 Limiting Executive Privilege 444
The Speaker 409 Clinton’s Attempted Use of Executive Privilege 444
The Majority Leader 410 Abuses of Executive Power and Impeachment 445
The Minority Leader 410 The Executive Organization 445
Whips 410 The Cabinet 446
Leadership in the Senate 412 Members of the Cabinet 446
How Members of Congress Decide 413 Presidential Use of Cabinets 446
The Conservative Coalition 413 The Executive Office of the President 446
Polarization and Gridlock 413 The White House Office 448
“Crossing Over” 414 The Office of Management and Budget 449
Logrolling, Earmarks, and “Pork” 414 The National Security Council 449
How a Bill Becomes Law 414 “Policy Czars” 449

How Much Will the Government Spend? 416 The Vice Presidency 450
Preparing the Budget 416 The Vice President’s Job 450
Congress Faces the Budget 417 Strengthening the Ticket 450
Budget Resolutions 418 Supporting the President 451
Presidential Succession 452
Chapter 12: The President 422 The Twenty-fifth Amendment 452
When the Vice Presidency Becomes Vacant 453
Who Can Become President? 424
The Process of Becoming President 425
Chapter 13: The Bureaucracy 457
The Many Roles of the President 426
The Nature of Bureaucracy 459
Head of State 426
Public and Private Bureaucracies 459
Chief Executive 427
Models of Bureaucracy 460
The Powers of Appointment and Removal 428
Weberian Model 460
The Power to Grant Reprieves and Pardons 428
Acquisitive Model 460
Commander in Chief 429
Monopolistic Model 460
Wartime Powers 429
Bureaucracies Compared 461
The War Powers Resolution 430
Chief Diplomat 430 The Size of the Bureaucracy 461
Diplomatic Recognition 430 The Organization of the Federal Bureaucracy 462
Proposal and Ratification of Treaties 431 Cabinet Departments 463
Executive Agreements 432
Independent Executive Agencies 465
Chief Legislator 433
Independent Regulatory Agencies 466
Legislation Passed 435
The Purpose and Nature of Regulatory Agencies 466
Saying No to Legislation 435
Agency Capture 467
The Line-Item Veto 438
Deregulation and Reregulation 467
Congress’s Power to Override Presidential
Government Corporations 468
Vetoes 438
Other Presidential Powers 438 Challenges to the Bureaucracy 469
The President as Party Chief and Superpolitician 439 Reorganizing to Stop Terrorism 469
Dealing with Natural Disasters 470
The President as Chief of Party 439
The President’s Power to Persuade 439 Staffing the Bureaucracy 471
Constituencies and Public Approval 440 Political Appointees 471
Presidential Constituencies 440 The Aristocracy of the Federal Government 472
Public Approval 440 The Difficulty in Firing Civil Servants 472
George W. Bush and the Public Opinion Polls 441 History of the Federal Civil Service 472
Obama and Trump: Public Approval 441 To the Victor Belong the Spoils 473
“Going Public” 442 The Civil Service Reform Act of 1883 473

xii  

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The Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 474 Decisions and Opinions 505
Federal Employees and Political Campaigns 474 When There Are Eight Justices 506
Modern Attempts at Bureaucratic Reform 475 The Selection of Federal Judges 507
Sunshine Laws before and after September 11 475 Judicial Appointments 507
Information Disclosure 475 Federal District Court Judgeship Nominations 508
Curbs on Information Disclosure 475 Federal Courts of Appeals Appointments 509
Sunset Laws 475 Supreme Court Appointments 509
Privatization 476 The Special Role of the Chief Justice 509
Incentives for Efficiency and Productivity 476 Partisanship and Judicial Appointments 510
Government Performance and Results Act 478
The Senate’s Role 511
Bureaucracy Has Changed Little 478
Saving Costs through E-Government 479
Policymaking and the Courts 512
Helping Out the Whistleblowers 479 Judicial Review 512
Laws Protecting Whistleblowers 479 Judicial Activism and Judicial Restraint 512
The Problem Continues 479 Strict versus Broad Construction 513
Ideology and the Rehnquist Court 514
Bureaucrats as Politicians and Policymakers 480
The Roberts Court 515
The Rule-Making Environment 481
Waiting Periods and Court Challenges 481
What Checks Our Courts? 516
Controversies 481 Executive Checks 516
Negotiated Rule Making 482 Legislative Checks 517
Bureaucrats Are Policymakers 482 Constitutional Amendments 517
Iron Triangles 483 Rewriting Laws 518
Issue Networks 484 Public Opinion 518
Judicial Traditions and Doctrines 519
Congressional Control of the Bureaucracy 484
Hypothetical and Political Questions 519
Ways Congress Does Control the Bureaucracy 484
The Impact of the Lower Courts 519
Reasons Why Congress Cannot Easily Oversee
the Bureaucracy 486
PART V Public Policy
Chapter 14: The Courts 490
Sources of American Law 492 Chapter 15: Domestic Policy 523
Constitutions 494 The Policymaking Process 525
Statutes and Administrative Regulations 494 Agenda Building 525
Case Law 494 Policy Formulation 526
Judicial Review 494 Policy Adoption 526
The Federal Court System 496 Policy Implementation 526
Policy Evaluation 527
Basic Judicial Requirements 497
Jurisdiction 497 Health Care 527
Standing to Sue 497 The Rising Cost of Health Care 528
Types of Federal Courts 498 Advanced Technology 528
U.S. District Courts 498 The Government’s Role in Financing Health Care 528
U.S. Courts of Appeals 498 Medicare 529
The U.S. Supreme Court 500 Medicaid 530
Specialized Federal Courts and the War on Terrorism 500 Why Has Medicaid Spending Exploded? 530
The FISA Court 500 Medicaid and the States 530
Alien “Removal Courts” 501 The Uninsured 531
Parties to Lawsuits 502 The 2010 Health-Care Reform Legislation 532
Procedural Rules 503 Environmental Policy 532
The Supreme Court at Work 503 The Environmental Movement 533
Which Cases Reach the Supreme Court? 504 Cleaning Up the Air and Water 534
Factors That Bear on the Decision 504 The National Environmental Policy Act 534
Granting Petitions for Review 505 Curbing Air Pollution 534
Deciding Cases 505 Water Pollution 535

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The Endangered Species Act 535 What Will It Take to Salvage Social Security? 573
Sustainability 536 Raise Taxes 573
Global Climate Change 538 Consider Other Options 575
The Kyoto Protocol 538 Privatize Social Security 575
COP21: The New Agreement 538 Monetary Policy 575
The Global Warming Debate 540 Organization of the Federal Reserve System 575
Loose and Tight Monetary Policies 576
Energy Policy 540
Time Lags for Monetary Policy 576
Energy and the Environment 543 Monetary versus Fiscal Policy 576
Nuclear Power—An Unpopular Solution 544 Globalization and World Trade 578
Alternative Approaches to the Energy Crisis 545
Imports and Exports 579
Poverty and Welfare 546 The Impact of Import Restrictions on Exports 579
The Low-Income Population 546 Quotas and Tariffs 579
The Antipoverty Budget 547 Free-Trade Areas and Common Markets 579
Basic Welfare 548 The World Trade Organization 580
Welfare Controversies 548 What the WTO Does 580
Other Forms of Government Assistance 549 Sending Work Overseas 581
Homelessness—Still a Problem 549 Facing the Future 581
Immigration 550
The Continued Influx of Immigrants 550 Chapter 17: Foreign Policy and National
Minority Groups’ Importance on the Rise 550 Security 585
The Advantages of High Rates of Immigration 550
Facing the World: Foreign and Defense Policy 587
Attempts at Immigration Reform 550
National Security Policy 588
The Range of Federal Public Policies 552 Diplomacy 588
Who Makes Foreign Policy? 589
Chapter 16: Economic Policy 556
Constitutional Powers of the President 589
Prosperity Is the Goal 559 War Powers 590
Unemployment 560 Treaties and Executive Agreements 591
Unemployment Becomes an Issue 560 Other Constitutional Powers 592
Measuring Unemployment 561 Informal Techniques of Presidential Leadership 592
Inflation 562 Other Sources of Foreign Policymaking 593
The Business Cycle 562 The Department of State 593
The Economic Toolkit 562 The National Security Council 594
Economic Theory Guides Policy 563 The Intelligence Community 594
Covert Actions 594
Laissez-Faire Economics 563
Criticisms of the Intelligence Community 595
Keynesian Economic Theory 564
The Department of Defense (DOD) 595
Supply-Side Economics 564
Congress Balances the Presidency 596
Fiscal Policy 565
Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy 597
Discretionary Fiscal Policy 565
Elite and Mass Opinion 597
The Thorny Problem of Timing 566
Interest Group Politics in Global Affairs 597
Government Borrowing 566
The Public Debt in Perspective 567 The Major Themes of American Foreign Policy 598
The Formative Years: Avoiding Entanglements 598
The Politics of Taxes 569
The Monroe Doctrine 599
Federal Income Tax Rates 569
The Spanish–American War and World War I 599
Loopholes and Lowered Taxes 570
The Era of Internationalism 599
Progressive and Regressive Taxation 570
The Cold War 600
Who Pays? 571
Containment Policy 600
Entitlements: The Big Budget Item 572
Superpower Relations 601
Social Security and Medicare 573 The Cuban Missile Crisis 602
Social Security Is Not a Pension Fund 573 A Period of Détente 602

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The Reagan–Bush Years 602 The State Legislature 627
The Dissolution of the Soviet Union 603 Legislative Apportionment 629
The War on Terror 603 Minority Representation 629
The Iraq and Afghanistan Wars 604 Political Gerrymandering 629
The Persian Gulf—The First Gulf War 604 Term Limits for State Legislators 630
The Iraq War 605 Ethics and Campaign Finance Reform in the States 631
Occupied Iraq 605 Direct Democracy: The Initiative, Referendum, and
The Situation Worsens 605 Recall 633
The Bush Surge 605 The Initiative 633
The “Necessary” War 606 The Referendum 633
The Recall 633
Global Policy Challenges 607
The Emerging World Order 608 The State Judiciary 634
The Threat of Terrorism 609 Trial Courts 635
Terrorism and Regional Strife 609 Appellate Courts 635
Terrorist Attacks against Foreign Civilians 609 Judicial Elections and Appointments 635
London Bombings 609 How Local Government Operates 636
Nuclear Weapons 610 The Legal Existence of Local Government 636
The United States and the Soviet Union 610 Local Governmental Units 636
Nuclear Proliferation 611 Municipalities 636
The United States and Regional Conflicts 611 Counties 637
The Middle East 611 Towns and Townships 637
The Arab Spring 613 Special Districts and School Districts 639
Iranian Ambitions 615 Consolidation of Governments 639
Central and South America 615 How Municipalities Are Governed 640
War and HIV/AIDS in Africa 616 The Commission Plan 640
The Council-Manager Plan 641
The Mayor-Administrator Plan 641
The Mayor-Council Plan 641
PART VI State and Local Politics
Machine versus Reform in City Politics 643

Chapter 18: State and Local Government 621 Paying for State and Local Government 644
State and Local Government Expenditures 644
The U.S. Constitution and the State Governments 623
State and Local Government Revenues 644
Why Are State Constitutions So Long? 624
The Struggle to Balance State Budgets 646
The Constitutional Convention and the Constitutional
Getting into Trouble: Borrowing Too Much 647
Initiative 625
Getting into Trouble: Poor Productivity 647
The State Executive Branch 625 Getting into Trouble: Health-Care Costs 647
A Weak Executive 625 States Recover from the Recession 648
Increasing the Governor’s Power 626 States as Policy Pioneers 648
The Governor’s Veto Power 627

Appendix A: The Declaration of Independence 651

Appendix B: The Constitution of the United States 653

Appendix c: The Federalist Papers Nos. 10 and 51 669

Glossary 675

Index 686

  xv

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A Letter to Instructors
Dear American Politics Instructor:

Americans are often cynical about our national political system. College
students in particular are at a loss to know what to do about the polarized
politics and policy gridlock occurring within the modern political system,
making American Politics a tough course to teach. This edition of American
Government and Politics Today is designed to help you move your students
from the sidelines of politics to full engagement by equipping them with the
knowledge and analytical skills needed to shape political decisions at the local,
state, and national levels. Based on review feedback, we include a strong
emphasis on the power of modern social media and its ability to engage
citizens with one another, as well as to connect citizens with political issues
and ideas. The solid content on institutions and the processes of government
included in previous editions remains. Features such as “Politics in Practice”
and “What if…?” will help you bring politics to life in your classroom, while
demonstrating to students why politics matters and how it surrounds them
each day—at times without their even knowing it. Each chapter has the most
up-to-date data and information and includes coverage of current issues and
controversies that we believe will engage students and hold their interest.
We believe that part of America’s cynicism stems from the growing reality
of “two Americas”: one with opportunity afforded by privilege and wealth and
another whose opportunities, rights, and privileges seem stunted by a lack of
wealth. Does the promise of America exist for both groups or only one? How
was this theme reflected in the outcome of the 2016 presidential election and
in the decision of the Trump administration? How do those who feel they have
been left behind as others have prospered regain the promise of the American
Dream? What role can political engagement play in doing so? Knowledge is
power, and in this edition we try to strike a balance between the content and
the skill building necessary for course success, while also presenting students
with current controversies in politics and opportunities to engage with those
issues. The new “Politics in Practice” feature found in each chapter highlights
the ways people engage in politics to make changes. Each chapter begins with
the popular feature “What if…?”, which presents students with an opportunity
to think through a political scenario that for now is a hypothetical, but could
actually happen.
These active learning opportunities bring alive the issues that students are
confronted with on a daily basis and give students the opportunity to apply
their knowledge and skills.

New to This Edition


●● This edition has been substantially revised and updated to include the 2016
national elections and recent data, issues, and engaging examples of poli-
tics, politicians, and policies. Following the 2016 presidential election, the

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text has been updated to include issues and examples from the new Trump
administration.
●● In response to our reviewers, we have substantially revised Chapter 10:
“The Media and Politics.” This chapter puts a strong emphasis on the
way social media connect us to one another and with ideas and political
leaders. President Trump’s use of Twitter to communicate directly with his
supporters and opponents is evaluated in this context.
●● Chapter 9 combines material on “Campaigns, Voting, and Elections” in
a format that will lead the student seamlessly through the electoral pro-
cess. The impact of the 2018 midterm elections on the composition of
Congress is included.
●● In response to reviewers, the features in this edition have been streamlined
and the number reduced to three. Each feature has been revised for this edi-
tion. “Politics in Practice” is new to this edition and focuses on making politics
and people taking political action visible to students by highlighting examples
from popular culture and current events. In Chapter 2, the feature highlights
the impact of the Broadway musical Hamilton, and in Chapter 5 it shows the
power of students to change the racial climate on their campus through pro-
test. The feature is designed to enhance student interest by identifying a per-
son or group of people who took on an issue and made a difference.
●● A new feature, “Election 2016,” has been added to every chapter in the text.
Within the context of each chapter’s focus, this feature guides students to
think about the ways an election can change American politics or reinforce
the status quo. Information from the new Trump administration has been
added where appropriate.
●● Greater attention has been paid to gender issues throughout the text as
suggested by reviewers. New material is included on the historic candidacy
of Hillary Rodham Clinton, the Equal Pay Act, and the Lilly Ledbetter Act, in
addition to updated coverage of women’s rights and gender equality, gender
and racial discrimination, and the pay gap. The unprecedented number of
women running in the 2018 midterm elections is included.
●● Care has been taken to reflect the growing political power of Latino/a voters
and increasingly diverse communities in the examples used throughout the
book.
●● Tables and figures have been updated, and the results of the 2016 election
are included.
●● Recent court decisions on marriage equality and immigration, as well as
foreign policy issues like the violence in Syria and the refugee crisis, are
integrated into the appropriate chapters in order to ensure that the book
addresses the most timely political events and topics.

MindTap
As an instructor, MindTap is here to simplify your workload, organize and
immediately grade your students’ assignments, and allow you to customize
your course as you see fit. Through deep-seated integration with your Learning

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Management System, grades are easily exported and analytics are pulled with
just the click of a button. MindTap provides you with a platform to easily add in
current events videos and RSS feeds from national or local news sources.
Seeing students actively engage with the topics addressed in this book
and witnessing an eagerness to learn more about the issues currently facing
our nation are some of the most exciting experiences given to any faculty
member, particularly when many students will only take one undergraduate
course in political science. It is our hope that the revisions to this text will help
you reach many students and transform them into thoughtful and engaged
citizens for the rest of their lives.

Sincerely,
Lynne E. Ford (FordL@cofc.edu)
Barbara A. Bardes (BardesB@ucmail.uc.edu)
Steffen W. Schmidt
Mack C. Shelley, II

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A Letter to Students
Dear Student:

Whether you are a political science major, an international affairs major, or are
simply taking this course to fulfill a general requirement, we hope that you will
enjoy this book and all of its features. American Government and Politics Today
is meant to be enjoyed as well as studied. To ensure that the most relevant
topics are addressed, the book has been thoroughly revised to include the
results of the 2016 national elections, global events and foreign policy, and
Supreme Court decisions that affect your life. In every chapter, resources are
included to help you go online or use social media to investigate the issues
presented in the text that capture your interest. American politics is dynamic,
and it is our goal to provide you with clear discussions of the institutions of
national government and the political processes so that you can be informed
and understand the issues as you participate in our political system.
As a student, the federal government may seem remote from your daily
life, but that could not be further from the truth! The issues facing the nation
today are serious and require your attention, whether it seems that way upon
first glance or not. Decisions made in Washington, DC, and in your state capital
can determine, for example, the rate of interest that you will pay on student
loans, who must serve in the military, or the level of investment in higher edu-
cation relative to sustaining pensions and Medicare. You may have heard
people talking about the “1 percent” and the “99 percent”—this is a way of
capturing the gap between the very rich and everyone else. In what ways does
rising wealth inequality matter in America? Is it still possible for everyone to
achieve the American Dream? Is political equality possible in the face of eco-
nomic and social inequality? How did President Trump’s election as president
reflect a sense that some Americans have been left behind? How will politics
change as a result of new groups of political participants? These are just a few
of the questions raised by this text. The promise of America is very much alive,
but our future is far from certain. Understanding how politics works and know-
ing your rights as a citizen are critical to shaping the nation’s future. Political
questions rarely have simple answers. Political issues invite multiple perspec-
tives that can be shaped as much by gender, race, ethnicity, or sexual orienta-
tion as by political party or ideology. Throughout this text, we will try to equip
you with what you need to develop your own political identity and perspective
so that you can fully engage in the national conversation about our shared
future.
This edition’s interactive features are intended to help you succeed in your
coursework as well as to understand the role of politics in the modern world.
●● Learning Objectives: These objectives begin each chapter and serve as your
“take-aways,” highlighting the most important content, concepts, and skills.
This will make it easy to check your own learning as you work through each
chapter.

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●● Margin Definitions: These make it easy to double-check your understanding
of key terms within the chapters.
●● What If: This chapter-opening feature is designed to get you thinking about
why politics and government matter to you and your community.
●● Politics in Practice: This new feature will help you see politics and popular
culture in a new way. In each chapter you will find examples of people using
politics to make a change. For example, in Chapter 2 the feature highlights
the impact of the Broadway musical Hamilton on the public’s interest in his-
tory, and in Chapter 5 it shows the power of students to change the racial
climate on their campus through protest.
●● Election 2016: This new feature, appearing in each chapter, will guide you to
think about the ways an election can change American politics or reinforce
the status quo. Examples from the new Trump administration have been
added.
●● Social Media Margin Questions: Most chapters include a social media screen
capture that poses a critical-thinking question. This feature will challenge
you to apply chapter content to the real world.
●● Chapter Summaries: Revised for this edition, the end-of-chapter summaries
link back to a Learning Objective to better test your understanding of the
topics at hand.
●● Print, Media, and Online Resources: Each chapter offers a brief list of
addi­tional resources that will allow you to explore further the topics that
inte­rest you.

The Benefits of Using MindTap as a Student


As a student, the benefits of using MindTap with this book are endless. With
automatically graded practice quizzes and activities, an easily navigated
learning path, and an interactive eBook, you will be able to test yourself in and
outside of the classroom with ease. The accessibility of current events coupled
with interactive media makes the content fun and engaging. On your computer,
phone, or tablet, MindTap is there when you need it, giving you easy access to
flashcards, quizzes, readings, and assignments.
Information is power: when you are well informed, you can participate in
discussion with your friends, family, and colleagues and debate ideas with
confidence. You can influence events rather than watch as a passive bystander.
The future of our republic depends on your full engagement. You are the next
generation of leaders, and we wish you well.

Sincerely,
Lynne E. Ford (FordL@cofc.edu)
Barbara A. Bardes (BardesB@ucmail.uc.edu)
Steffen W. Schmidt
Mack C. Shelley, II

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Fit your coursework
into your hectic life.
Make the most of your time by learning
your way. Access the resources you need to
succeed wherever, whenever.

Study with digital flashcards, listen to audio


textbooks, and take quizzes.

Review your current course grade and compare


your progress with your peers.

Get the free MindTap Mobile App and learn


wherever you are.

Break Limitations. Create your


own potential, and be unstoppable
with MindTap.

MINDTAP. POWERED BY YOU.


cengage.com/mindtap

90352_fm_hr_i-xxxii.indd 21 11/16/18 7:53 AM


Resources
Cengage Unlimited
The first-of-its-kind digital subscription designed specially to lower costs.
Students get total access to everything Cengage has to offer on demand—in
one place. That’s 20,000 eBooks, 2,300 digital learning products, and dozens
of study tools across 70 disciplines and over 675 courses. Currently available
in select markets. Details at www.cengage.com/unlimited

Students
If you purchased MindTap or CourseReader access with your book, enter your
access code and click “Register.” You can also purchase the book’s resources
here separately through the “Study Tools” tab.

Instructors
Access your American Government and Politics Today resources via
www.cengage.com/login.
Log in using your Cengage Learning single sign-on user name and password,
or create a new instructor account by clicking on “New Faculty User” and
following the instructions.

Text Only Edition


ISBN: 9781337790352
This copy of the book does not come bundled with MindTap.

MindTap for American Government and Politics Today,


Enhanced Eighteenth Edition
Printed Access Card ISBN: 9780357020524
Instant Access Code ISBN: 9780357020494
MindTap for American Government and Politics Today is a highly personalized,
fully online learning experience built upon Cengage Learning content and
correlating to a core set of learning outcomes. MindTap guides students through
the course curriculum via an innovative Learning Path Navigator where they will
complete reading assignments, challenge themselves with focus activities, and
engage with interactive quizzes. Through a variety of gradable activities, MindTap
provides students with opportunities to check themselves for where they need
extra help, and it allows faculty to measure and assess student progress.
Integration with programs like YouTube and Google Drive allows instructors to
add and remove content of their choosing with ease, keeping their course current
while tracking local and global events through RSS feeds. The product can be
used fully online with its interactive eBook for American Government and Politics
Today Enhanced Eighteenth Edition or in conjunction with the printed text.

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CourseReader, Cengage Learning’s Powerful,
Curated Database of Readings, Is Now Fully
Integrated in Every Political Science Mindtap!
Accessed directly from within each MindTap through a new feature called the
Instructor’s Resource Center, this new tool gives instructors access to readings
that were previously exclusively available in a separate digital product. The
readings contain primary and secondary sources, are curated by experts, and are
designed specifically for use in introductory courses. CourseReader in MindTap
is the latest Cengage Learning product to capitalize on the company’s unique
ability to bring Gale’s authoritative library reference content into the classroom.

Instructor Companion Website for Ford/Bardes/


Schmidt/Shelley, American Government and Politics
Today Enhanced Eighteenth Edition
ISBN: 9780357020487
This Instructor Companion Website is an all-in-one multimedia online resource
for class preparation, presentation, and testing. Accessible through Cengage
.com/login with your faculty account, you will find available for download:
book-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations; a Test Bank compatible
with multiple learning management systems; and an Instructor’s Manual.
The Test Bank, offered in Blackboard, Moodle, Desire2Learn, Canvas, and
Angel formats, contains learning objective–specific multiple-choice and essay
questions for each chapter. Import the test bank into your LMS to edit and
manage questions and to create tests.
The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter-specific learning objectives, an
outline, key terms with definitions, and a chapter summary. Additionally, the
Instructor’s Manual features a critical thinking question, a lecture launching
suggestion, and an in-class activity for each learning objective.
The Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations are ready-to-use, visual out-
lines of each chapter. These presentations are easily customized for your
lectures.

Cognero for Ford/Bardes/Schmidt/Shelley, American


Government and Politics Today Enhanced Eighteenth Edition
ISBN: 9780357020555
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a flexible, online system
that allows you to author, edit, and manage test bank content from multiple
Cengage Learning solutions, create multiple test versions in an instant, and
deliver tests from your LMS, your classroom, or wherever you want. The test
bank for American Government and Politics Today Enhanced Eighteenth Edition
contains learning objective–specific multiple-choice and essay questions for
each chapter.

  xxiii

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Acknowledgments
In preparing this edition of American Government and Politics Today, we have
received superb guidance and cooperation from a team of publishers and
editors at Cengage. We have greatly appreciated the collaboration and
encouragement given over the years by Carolyn Merrill, former product team
manager. Margaret McAndrew Beasley, our developmental editor, deserves
our thanks for keeping us moving toward deadlines and for her well-considered
suggestions for improvement. We are also indebted to Megan Garvey, content
development manager, and Corinna Dibble, content project manager, for their
contributions.
Any errors remain our own. We welcome comments and suggestions
from instructors and students alike who are using the book. Their suggestions
have helped to strengthen the book and make it more helpful to students and
faculty in the changing world of higher education.

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Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through reviews of this text:
Brian Dille, Mesa Community College Fred Gordon, Columbus State University
Gerard P. Clock, Borough of Manhattan Community College Melissa Pivonka, Quabbin Regional High School
Katherine A. DeForge, Marcellus Senior High School Michael Vetti, Seton Catholic Preparatory
Anita Falvo, Watchung Hills Regional High School

From previous editions:


Krista Ackermann, Allan Hancock College David N. Hartman, Rancho Santiago College, Santa Ana, California
Martin J. Adamian, California State University, Los Angeles Robert M. Herman, Moorpark College, Moorpark, California
Hugh M. Arnold, Clayton College and State University, ­M orrow, J. C. Horton, San Antonio College, Texas
Georgia Alice Jackson, Morgan State University, Baltimore, Maryland
William Arp III, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge Robert Jackson, Washington State University, Pullman
Louis Battaglia, Erie Community College John D. Kay, Santa Barbara City College, California
David S. Bell, Eastern Washington University, Cheney Bruce L. Kessler, Shippensburg University, Shippensburg,
Teri Bengtson, Elmhurst College Pennsylvania
Dr. Curtis Berry, Shippensburg University, Shippensburg, Pennsylvania Samuel Krislov, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota
John A. Braithwaite, Coastline Community College, F­ ountain Valley, Terence Lenio, McHenry County College
California Carl Lieberman, University of Akron, Ohio
Richard G. Buckner, Santa Fe Community College, New Mexico James J. Lopach, University of Montana, Missoula, Montana
Kenyon D. Bunch, Fort Lewis College, Durango, Colorado Jarol B. Manheim, George Washington University, District of Columbia
Ralph Bunch, Portland State University, Oregon Steve J. Mazurana, University of Northern Colorado, Greeley
Dewey Clayton, University of Louisville, Kentucky Jeanine Neher, Butte Glen Community College
Frank T. Colon, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania Keith Nicholls, University of South Alabama, Mobile, Alabama
Frank J. Coppa, Union County College, Cranford, New Jersey Stephen Osofsky, Nassau Community College, Garden City, New York
Irasema Coronado, University of Texas at El Paso Neil A. Pinney, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo
Richard D. Davis, Brigham Young University, Salt Lake City, Utah Walter V. Powell, Slippery Rock University, Slippery Rock,
Ron Deaton, Prince George’s Community College, Largo, Maryland Pennsylvania
Marshall L. DeRosa, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge Eleanor A. Schwab, South Dakota State University, Brookings
Jodi Empol, Montgomery County Community College, Pennsylvania Joseph L. Smith, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, Michigan
Robert S. Getz, SUNY–Brockport, New York Michael W. Sonnlietner, Portland Community College, Oregon
Kristina Gilbert, Riverside Community College, Riverside, California Mark J. Wattier, Murray State University, Murray, Kentucky
William A. Giles, Mississippi State University, Starkville, Mississippi Stella Webster, Wayne County Community College—­Downtown,
Paul-Henri Gurian, University of Georgia Detroit, Michigan
Willie Hamilton, Mount San Jacinto College, San Jacinto, California Lance Widman, El Camino College, Torrance, California
Matthew Hansel, McHenry County College, Crystal Lake, Illinois Robert D. Wrinkle, Pan American University, Edinburg, Texas

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About the Authors
Lynne E. Ford is Associate Vice President for the Academic Experience and
professor of political science at the College of Charleston in Charleston, South
Carolina. She received her B.A. from The Pennsylvania State University and
her M.A. and Ph.D. in government and political behavior from the University of
Maryland–College Park. Ford’s teaching and research interests include women
and politics, elections and voting behavior, political psychology, and civic
engagement. She has written articles on women in state legislatures, the
underrepresentation of women in political office in the American South, and
work–family policy in the United States. She has also authored Women and
Politics: The Pursuit of Equality and The Encyclopedia of Women and American
Politics. Ford served as Associate Provost for Curriculum and Academic
Administration for five years, as department chair for eight years, and she has
led a number of campus-wide initiatives, including general education reform,
faculty compensation, and civic engagement.

Barbara A. Bardes is professor emerita of political science at the University


of Cincinnati. She received her B.A. and M.A. from Kent State University and
her Ph.D. from the University of Cincinnati. She served as a faculty member in
political science and dean of Mundelein College at Loyola University of Chicago.
In 1993, she was appointed dean of the University of Cincinnati Blue Ash,
where she served until 2003. She returned to the Political Science Department,
where she held the position of graduate director before retiring. Bardes
has written articles on public and foreign policy, and women and politics. She
also has co-authored Declarations of Independence: Women and Political
Power in 19th Century American Novels, Thinking About Public Policy, Public
Opinion: Measuring The American Mind, and American Government and
Politics Today.

Steffen W. Schmidt is a professor of political science at Iowa State University.


He grew up in Colombia, South America, and has studied in Colombia,
Switzerland, the United States, and France. He has a B.A. from Rollins College
and obtained his Ph.D. from Columbia University, New York, in public law and
government. Dr. Schmidt has published 14 books and over 130 articles in
scholarly journals and major newspapers. He is the recipient of numerous
prestigious teaching prizes, including the Amoco Award for Lifetime Career
Achievement in Teaching and the Teacher of the Year award. He is a pioneer in
the use of web-based and real-time video courses and a founding member of
the American Political Science Association’s section on Computers and
Multimedia. He is known as “Dr. Politics” for his extensive commentary on
U.S. politics in both U.S. and international media. He comments on CNN en
Español and Univision, as well as CTV Canada Cable TV. Dr. Schmidt is a
founding member of the USSTRATCOM academic alliance. He’s on Facebook
(SteffenWSchmidt) and Twitter (DrPolitics).

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Mack C. Shelley, II is a professor of political science and statistics at Iowa
State University. After receiving his bachelor’s degree from American University
in Washington, DC, he went on to graduate studies at the University of
Wisconsin–Madison, where he received a master’s degree in economics and
a Ph.D. in political science. He arrived at Iowa State in 1979. From 1993 to
2002 he served as elected co-editor of the Policy Studies Journal. Shelley has
also published numerous articles, books, and monographs on public policy,
including The Permanent Majority: The Conservative Coalition in the United
States Congress, Biotechnology and the Research Enterprise: A Guide to the
Literature (with William F. Woodman and Brian J. Reichel), American Public
Policy: The Contemporary Agenda (with Steven G. Koven and Bert E. Swanson),
and Quality Research in Literacy and Science Education: International
Perspectives and Gold Standards (with Larry Yore and Brian Hand). He con-
ducts policy research in a number of areas funded by grants and contracts.

  xxvii

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Career Opportunites:
Political Science
Introduction
It is no secret that college graduates are facing one of the toughest job markets
in the past fifty years. Despite this challenge, those with a college degree have
done much better than those without since the 2008 recession. One of the
most important decisions a student has to make is the choice of a major; many
consider future job possibilities when making that call. A political science
degree is incredibly useful for a successful career in many different fields, from
lawyer to policy advocate, pollster to humanitarian worker. Employer surveys
reveal that the skills that most employers value in successful employees—
critical thinking, analytical reasoning, and clarity of verbal and written
communication—are precisely the tools that political science courses should
be helping you develop. This brief guide is intended to help spark ideas for
what kinds of careers you might pursue with a political science degree and the
types of activities you can engage in now to help you secure one of those
positions after graduation.

Careers in Political Science


Law and Criminal Justice
Do you find that your favorite parts of your political science classes are those
that deal with the Constitution, the legal system, and the courts? Then a career
in law and criminal justice might be right for you. Traditional jobs in the field
range from lawyer or judge to police or parole officer. Since 9/11, there has also
been tremendous growth in the area of homeland security, which includes
jobs in mission support, immigration, travel security, as well as prevention and
response.
Public Administration
The many offices of the federal government combined represent one of the
largest employers in the United States. Flip to the bureaucracy chapter of this
textbook and consider that each federal department, agency, and bureau you
see looks to political science majors for future employees. A partial list of such
agencies would include the Department of Education, the Department of
Health and Human Services, and the Federal Trade Commission. There are
also thousands of staffers who work for members of Congress or the
Congressional Budget Office, many of whom were political science majors in
college. This does not even begin to account for the multitude of similar jobs
in state and local governments that you might consider as well.
Campaigns, Elections, and Polling
Are campaigns and elections the most exciting part of political science for
you? Then you might consider a career in the growing industry based around

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political campaigns. From volunteering and interning to consulting, marketing,
and fundraising, there are many opportunities for those who enjoy the
competitive and high-stakes electoral arena. For those looking for careers that
combine political knowledge with statistical skills, there are careers in public
opinion polling. Pollsters work for independent national organizations such as
Gallup and YouGov, or as part of news operations and campaigns. For those
who are interested in survey methodology, there are also a wide variety of
non-political career opportunities in marketing and survey design.
Interest Groups, International, and Nongovernmental Organizations
Is there a cause that you are especially passionate about? If so, there is a good
chance that there are interest groups out there that are working hard to see
some progress made on similar issues. Many of the positions that one might
find in for-profit companies also exist in their nonprofit interest group and
nongovernmental organization counterparts, including lobbying and high-level
strategizing. Do not forget that there are also quite a few major international
organizations—such as the United Nations, the World Health Organization, and
the International Monetary Fund—where a degree in political science could be
put to good use. While competition for those jobs tends to be fierce, your
interest in and knowledge about politics and policy will give you an advantage.
Foreign Service
Does a career in diplomacy and foreign affairs, complete with the opportunity
to live and work abroad, sound exciting for you? Tens of thousands of people
work for the State Department, both in Washington, DC, and in consulates
throughout the world. They represent the diplomatic interests of the United
States abroad. Entrance into the Foreign Service follows a very specific
process, starting with the Foreign Service Officers Test (FSOT)—an exam
given three times a year that includes sections on American government,
history, economics, and world affairs. Being a political science major is a
significant help in taking the FSOT.
Graduate School
While not a career, graduate school may be the appropriate next step for you
after completing your undergraduate degree. Being awarded a Ph.D. or
master’s degree in political science could open additional doors to a career in
academia, as well as many of the professions mentioned earlier. If a career as
a researcher in political science interests you, you should speak with your
advisors about continuing your education.

Preparing While Still on Campus


Internships
One of the most useful steps you can take while still on campus is to visit your
college’s career center in regard to an internship in your field of interest. Not
only does it give you a chance to experience life in the political science realm,
it can lead to job opportunities later down the road and add experience to your
resume.

  xxix

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Skills
In addition to your political science classes, the following skills will prove useful
as a complement to your degree:
Writing: Like anything else, writing improves with practice. Writing is one
of those skills that is applicable regardless of where your career might take
you. Virtually every occupation relies on an ability to write cleanly, concisely,
and persuasively.
Public Speaking: An oft-quoted 1977 survey showed that public speaking
was the most commonly cited fear among respondents. And yet oral com-
munication is a vital tool in the modern economy. You can practice this skill
in a formal class setting or through extracurricular activities that get you in
front of a group.
Quantitative Analysis: The Internet increases exponentially the amount of
data gathered, and the nation is facing a drastic shortage of people with
basic statistical skills to interpret and use this data. A political science degree
can go hand-in-hand with courses in introductory statistics.
Foreign Language: One skill that often helps a student or future employee
stand out in a crowded job market is the ability to communicate in a lan-
guage other than English. Solidify or set the foundation for your verbal and
written foreign language communication skills while in school.
Student Leadership
One attribute that many employers look for is “leadership potential,” which can
be tricky to indicate on a resume or cover letter. One way to do so is to include
on your resume and/or cover letter a demonstrated record of involvement in
clubs and organizations, preferably in a leadership role. Student government is
often listed as the primary source of leadership experience, but most student
clubs allow you the opportunity to demonstrate your leadership skills.

Conclusion
We hope that this discussion has sparked your ideas about potential future
careers. As a next step, visit your college’s career placement office, which is a
great place to further explore what you have read here. You might also visit
your college’s alumni office to connect with graduates who are working in your
field of interest. Political science opens the door to a lot of exciting careers.
Have fun exploring the possibilities!

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Enhanced Eighteenth Edition

American Government
and Politics Today

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90352_fm_hr_i-xxxii.indd 32 11/16/18 7:53 AM
One Republic—
Two Americas? 1

One World Trade Center, built at Ground Zero of


the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, was
designed to represent the resilience of the
American spirit. Including its mast, the build-
ing’s height is 1,776 feet, making it the tallest
building in New York City.
Cameron Davidson/Getty Images

Le a r n i n g O B J EC T I V ES
After reading this chapter, you will be able to:

■■ 1.1 Define the institution of government and the process ■■ 1.4 Compare and contrast types of government systems
of politics. and identify the source of power in each.
■■ 1.2 Identify the political philosophers associated with ■■ 1.5 Define political ideology and locate socialism,
the “social contract” and explain how this theory shapes liberalism, conservatism, and libertarianism along the
our understanding of the purpose of government and the ideological spectrum.
role for individuals and communities in the United States.
■■ 1.6 Apply understanding of the purpose of government
■■ 1.3 Describe the U.S. political culture and identify the set and the U.S. political culture to evaluate government’s
of ideas, values, and ways of thinking about government ability to meet new challenges over time.
and politics shared by all.

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 1 11/8/18 8:03 PM


What if... Taxes Never Increased and Local
Services Disappeared?
Background cost-savings measure in 2014, the state decided to temporarily
switch Flint’s water source from Lake Huron to the Flint River
The power to tax and spend is a defining function of government.
until a new supply line to Lake Huron was ready. Almost immedi­
Taxation is a concurrent power, meaning that the federal, state,
ately, residents began to complain about the color and taste of the
and local governments can all collect taxes. Taxes on property,
water. Testing found dangerously high levels of lead and other tox­
goods and services, and income provide revenue for government
ins caused when caustic Flint River water degraded lead water
to operate. Dating back to the earliest days of the republic, the
pipes. City residents were warned against using the water for drink­
government’s power to tax has provoked strong negative reac­
ing, cooking, or bathing. Thousands of children have tested positive
tions. The Boston Tea Party in 1773, the Whiskey Rebellion
for elevated lead levels, raising concerns about future health issues
in 1794, and California’s 1978 Proposition 13, known as the
and school performance. The National Guard was called in to dis­
“People’s Initiative to Limit Property Taxation,” are all examples
tribute bottled water to Flint residents. The cost of replacing
of popular rebellions. More recently, the Tea Party protests have
the damaged pipes is now estimated at more than $55 million.
brought attention to questions about the government’s power to
In New Jersey, Republican governor Chris Christie cut
tax and the appropriate size and role of government. Many fiscally
$3 billion from the state budget in his first two years in office.
conservative candidates promise to eliminate tax increases and
As a result, Trenton, New Jersey, fired one-third of the police
shrink the size of government. In reality, eliminating tax increases
force (103 officers). In a single year, gun-related assaults
means cutting state and local budgets and eliminating services
increased by 76 percent, robberies with a firearm increased by
that people have come to expect. How should communities
55 percent, car thefts more than doubled, and break-ins more
respond? What happens to schools, roads, police and fire protec­
than tripled. The domestic violence unit was eliminated.
tion, and other public services when local governments can no
In 27 states, municipalities have introduced accident res­
longer afford to pay for them?
ponse fees to collect revenue to fund rescue, fire, and ambulance
Taxes Pay for Local Services We Expect services. Drivers and/or their insurance companies are billed for
municipalities’ response to traffic accidents. The fees range from
The tax system allows government to redistribute revenue in a
about $300 to more than $2,000 per hour per vehicle and are
variety of ways. Intergovernmental transfers provide money
based on the piece of equipment used. Extrication devices, pop­
collected by state and federal governments to local govern­
ularly known as “Jaws of Life,” are among the most costly.
ments, accounting for roughly 40 percent of local operating
Responding to citizen complaints, many states are reviewing the
dollars. Cities and towns make up the rest of their budget
practice, and 13 states have banned the “crash tax.”
through property taxes, local sales taxes, and various user
fees. In a recession, people buy fewer goods and services.
This means that local governments collect less revenue from For Critical Analysis
sales taxes and need to make up the deficit by other means or
1. The U.S. tax system is designed to collect and
cut the budget. Local budget cuts often mean that services to redistribute revenue. Public goods and services paid
citizens are dramatically reduced or eliminated altogether. for by tax revenue are therefore available to all in
Local governments—counties and cities—usually take respon­ most cases (police protection, snow removal) or to
sibility for parks and recreation services, police and fire depart­ those in the community who qualify because of
ments, housing services, emergency medical services, municipal special needs (legal aid to the poor, Medicaid). Some
courts, transportation services, and public works (streets, sewers, services or facilities are financed with “user fees.” In
trash collection, water, snow removal, and signage). other words, you pay only for what you as an individual
use (toll roads, parking meters). Consider the local
No Taxes, No Services: Tough Choices government services just mentioned. In your view,
In conservative Colorado Springs, Colorado, home of the is it better to pay for each with tax revenue or user
“Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights,” voters rejected a tax increase to fees? What if the services rendered are in response
restore a budget deficit caused by declining sales tax revenues. to an accident? How does your answer relate to your
The city turned off one-third of its streetlights to save electricity perspective on the appropriate role for government?
costs. The city also locked public restrooms, reduced bus ser­
2. We all live in the same country, but will decisions
vice, and stopped maintaining the city parks.
about who has access to public goods and services
The city of Flint, Michigan, was placed in state receivership in
mean that we are creating two Americas? What kind
2011, and Governor Rick Snyder appointed an emergency man­ of country do you want to live in?
ager. At the time, the city was running a $20 million deficit. As a
2  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

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Ch apt er 1 ● One Republic —T wo A mericas?   3

A
lthough it has become popular to complain about government, we could
not survive as individuals or as communities without it. The challenge is
to become invested enough in the American system and engaged
enough in the political process so that the government we have is the govern­
ment we want and deserve. This is a tremendous challenge because, until you did you know?
understand how our system works, “the government” can seem as though it
The Greek philosopher
belongs to somebody else; it can seem distant, hard to understand, and diffi­
Aristotle favored enlightened
cult to use when there is a problem to solve or there are hard decisions to
despotism over democracy,
make. Nevertheless, democracies, especially this democracy, derive their
which to him meant mob rule.
powers from the people, and this fact provides each of you with a tremendous
opportunity. Individuals and groups of like-minded individuals who participate
in the system can create change and shape the government to meet their
needs. Those who opt not to pay attention or fail to participate must accept
what others decide for them—good or bad.
Complicating matters further is the simple truth that although we all live in
the same country and share the same political system, we may experience
government differently. This leads us to hold different opinions about how big
or small government should be, what kind of role government should play in
our individual lives, what kinds of issues are appropriate for policymakers to
handle, and what should be left to each of us alone.
At the heart of the debate over health care and health insurance is the
question of how best to pay for, and provide access to, health care for every
citizen. In 2015, this country’s federal, state, and local governments, corpora­
tions, and individuals spent $3.2 trillion, or about $10,000 for every person, on
health care.1 Health insurance costs are rising faster than wages or inflation.
Costs like this are not sustainable and drain the economy of resources needed
elsewhere. The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (commonly known
as the Affordable Care Act) was signed into law in 2010, although many of its
provisions will take several years to implement, and several delays and exten­
sions were granted early in its implementation. The act is large and complic­
ated because the issue it addresses is large and complicated.
Several aspects of the law are favored by nearly everyone, such as provid­
ing access to insurance for people with preexisting conditions or allowing
children to stay on their parents’ insurance until age 26. The law also requires
people to be insured either through their employer or by purchasing insur­
ance so that the costs and risks are spread across the entire population.
Failure to do so results in a penalty. Because young people are typically
healthy and rarely incur expensive medical bills, their participation is neces­
sary to offset the costs of caring for others and to maintain the stability of the
state and federal health exchanges. As a group, “young invincibles,” as they
have been labeled by the health insurance industry, have proven difficult to
convince of the necessity of health insurance. The law’s insurance mandate
seems at odds with the value we place on individual responsibility; yet,
health care is something everyone requires, and the costs are more manage­
able if everyone is included.
We resolve these and other conflicting values using the political process, and
institutions of government are empowered to make decisions on our behalf. In
the case of health care, the conflict has been resolved by the judiciary. The U.S.

1 Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, accessed at www.cms.gov.

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4  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

Supreme Court scheduled an unprecedented six hours of oral arguments over


the course of three days in March 2012. The justices faced a number of critical
questions, including whether or not the law’s requirement that individuals carry
health insurance was within the powers granted to Congress by the
Constitution. On June 28, 2012, the Supreme Court issued a 5-4 decision uphold­
ing nearly all of the health-care law,2 including the minimum coverage provision.
Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the majority opinion. President Obama called
the ruling “a victory for people all over this country whose lives will be more
secure” because nearly 30 million Americans who currently lack health insurance
will eventually be covered as a result of the law. Although in most cases a
Supreme Court ruling settles the question, in this case it did not. In September
2013, Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX) controlled the Senate floor for more than 21 hours
in what political satirists referred to as a “fauxilibuster” (because a bill was not
placed before the body, a true filibuster was not possible). His goal was to attract
support to defund implementation of the health-care law. Partisan politics con­
tinue to prevent Congress from making performance-enhancing adjustments to
the existing law. By some estimates, Republicans in Congress have voted more
than 50 times since 2010 to repeal all or part of the Affordable Care Act. Even
with Republicans in control of
Congress and the White House, mul­
Twitter Feed ▸ Even with Republicans in control of tiple attempts to repeal and replace
Congress and the White House following the 2016 elections, the ACA have failed and the law
multiple attempts to repeal and replace the ACA have failed remains largely intact.
and the law remains largely intact. Sir Winston Churchill, British
prime minister during World War II,
once said, “No one pretends that
democracy is perfect or all-wise.
Indeed, it has been said that democ­
racy is the worst form of govern­
ment except all those other forms
that have been tried from time to
time.”3 Our system is not perfect,
but it is more open to change than
most. This book offers essential
tools to learn about American gov­
ernment and politics today so that
you are prepared to change this
country for the better.
What are your dreams for the
future, and what role do you believe
the government can and should play
in helping you realize your dreams?
There was a time when we all aspired
to live the “American Dream” and
Twitter/Paul Ryan

when we believed that government


played an essential role in ensuring
that the opportunity to achieve the

2 National Federation of Independent Business, et al. v. Sebelius, Secretary of Health and Human Services, et al. 567 U.S. (2012).
3 House of Commons speech on November 11, 1947.

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Ch apt er 1 ● One Republic —T wo A mericas?   5

American Dream was available to everyone. Members of each successive


generation were confident that if they worked hard and followed the rules, they
would live richer and more successful lives than the generation before them.
Public policy has historically been an effective tool to promote economic growth,
educational equity, homeownership, and job security. Is that still true today?
There are some troubling signs, to be sure. Significant inequality in income
and wealth exists in the United States, and rather than shrinking, the gap has
widened for your generation and your parents’ generation. In 1979, the richest
1 percent accounted for 8 percent of all personal income; by 2012, their share
had more than doubled, to 19.3 percent, their largest share since 1928.4 As
the economy began to improve, the greatest gains in income share went to
the top 10 percent of earners. Hourly wage workers, notably fast food workers,
raised awareness of the recovery gap by participating in a series of labor
walkouts and demanding an increase to the $7.25 federal minimum hourly
wage. To add momentum to the movement, President Obama signed an
executive order early in 2014 raising the minimum wage for workers under
new federal contracts to $10.10 an hour. In 2016, Oregon lawmakers adopted
a series of gradual increases over six years using a unique three-tier
geographic system whereby workers in large metro areas would earn more
per hour than workers in smaller cities or rural areas.5 During the same month,
legislators in a number of other states considered or passed preemption laws
designed to block the development of local wage ordinances. The global
economic recession, the unemployment rate, rising home foreclosures, and
corporate relocation of jobs overseas all present government with significant
challenges. Moreover, people’s trust in several institutions (banks, Congress,
churches and organized religion) has fallen over the past decade (see Figure 1-1).

Image 1-1
Hundreds rallied near a
Detroit, Michigan, McDonald’s
restaurant in support of a strike
by fast-food workers who were
demanding a raise from their cur-
rent wages of about $7.40 an hour
to $15 an hour. Similar strikes for
higher wages took place in cities
around the country.
Jim West/Alamy Stock Photo

4 Facundo Alvaredo, Anthony B. Atkinson, Thomas Piketty, and Emmanuel Saez, “The Top 1 Percent in International and
Historical Perspective.” Journal of Economic Perspectives (2013) 27(3): 3–20.
5 Kristen Hansen, “Oregon’s Trailblazing Minimum Wage Has Geographic Tiers, Topped by Portland’s $14.75” San Jose Mercury
News, February 19, 2016.

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6  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

Native-born citizens know less than ever about the very political system they
hope will restore their confidence in the future; one in three failed the civics
portion of the naturalization test in a national telephone survey.6 Can people
effectively engage in political activity to change their lives for the better when
they know so little about the governmental system?
There are also some hopeful signs. According to the Center for the Study
of the American Dream at Xavier University, a majority of Americans surveyed
(63 percent) remain confident that they will achieve the American Dream des­
pite the current challenges. More than 75 percent believe they have already
achieved some measure of it. Those surveyed defined the American Dream in
terms of a good life for their family (45 percent), financial security (34 percent),
freedom (32 percent), opportunity (29 percent), the pursuit of happiness
(21 percent), a good job (16 percent), and homeownership (7 percent). How
does this definition fit with your own? Are you surprised that homeownership
is last on the list? How might the mortgage crisis and the persistent economic
recession influence how we define our future dreams? As the nation pulls out
of the long recession and jobs become more plentiful, will people aspire to
own a home again? The U.S. economy added nearly 2.1 million jobs in 2017,
dropping the unemployment rate to 4.1 percent. However, five years after the
Great Recession, many families still feel financially vulnerable and have doubts
about their chances of attaining the American Dream. A 2014 New York Times
Poll found that only 64 percent of respondents said that they still believed in
the American Dream, the lowest result in two decades. In early 2009 as the
recession and financial crisis reached its peak, 72 percent of Americans still
believed that “hard work could result in riches.”7
Interestingly, the Xavier study found that Latinos and immigrants are most
positive about the possibility of achieving the American Dream and are more
optimistic about the future of the country than the population as a whole.
Finally, a majority of Americans view immigration as an important part of keep­
ing the American Dream alive and believe that immigration continues to be one
of America’s greatest strengths. In his 2014 State of the Union address,
President Obama said, “What I believe unites the people of this nation, regard­
less of race or region or party, young or old, rich or poor, is the simple, pro­
found belief in opportunity for all—the notion that if you work hard and take
responsibility, you can get ahead.”8
What is the state of America today? Given the economic and educational
disparities evident in the United States today, are we one America or two? Are
you confident that your life will be better than that of your parents and
grandparents? Can the problems we face as a nation today be addressed by
the political system? Voters in 2016 demonstrated their anger at the
“establishment” by electing “outsider” Donald J. Trump, believing that he
could shake up the political system. President Obama concluded his final
State of the Union address by saying, “Fifteen years into this new century, we
have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of

6 “U.S. Naturalization Civics Test: National Survey of Native-Born U.S. Citizens, March 2012,” conducted by the Center for the
Study of the American Dream, Xavier University. http://www.xavier.edu/americandream/programs/National-Civic-Literacy
-Survey.cfm
7 Andrew Ross Sorkin and Megan Thee-Brenan, “Many Feel the American Dream Is Out of Reach, Poll Shows,” The New York
Times, December 10, 2014. http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2014/12/10/many-feel-the-american-dream-is-out-of-reach-poll-shows
8 State of the Union Address, January 28, 2014. http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/01/28/president-barack
-obamas-state-union-address

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Ch apt er 1 ● One Republic —T wo A mericas?   7

remaking America. We’ve laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to


write.”9 Is the American republic up to today’s challenges? These will be central
questions in our analysis of American government and politics today.

Politics and Government


■■ 1.1 Define the institution of government and the process of politics.
Before we can answer any of these provocative questions, we first have to define
some terms. What is politics? Politics is the process of resolving conflicts and politics
deciding “who gets what, when, and how.”10 Although politics may be found in The process of resolving conflicts
and deciding “who gets what,
many places outside of government (for example, in your family or workplace), for when, and how.” More specifically,
the purposes of this book, we refer to conflicts and decisions found at the federal, politics is the struggle over power
state, and local levels regarding the selection of decision makers, the structure of or influence within organizations
or informal groups that can grant or
institutions, and the creation of public policy. Politics is particularly intense when withhold benefits or privileges.
decisions are made that hit close to home, such as decisions about how to spend
local and state tax dollars. Equally intense are political decisions that yield leaders
for our country. Elections at the national and state levels attract the most media
attention, but thousands of elected and appointed officials make up the govern­
ment and render decisions that affect our lives.
Government is the term used to describe the formal institutions through government
which decisions about the allocation of resources are made and conflicts are The preeminent institution in which
decisions are made that resolve
resolved. Government can take many forms, come in many sizes, and perform conflicts or allocate benefits and
a variety of functions, but at the core, all governments rule. To govern is to rule. privileges. It is unique because it has
Governments can, as a matter of their authority, force you to comply with laws the ultimate authority within society.

through taxes, fines, and the power to send you to prison, or worse—to death institution
An ongoing organization that
row. The inherent power of government is what led the founders of the United performs certain functions for
States to impose limitations on this power relative to the rights of individuals. society.
Likewise, the power of government leads Americans to be wary of too much
government when less will do.

Why Is Government Necessary?


■■ 1. 2 Identify the political philosophers associated with the “social contract” and
explain how this theory shapes our understanding of the purpose of government
and the role for individuals and communities in the United States.
Americans may not always like government, but they like the absence of
government even less. Governments are necessary at a minimum to provide
public goods and services that all citizens need but cannot reasonably be
expected to provide for themselves. National security and defense are obvi­
ous examples. But governments do far more than provide for the common
defense. As you will learn in Chapter 2, our founding documents such as the
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution are predicated upon and
convey through their language a set of shared political values. Government
reinforces those values regularly. One of our defining values is belief in the
rule of law, which means that laws determined through the political process
are enforced uniformly and that no individual, regardless of wealth, privilege,

  9 State of the Union Address, January 12, 2016. http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/politics/sns-state-of-the-


union-text-story.html
10 Harold Lasswell, Politics: Who Gets What, When, and How (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1936).

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8  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

or position, is above the law. Government includes a system of justice


administered by institutions known as the courts to maintain this important
value. We will return to this discussion of fundamental values later in this
chapter. In addition to providing public goods and services and reinforcing
shared values, governments are necessary to provide security so that liberty
may flourish.
Our contemporary understanding of why government is necessary has
been shaped by Enlightenment thinkers from seventeenth- and eighteenth-
century Europe. During the Age of Enlightenment, also known as the Age of
divine right of kings Reason, philosophers and scientists challenged the divine right of kings and
A political and religious doctrine argued that the world could be vastly improved through the use of human
that asserts a monarch’s legitimacy
is conferred directly by God and, reason, science, and religious tolerance. Essential to this argument was the
as such, a king is not subject to any belief that all individuals were born free and equal and imbued with natural
earthly authority, including his people
rights. Individuals were in control of their own destiny, and by working with
or the church.
others, a society could shape a government capable of both asserting and
social contract protecting individual rights. English social contract theorists such as Thomas
A theory of politics that asserts that Hobbes (1588–1679) and John Locke (1632–1704) were particularly influential
individuals form political communities
by a process of mutual consent, in shaping our theory of government. Hobbes was far more pessimistic about
giving up a measure of their individual human nature than Locke. Hobbes believed that without government and the
liberty in order to gain the protection
rule of law, people would revert to a state of nature, and individuals would be
of government.
left to fight over basic necessities, rendering life “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish,
and short.”11 To avoid such a fate, Hobbes argued for a single ruler, a Leviathan,
so powerful that the rights of the weak could be protected against intrusion by
the strong. By contrast, Locke took basic survival for granted, believing that all
humans were endowed with reason—an internal code of conduct. Therefore,
individuals are willing to give up a portion of their individual liberty in order to
gain the protection of government through the social contract. Government is
formed to protect life, liberty, and property; however, if a government compro­
mises its legitimacy by violating the social contract, it is the people’s duty to
end the abusive government and replace it with a new form.
It is within this theoretical framework that we understand the necessity for
government: to provide security, to protect liberty and enforce property rights,
and to maintain legitimacy by exercising authority consistent with the funda­
mental values of those governed. Consent of the governed is the basis for
power and legitimacy in American democracy.

Fundamental Values
■■ 1.3 Describe the U.S. political culture and identify the set of ideas, values, and
ways of thinking about government and politics shared by all.
The authors of the U.S. Constitution believed that the structures they had cre­
ated would provide for both democracy and a stable political system. They also
political culture believed that the nation could be sustained by its political culture. A critical
The set of ideas, values, and ways question facing America today is to what extent do all citizens continue to
of thinking about government and
politics that is shared by all citizens. share in a single political culture? Does the widening wealth and income gap
threaten to undermine our shared political values as well as our confidence in
government? We live under one republic, but are we increasingly two
Americas? There is considerable consensus among American citizens about

11 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan: (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Revised Student Edition, 1996).

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 8 11/8/18 8:03 PM


Beyond Our Borders
Immigrant Workers: Challenging
Cultures in Europe
One of the most controversial issues in American politics
is the debate over what to do about undocumented
immigrants who have come to the United States for
employment and a better life. An estimated 12 million
individuals reside in the United States without legal
status. Some conservatives believe that the best solu­

Idealink Photography/Alamy Stock Photo


tion is deporting the undocumented people to their
respective native countries. Others, including President
Obama and moderate leaders of both parties, have
argued that the United States should recognize its need
for workers and implement a system by which individuals
can come to this country to work and someday earn a
right to citizenship. Immigration is a major source of pop­
ulation growth and cultural change in the United States.
The political focus on undocumented immigrants can Image 1-2 Sergey Brin, co-founder of Google, was born in Moscow,
Russia. When Brin was six, his family entered the United States
overshadow the tremendous benefits of immigration. For
with the assistance of HIAS, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society. In
example, immigrants are among the founders of many honor of the thirtieth anniversary of his family’s immigration,
prominent American technology companies, such as Brin gave $1 million to HIAS, which he credits with helping his
Google, Yahoo!, and eBay. family escape anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union.
Nations, especially those in Europe, have long admit­
ted immigrants as unskilled and semiskilled workers to by Muslim residents against other Dutch citizens. Youth
fuel their economies and increase their populations. riots in Sweden were particularly surprising, given the
Immigrants make up about 12 percent of the population of nation’s reputation for welcoming the world’s refugees,
Germany and 15 percent of that of Austria. Thirty-seven most recently people fleeing the civil war in Syria.
percent of Luxembourg’s populace are immigrants; in However, even Sweden adopted tougher measures when
Switzerland, that figure is around 23 percent. For many the number of asylum seekers topped 80,000 in two
decades, Great Britain has allowed individuals who were months’ time. Many of these states are engaged in seri­
subjects of the British Commonwealth to enter the coun­ ous internal discussion about how to socialize new resid­
try, and France extended legal residency to many French ents to the culture of their new home and how to ensure
citizens from its former colonies in North Africa. Germany that immigrants can find economic opportunities for
estimates that it will need to attract up to 1.5 million addi­ themselves and their children, while at the same time
tional skilled workers through immigration to compensate challenging the prejudice and racism sometimes found in
for an aging population. the native population.
All nations face a dilemma in how to balance the cul­
tural energy immigrants bring with the tensions associ­
ated with integration and assimilation processes.
Immigrants may find limits to employment, education, For Critical Analysis
and housing. Nonwhite and Muslim residents claim they
are the subject of unwarranted police attention through 1. How can the inevitable tensions created when
racial or religious profiling. Clashes sometimes turn viol­ new ideas and customs confront established
ent. Reports of Syrian refugees raping and groping cultures be resolved? What role is appropriate
women during New Year’s Eve celebrations in Cologne, for government in this process?
Germany, forced German Chancellor Angela Merkel to 2. To what extent should nations ensure that
defend her open-door policy toward Muslim refugees immigrants accept the cultural and political
entering the country from terrorism hot spots in the values of their new home? In what specific
Middle East. Young people rioted in France over the lack ways does multiculturalism benefit political,
of employment opportunities for nonwhite French resid­ social, and economic development?
ents, and the Netherlands has seen outbreaks of violence

ch apt er 1 ● One Republic —T wo A mericas?   9

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 9 11/8/18 8:03 PM


10  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

concepts basic to the U.S. political system. Given that the population of the
United States is made up primarily of immigrants and descendants of immi­
grants with diverse cultural and political backgrounds, how can we account for
political socialization this consensus? Primarily, it is the result of political socialization—the pro­
The process through which cess by which beliefs and values are transmitted to successive generations.
individuals learn a set of political
attitudes and form opinions about The nation depends on families, schools, houses of worship, and the media to
social issues. Families and the transmit the precepts of our national culture. With fewer people going to
educational system are two of the
church and a widening educational gap that strongly correlates with economic
most important forces in the political
socialization process. disparities, we may need to reexamine the ways in which our political culture
is transmitted. On the other hand, you can find these fundamental values reaf­
firmed in most major public speeches given by the president and other impor­
tant officials in American politics. We will return to these important questions
throughout the book, but particularly in Chapter 6.

Liberty As you recall, the advancement and protection of individual liberty is


liberty central to the social contract theory of government. Liberty is among the nat­
The greatest freedom of individuals ural rights articulated by Locke and later by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration
that is consistent with the freedom of
other individuals in the society.
of Independence (“life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”). In the United
States, our civil liberties include religious freedom—both the right to believe in
whatever religion we choose and freedom from any state-imposed religion.
Image 1-3
Liberty, as a political value, has two sides to it—one positive (the freedom to)
U.S. Homeland Security and one negative (the freedom from). The freedom of speech—the right to
Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen was
confirmed by the Senate in
political expression on all matters, including government actions—is an exam­
December 2017. ple of a positive liberty. Freedom of speech is one of our most prized liberties;
a democracy could not endure without it. The right to
privacy is a more controversial liberty claim. The U.S.
Supreme Court has held that the right to privacy can
be derived from other rights that are explicitly stated
in the Bill of Rights. The Supreme Court has also held
that under the right to privacy, the government cannot
ban either abortion12 or private sexual behavior by con­
senting adults.13
Positive freedoms are not absolute, and individ­
ual liberty can be limited, such as in times of war.
When Americans perceive serious threats, they have
supported government actions to limit individual lib­
erties in the name of national security. Such limits
were imposed during the Civil War, World War II, and
the McCarthy era of the Cold War. Following the ter­
rorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon on September 11, 2001, Congress passed
legislation designed to provide greater security at the
expense of some civil liberties. In particular, the USA
PATRIOT (Uniting and Strengthening America by
Bloomberg/Getty Images

Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept


and Obstruct Terrorism) Act gave law enforcement
and intelligence-gathering agencies greater latitude to
search out and investigate suspected terrorists.

12 Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973).


13 Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003).

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 10 11/8/18 8:03 PM


Ch apt er 1 ● One Republic —T wo A mericas?   11

Confidence in Institutions Varies: Figure 1-1 ▸ Confidence in Institutions Varies


How Do We Know?
Gallup polling shows gains and losses in public
Throughout this book, you will find a number of visual fea­ confidence in institutions between 2007 and 2017.
tures, including figures, tables, photographs, and political car­ 2007 2017
toons. These visual features are carefully selected to present
information that is critical to your understanding of the con­ 80% Declined
Increased by 5% or less
tent in each chapter. Therefore, you must study the visuals
Increased by 6% or more
carefully. In addition, you may be tested on this information.

Figure 1-1 presents Gallup polling data on the public’s Military 3%


confidence in major institutions at two points in time. Gallup 70% Small business 11%
regularly conducts public opinion polls in more than 140
countries around the world. You will often see these polls
referenced in news reports. Begin by reading the title of the
figure and the descriptive information—the caption—right
below the title. Together, the title and caption summarize
60%
the information that you need in order to understand the
graphic. Captions below photographs and cartoons have a Police 3%
similar function. Figure 1-1 shows two points in time, indi­
cating a change in public attitudes. Other ways to show
change over time include line graphs.
50%
This figure communicates a lot of information. On the left
vertical axis, you will find the scale indicating the percentage
of people who expressed a great deal or quite a lot of confi­
dence in each institution in 2007. To display the magnitude of
the change (decline or increase) in confidence, the authors Church and religion 25%
40% U.S. Supreme Court 6%
have used four colors. The key for the colors is found on the
right, near the top. Black, for example, represents a decline in Medical system 6%
Public schools 3%
confidence between 2007 and 2017. Red indicates a modest
increase (5% or less), while blue indicates the largest increase Presidency 7%
in public confidence in an institution. Read the graphic starting Banks 29%
on the left and moving to the right, and follow the line con­ 30%
Organized labor 9%
necting the two dots. You will notice that the military enjoys Newspapers 5%
the highest overall levels of public confidence, but small busi­ Criminal justice system 8%
ness has experienced the greatest positive change over time. Television news 1%

Like many figures, tables, and photographs, this visual Big business 3%
20%
presents you with descriptive data. Descriptive information
provides an answer to “what” or “who” questions but does
not typically answer “why” or “how” questions. Analysis
(determining why or how) is a form of critical thinking. The
Congress 22%
accompanying text may provide theories or results from
10%
other research, and sometimes you will find questions for
critical analysis. Other times, as in this case, you are left to
ask your own questions based on the data presented. Banks
suffered the largest decline in public confidence in the last
decade—why? Synthesizing all of the information to create
0%
a new explanation or understanding is the most important
Source: Gallup
skill you can develop in college.

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 11 11/8/18 8:03 PM


12  PA R T I ● The A meRicAn sys T em

Order and the Rule of Law As noted earlier, individuals and communities
create governments to provide stability and order in their lives. Locke justified
the creation of governments as a way to protect every individual’s property
rights and to organize a system of impartial justice. In the United States, laws
passed by local, state, and national governments create order and stability in
every aspect of life, ranging from traffic to business to a national defense sys­
tem. Citizens expect these laws to create a society in which individuals can
pursue opportunities and live their lives in peace and prosperity. People also
expect the laws to be just and to apply to everyone equally. The goal of main­
order taining order and security, however, can sometimes run counter to the values
A state of peace and security. of liberty and equality.
Maintaining order by protecting
members of society from violence and
criminal activity is the oldest purpose
Individualism The Declaration of Independence begins with a statement
of government. on the importance of the individual in our political culture: “When in the Course
of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political
bands which have connected them with one another, and to assume among
the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of
Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them . . . .” By a “separate and equal sta­
tion,” Jefferson was distinguishing the belief in the rationality and autonomy of
individuals from the traditions of aristocracies and other systems in which indi­
viduals did not determine their own destiny. Individualism asserts that one of
the primary functions of government is to enable individuals’ opportunities for
personal fulfillment and development. In political terms, individualism limits
claims by groups in favor of the individual. Therefore, it should come as no
surprise that a universal right to health care is not a part of the U.S. Constitution.

Equality Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence, “We


hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal . . . .” The
proper meaning of equality, however, has been disputed by Americans since
the Revolution.14 Much of American history—and world history—is the story of
equality how the value of equality has been extended and elaborated.
As a political value, the idea that all Political equality reflects the value that we place on the individual. At our
people are of equal worth.
founding, political leaders excluded some people from the broad understand­
ing of a politically autonomous person. African Americans, women, Native
Americans, and most men who did not own property were excluded from the
equal extension of political rights. Under a social contract theory of govern­
ment, individuals must freely enter the compact with others on an equal basis.
Although Enlightenment philosophers believed in the inherent equality of all
persons, they did not define all individuals as full persons. Recall that the
Constitution counted slaves as three-fifths of a person. For a period of our
history, a married woman was indivisible from her husband and could not act
as a full person.15 Today, of course, we believe all people are entitled to equal
political rights as well as the opportunities for personal development provided
by equal access to education and employment. In reality, we still have work to
do to be sure that opportunities afforded by society and protected by govern­
ment can be fully realized by everyone in society.

14 Gary B. Nash, The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create America (New York:
Viking, 2005); and Alfred F. Young, ed., Beyond the American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism
(DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1993).
15 British common law known as “coverture” meant that once married, a woman’s identity was “covered” by her husband’s,
leaving her no independent rights.

90352_ch01_hr_001-034.indd 12 11/8/18 8:03 PM


Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The half had never been told before. Routledge bowed before the
great devotion of this simplest and holiest man the world had shown
him. In a swift gesture Rawder’s hand had passed between the eyes
of the correspondent and the candle-flame. Fragile, trembling,
almost transparent, it was eloquent with a beauty Routledge had
never noted before. Within himself great changes were enacting.
There was power in that little Rydamphur hut, power from the hidden
wells of creation. It was made clear to him what force had impelled
Sekar to find his chela. There was karma still for the ancient Hindu to
work out, since he dragged his weary, grave-hungering flesh down
from the peace and purity of his mountains to the burning plains of
men—to take back this whitest soul of the Occident.
“Rawder,” Routledge said slowly, reverently, “It has long been a big
part of my understanding—what you mean to me. I once told a lady
of you—of my bravest man—and this lady watches and listens for
you across the world. That I go back into battle again is quite right
and inevitable. I have not yet reached Mother Earth’s graduating
class. The wound which you foretell is nothing. It is good that I am to
see you once more—even in the Leper Valley—though it holds you
longer than I thought from the rest you have earned. As for parting,
you know better than I that the word has no meaning. You know
better than I that the relations between master and disciple do not
end with the body, nor the relations of friend and friend. There never
has lived a pure great soul, who has not glimpsed what means the
emancipation from the flesh, and discerned in his high moments
such joys that the strength of his soul was sternly tried in the effort to
live out his allotted days. If such glimpses were given to all men, the
nations would suffer from a shock of suicide such as no war nor
famine ever wrought.
“We will both go gladly to our work. I see my mission clearly to-night.
It is to scoff at war before men; to show what a monstrous activity it
is for men; to show how black is the magic of the ambitious few, who
dare to make cannon-meat of God’s multitudes. I, the watcher of
many services, who am supposed to bow before the battle-lines, and
carve my career from their triumphs and defeats, shall laugh at their
untimely and ridiculous manifestations. At the last, I shall paint war
so red, so real, in all its ghastly, abortive reality, that the nations shall
shudder—as at the towering crime on Calvary—shudder to the quick
of their souls, and sin no more!”
The moment was exalted. Something vaster, nobler, than mere
human consciousness expanded within Routledge.... He saw the
pitiful pawns thronging to fill the legions of Cæsar, who stooped to
learn the names of certain of his centurions. He saw that black
plague, Napoleon, and the regiments herding for slaughter under his
glaring, spike-pointed eye; great masses of God-loved men vying to
die swiftly at a word from that iron-rimmed cavern of desolation,
Napoleon’s mouth—the mouth which deigned to utter from time to
time the names of chiefs he counted upon presently to murder.
Cæsar and Napoleon, incarnates of devilish ambition, mastodons of
licensed crime, towering epileptics both.... He hungered for the time
when the world would learn to bottle such admirable concentrates of
hell-poison before they shamed humanity by driving poor group-
souled masses first mad and then into the ignoble death of war.
“It has been a high night to me, Rawder,” Routledge said. “I am
proud to thank you for showing me my work. And I can see yours on
and on—even to the Leper Valley.... Strange, Rawder, but there is a
picture with it, in my mind—a picture that has always come to me in
high, hard moments.... Nightfall—a land of hills and heat, and a
dusty, winding highway. The Christ passes in the midst of a throng.
He is weary, athirst, and hungering. The empty voices of the crowd
bind His thoughts to misery. The pitiful ways of men have put a
martyrdom of sadness in His heart. At length above the whispering
of feet on the warm sand, above the Babel of the followers, comes to
His ear alone a moan from the darkness. It thrills with agony. He
leaves the highway. The throng understands. They pull at His
garments and cry, ‘Unclean! Unclean!’ Even the leper lying in the
darkness warns Him, ‘Unclean!’ as is the law.... But the beautiful
Christ bends with the touch of healing!...
“I shall come to find you in the Leper Valley, my bravest man. And
you shall go on after that to the great peace that is ‘mortised and
tenoned’ in the granite of the Hills!... But, Rawder, you shall look
back out of the glorious amplitude beyond the Leper Valley to find at
last that your friend is nearly ready. Perhaps you will come for him—
even as Sekar came for you.”
With a quick intaking of breath, the material consciousness of the
Hindu returned.
“It is the hour,” he said to his chela. “We travel in the night.”
Again the fleeting look of agony across the white face of Rawder, but
Routledge gripped his shoulder, and spoke to Sekar:
“It is a little thing, but I have plenty of money, if you need it. Would
you not travel—at least, out of the region of great heat—in the fire-
carriages of the English? A fortnight’s journey each daylight?”
The Sannyasi answered: “The beloved of my disciple has earned
many favors. It has been made clear to me that we must travel alone
and on foot. I am very old, but there is still strength for the journey—
or I should not have been sent.”
He stretched out his hand—it was like a charred branch—and
Routledge bent his head for the blessing.
“You have chosen well, beloved of my chela. It is the shorter, steeper
way you tread. This life you have dedicated to the service of men,
and you are bound to the Wheel by the love of woman. Fulfil the
duties all, and the way shall be quickened. Once more our paths
shall meet—and there shall be four—in the Leper Valley!”
Rawder poured a cup of water upon the aged feet, dried them with a
cloth, and drew the sandals firm.
“Night and morning I shall send you my blessing, Routledge, my
brother,” he said, standing near the door. “Morning and evening, until
we meet again in the Leper Valley, you shall know that there is a
heart that thrills for the good of your life and your soul. Good-by.”
They passed out into the torrid night. Their white garments turned to
gray; then dulled into shadows, northward on the dust-deep Indian
road.
ELEVENTH CHAPTER
A HAND TOUCHES THE SLEEVE OF THE GREAT
FRIEZE COAT IN THE WINTRY TWILIGHT ON THE
BUND AT SHANGHAI

Routledge sat long in meditation after Rawder and his master had
taken up their journey. Time passed unmeasured over his head until
he was aroused by the guttering of a candle-wick. In quite an un-
American fashion, he believed the prophetic utterances which the
night had brought. The more a man knows, the more he will believe.
The mark of a small man is ever his incapacity to accept that which
he cannot hold in continual sight. Still, Routledge endured a reaction
for the high moments of the recent hour. Sekar and Rawder and the
power were gone from Rydamphur. He even felt abashed because of
his outbursts to Rawder, so long had he been accustomed to the iron
control of his emotions. It was not that he was sorry for what he had
said, but torrential utterance leaves depletion. He did not feel the
strength now to make men laugh at wars, nor to stay the tide of the
world’s wars by painting the volcanic wrath of nations in all its futile
and ferocious significance.
That he was to be hurt in the new war was in itself but a vague
anxiety, dull of consideration except for its relation to the foretelling—
that another was to come to help him!... He wondered if the wound
would come from his enemies. Once before, a night in Madras, as he
was entering a house of hiding a noose of leather dropped upon his
shoulder. It was jerked tight with a sinister twang. Routledge had just
escaped the garrote in the dark. He could not always escape; and
yet he was not to die next time. Rawder said: ... “To fall wounded,
apart from the battle-field, to lie helplessly regarding men and events
from the fallen state, instead of face to face—this was but one of the
tossing tragedies of cloud in his mind. Yet there was a radiant light in
the midst of it all—only one woman in the world’s half-billion would
come to him.”
Any suffering was cheap to prevent her coming—but he could not
prevent! One cannot run from a vision or a prophecy. It is well to
obey when one is ordered up into Nineveh. Even Sekar had cast him
off, because he was a counter-attraction to the soul of Rawder. He
could not forswear war—and so avoid the promised wound, which
would enable her to find him—since he was not to meet the levelling
stroke during a collision of troops, but somewhere apart. It was a
chain of circumstances in which he was absolutely powerless—and
she was coming to him!
First, it would mean that Jerry Cardinegh, the man he had preserved,
was dead. If he were dead with his secret, Noreen would find him—
Routledge—identify herself with the most loathed of outcasts, fleeing
forever before the eyes and fingers of England. There was rebellion
against this in every plane of the man’s consciousness. He could not
suffer his love, nor hers, to be tested by such a tragedy. He would
flee again from her.... But if old Jerry had remembered the truth at
the last—if the fates had willed him to tell the monstrous truth—and
the Hate of London were lifted from the name of Routledge, to
become a heritage of Noreen Cardinegh—and then if she should
come to him! He could not cover his eyes to the flash of radiance
which this thought brought him.... He would have died to prevent
such a thing from coming to pass. For more than a year, he had kept
out of the ken of the world, to forestall any efforts on the part of the
Cardineghs, to find him. He was worn to a shadow, hunted,
harrowed, hated, lost to himself in disguises, ever apart from the
gatherings of men and the decent offerings of life—all to prevent the
very thing which, in thinking of now, lit every lamp of his being. Quite
as readily would he have performed the treachery for which he
suffered as return to the father of Noreen Cardinegh, saying: “I am
tired, Jerry. Give me back my name.” But if, after all he had done to
spare her from the truth, the fates ruled against him—then he would
not flee from her!
Hours passed. Every little while, through the piling cumulus of
disorder, would flash the reality, and for the interval he ceased to
breathe.... To think of looking up from some half-delirium and
discovering her face! To feel the touch of her hand—this woman—
attuned to respond to every vibration of his voice and brain and
heart.... Sometimes he fell into a heresy of manhood and demanded
of himself what significance had England, the world, compared with
the rest of his days with Noreen Cardinegh, in the glory of their union
which formed a trinity—man and woman and happiness....
He laughed bitterly at the starry distances. “It would be a fitting end
for a man who is supposed to have betrayed the country he served
—to allow a woman to share such fortunes as mine, and take up the
trail of an outcast.”
Routledge rose to go to the Rest House, but reflected that it must be
nearer dawn than midnight. He was curiously disinclined to seek his
room at this hour. With his face to the doorway, he sank down upon
the matting and rested his chin in his palms.... The touch of
Rawder’s hand awoke him, and he stared in wonder at the chela, his
own eyes stinging from the East. The figure of a woman was prone
before him.
“Routledge, my brother, here is work for you. I found her far out on
the road. She was crawling into Rydamphur, carrying the child. I
could not leave her. She is close to death. Sekar waits for me, and
so again, good-by.”
Rawder had turned with a quick hand-clasp, and hurried away in the
dawn-light to his master. It was all over quickly and strangely—as
some psychic visitation. Routledge was already weary of the pitiless
day. The blazing temple of dawn had shone full upon his eyelids as
he slept, and there was an ache deep in his brain from the light....
The woman raised her head from the ground waveringly, like a
crushed serpent, and plucked at his garments. There was a still,
white-lipped babe at her breast. Her voice was like dried sticks
rubbing together. He held the cup of water to her lips.
“I am the widow of Madan Das, who is dead since the drouth,” she
told him. “The white holy man carried me here, leaving the other on
the road. This is my son—the son of Madan Das. There were two
others, both girls, but they are dead since the drouth. Also the
brother of my husband, who was a leper. My husband worked, but
there has been no work since the drouth. First we sold the cow——”
“My good mother, don’t try to talk,” Routledge said, as he lifted her
into the hut, but she could not understand. As soon as he had placed
her upon the matting, she took up the tale, thinking that she must tell
it all. Her face was like dusty paper; her lips dried and stretched
apart. Her hair had fallen away in patches, and her throat was like an
aged wrist.
“First we sold the cow,” she mumbled, trying to find him with her
eyes, “then we sold the household things. After that we sold the
doors and door-posts. Even after that the food was all gone, and my
husband, whose name is Madan Das, gave his clothing to his
brother, who is a leper, to sell in the village for food. A neighbor lent
my husband a cotton cloth to put about his loins. The chaukadari tax
was due. Madan Das could not pay. We were starving, and one of
the babes, a girl, was dead. The tahsildar” (a collector for the
English) “came and took away from the second babe, who was in the
doorway of our house, a little brass bowl for the tax. There was in the
bowl some soup which my babe was eating—a little soup made of
bark, flower-pods and wild berries.... Since then there has been no
food. Madan Das is dead, and the two girls are dead, and the brother
of Madan Das, who is a leper, died last night. The white holy man
carried me here, leaving the other on the road. This is the son of
Madan Das——”
Life was going out of her with the words, but she would not stop. Her
heart was pounding like a frightened bird’s. The weight of them both
was but that of a healthy child—an armful of dissolution.
“Listen, mother,” Routledge said. “Do not talk any more. I am going
to the Rest House to get food for you and the son of Madan Das. Lie
here and rest. I shall not be long.”
Even as he left her, she was repeating her story. He returned with a
pitcher of hot tea, strong enough to color and make palatable the
nourishment of half a can of condensed milk. He brought a servant
with him, and a sheet to cover the woman. Routledge handed the
child to the servant, and lifted the mother’s head to a cup. Afterward
he cleansed her face and throat and arms with cool water, and bade
her sleep.
“The little one is quite well, mother,” he told her softly. “All is well with
you now. The English will be here to-day with much food, and you
have only to rest. The child eats.”
“He is the son of Madan Das,” she mumbled, “and I am his mother....
Do not forget.”
She sank into a half-stupor. The servant had spooned a few drops
into the babe’s mouth. Routledge took the child—a wee thing, light
as a kitten, numbed from want, and too weak to cry. Its body had the
feel of a glove, and the bones showed white under the dry brown
skin, and protruded like the bones of a bat’s wing. The servant went
to fetch a basin of water.
“Why must you, little seedling, learn the hunger-lesson so soon?”
Routledge reflected whimsically. “You are lots too little to have done
any wrong, and if your bit of a soul is stained with the sins of other
lives, you are lots too little to know that you are being punished for
them now.... I should have asked Sekar of what avail is the karmic
imposition of hunger upon the body of a babe.”
He sponged and dried the little one, wrapped him in a cloth, and fed
him again—just a few drops. The son of Madan Das choked and
gurgled furthermore over a half-spoonful of water.
“Oh, you’re not nearly so far gone as your mother, my son. She was
already starving before your inestimable fountains dried.... And so
they took away your sister’s little brass bowl—and the soup made of
bark and flower-pods and wild berries. The poor tahsildar must have
been very tired and hot that day.... And so your worthy uncle who
was a leper sold the clothing of Madan Das, who borrowed a loin-
cloth from a neighbor, and did not need that very long.... Curl up and
sleep on a man’s arm, my wee Rajput.”
Between the two, Routledge passed the forenoon. At last, miles
away across the dusty sun-shot plain eastward, a bullock-cart
appeared, and long afterward behind it, faint as its shadow, another
—and others. Almost imperceptibly, they moved forward on the
twisting, burning road, like crippled insects; and the poles of the
native-drivers raised from time to time like tortured antennæ. There
was a murmur now within the huts of stricken Rydamphur. Routledge
had sent his baggage west to the railroad and settled his account at
the Rest House. He would leave with the coming of the famine relief.
The child was better, but the woman could not rally. The nourishment
lay dead within her. The bullock-carts merely moved in the retina of
his eye. He was thinking deep, unbridled things in the stillness of
high noon.
The great law of cause and effect had brought the answer to his
whimsical question of a few hours before. Why did karma inflict
starvation upon the child before the tablets had formed within him on
which the lesson might be graven for his life’s direction? The son of
Madan Das was but an instrument of punishment for the mother....
What wrong she must have done, according to Hindu doctrine, to
him in one of the dim other lives—when she was forced to bring him
into the world, the famine-world of India, forced to love him, to watch
him waste with hunger, and to crawl with him in the night.
Incomparable maternal tragedy. The sins of how many lives had she
not expiated up yonder in the withered fields!
The woman’s arm flung itself out from her body, and lay in a
checkered patch of sunlight. It made Routledge think of a dried and
shrunken earth-worm which the morning heat had overtaken upon a
wide pavement. Her eyelids were stretched apart now.
Sierras of tragedy are pictured in the eyes of the starving. Processes
of decay are intricate and marvellous—like the impulses of growth
and replenishing. There is no dissolution which so masterfully paints
itself in the human eye as Hunger. The ball is lit with the expiration of
the body, filled with a smoky glow of destroying tissue. The
unutterable mysteries of consummation are windowed there. The
body dies, member by member; all flesh save the binding fibres
wastes away, and the hideous hectic story of it all is told in the
widening, ever widening eyes—even to the glow of the burning-ghats
—all is there.
And the mother’s eyes! She was already old in the hunger-lesson.
The husband, Madan Das; the leper, his brother; the two little girls;
the little brass bowl—all were gone, when this child ceased to feed
upon the mother’s flesh. And still she crawled with the last of her
body to the town—all for this little son of Madan Das, who slept the
sleep of healing within reach of her arm.
Routledge gazed upon the great passion of motherhood. In truth, the
little hut in Rydamphur had been to him a place of unfolding
revelations. He had seen much of death in wars, but this war was so
poignant, so intimate.... Why did the woman sin? Routledge’s tired
brain forged its own answer on the vast Hindu plan of triple
evolution. Countless changes had carried this creature, as he
himself had been carried, up from a worm to a human. It is a long
journey begun in darkness, and only through error, and the pains of
error, does the soul-fragment learn to distinguish between the vile
and the beautiful. In the possession of refining senses, and the
travail of their conquering, the soul whitens and expands. Often the
wild horses of the senses burst out of control of the charioteer of the
soul; and for each rushing violence, the price must be paid in pangs
of the body—until there are no longer lessons of the flesh to be
learned, and the soul puts on its misery no more.... Routledge came
up to blow, like a leviathan, from the deeps of reflection, and
wondered at the feverish energy of his brain. “I shall be analyzing
presently the properties which go into the crucible for the making of a
prophet,” he declared.
The servant had brought a doctor, but it was mere formality.
Routledge bent over the dying woman. Her heart filled the hut with
its pounding. It ran swift and loud, like a ship’s screw, when the
clutching Pacific rollers fall away. In that devouring heat, the chill
settled.
“Do not forget.... He is the son of Madan Das, and I am his mother
——”
“I shall not forget, good mother,” Routledge whispered. “A worthy
man shall take care of him. This, first of all, shall I attend.”
“Madan Das was a worthy man——”
The rest was as the rattle of ripe seeds in a windblown pod....
Routledge turned his face from the final wrench. There was a foot-
fall in the sand, and a shadow upon the threshold, but Routledge
raised his hand for silence. The moment of all life in the flesh when
silence is dearest is the last.... The child stirred and opened its eyes
—roused, who can tell, by its own needs of a metaphysical
sympathy? And what does it matter? The man covered in the sheet
the poor body which the soul had spurned, and turned to feed the
child again. The American was at the door.
“And have you been specializing in famine at first hand, Mr. Jasper?”
Routledge inquired.
“Yes, and I see, sir, that you have been doing more.”
“The task came to me this morning. A little touch of motherhood
makes the whole world kin, you know.... This baby seal is the son of
Madan Das. He is sleepy, having ridden all night bareback—and the
bones of his mount were sharp.”
“Allow me to say, rather from necessity than any notion of being
pleasant,” Mr. Jasper observed slowly, “that I think you are a
wonderful man.... I have found myself weak and cowardly and full of
strange sickness. I am going back to the railway filled with a great
dislike for myself. The things which I find to do here, and want to do,
prove a physical impossibility. I want to leave a hundred pounds in
Rydamphur. It is but a makeshift of a coward. It occurred to me to
ask you how it would be best to leave the money, and where.”
“Don’t be disturbed, Mr. Jasper,” Routledge said, struck by the
realness of the other’s gloom. “I know the feeling—know it well. A
white man is not drilled in these matters. God, I have been ill, too! I
am ill now. See the soaps and water-basins which I have served with
my ministrations—and I am old in India. It is the weakness from
hunger which makes the people a prey to all the atrocities of filth and
disease. First famine, then plague.... A hundred pounds—that is
good of you. I know a missionary who will thank God directly for it—
all night on his knees—and he will not buy a can of butter for himself.
I will lead you to him if you wish.”
They passed through the village. The English were coming with the
bullock-carts, and the people, all those who could crawl out of their
huts, were gathered in the blazing sunlight on the public threshing-
floor. Mr. Jasper quickened his step and averted his face....
Routledge had been several days in Rydamphur, and a guest in
most of the huts, but there were many upon the threshing-floor now
(the old in agony, borne there by the young; loathsome human
remnants moving upon the sand) that he had not seen before. It
profited not to look deeply into that harrowing dream of hell, in the
light of the most high sun, lest the spectacle remain in the brain, an
indissoluble haunt.
“Yes, I know, Mr. Jasper,” Routledge muttered. “It is shocking as the
bottom of the sea—with the waters drained off. It is the carnal
mystery of a famine.”

There was but one thing left in Rydamphur for Routledge to do. It
concerned the servant of the Rest House, whom he had found good,
and the little son of Madan Das.
“This is to be your child,” he said to the man. “The mother is dead,
and the others of the family lie dead in the country. I am leaving
Rydamphur now, but by chance I shall come back. You shall attend
the mother’s body—and take the child for your own. It is the wish of
the very holy man who tarried here a few days. It was his chela who
carried the woman in from the country during the night. It is also my
wish, and I leave you money. More money will be forthcoming in due
time. First of all, I want you to buy a little brass bowl, which shall be
the child’s own. Remember the name. He is the son of Madan Das.
And now give me your name.”
It was done in order. An hour after, when all the village was attracted
to the threshing-floor, and the bullock-carts were creaking in, and the
sweating, harried Englishmen were pushing back the natives, lest
they fall under the wheels, Mr. Jasper perceived the man who had so
fascinated him set out, alone and without conveyance, along the
sandy western road toward the railroad.

It was a night late in October when Routledge reached Calcutta,


where he was forced to sink deeply into the native life to avoid
recognition. With two months’ files of the Pioneer, he sat down to
study the premonitive mutterings of the Russo-Japanese war. They
were wide in aim, but deep with meaning for the man who had
mastered the old game of war. The point which interested him most
in regard to this inevitable fracture of the world’s peace was not
brought out in the Pioneer. Just how much did the awful activity of
one Tyrone patriot, Jerry Cardinegh, have to do with the ever
bristling negotiations between Tokyo and St. Petersburg?... In the
light of the present developments, the Anglo-Japanese alliance was
one of the cleverest figments of diplomacy in the history of national
craft. Japan was a fine tool, with a keen and tempered edge. It would
take all the brute flesh that Russia could mass in Manchuria to blunt
it. Decidedly, Russia would have none left to crumple the borders of
British India. Meanwhile, England had nothing more serious to do
than to collect her regular Indian tributes, attend her regular Indian
famines, and to vent from time to time a world-wide whoop of
encouragement for her little brown brothers, facing the Bear.
“That reminds me,” Routledge reflected with a start, “that all this is
my work. I took it from Jerry Cardinegh.”
He breathed hard, and perused again the long, weary story of
negotiations, the preliminary conflict. It appeared that Russia
recognized Japan’s peculiar interest in Korea, and called it
reasonable for her to take charge of the affairs of the Korean court....
“By the way,” Routledge mused ironically, “the Anglo-Japanese
alliance was hung on the fact that Korea was to be preserved an
automatic unit. However, the Anglo-Japanese alliance was hung in
haste.”... The Czar observed that he had a peculiar brotherly regard
for Manchuria, and that Japan must bear in mind that her Korean
business must remain for all time south of the Yalu. “Don’t cross that
river,” said Nicholas.... Ominous courtesy, rejections, modifications,
felicitations, and the thunder of riveting war-ships in each navy-yard
of the respective Powers involved. Brute boy, Japan, at a white heat
from Hakodate to Nagasaki; Russia sweetly ignoring the
conflagration and sticking for Great Peter’s dream for a port in the
Pacific.
And so it stood when Routledge closed his last Pioneer in his
Calcutta hiding-place, and embarked European steerage for
Shanghai. Two days north of Hong Kong, the steamer ran into the
first breath of winter, and Routledge drew out the great frieze coat to
go ashore in the Paris of China. Far out on the Hankow road, he
ensconced himself in a small German hostelry, and caught up with
the negotiations through the successive editions of the North China
News. Not a line anywhere regarding the life or death of Jerry
Cardinegh.
Closer and closer, the Powers drew about to hear the final back-talk
between Russia and Japan. The latter said that she would establish
a neutral zone along the northern Korean frontier, if Russia would do
likewise on the southern frontier of Manchuria. Some humorist in
England observed that you cannot have a neutral zone without war;
and the correspondents set out from England, via America, where
they picked up the men from New York, Chicago, and Three Oaks—
travelling west to the Far East. At this point, Routledge, with great
secrecy, made possible through a solid friend in New York, secured
credentials, under an assumed name, for free-lance work in the
interests of the World-News. Thus passed the holidays. The first
month of 1904 was remarkable for the unexampled tension created
by Japan burning the cables for Russia’s last word.
Routledge thrilled in spite of himself. He felt that this was to be his
last service and the biggest. What a farce were the negotiations, with
Japan already a-tramp with soldiery and the great single-track
railroad from St. Petersburg to Port Arthur groaning with troop-trains;
with India locked tight in the strong white British hand for at least
another decade; with England turned to watch her Asiatic agent
spitted on the Czar’s rusty bayonets—what a farce, indeed, with
Russia willing, and Japan determined, for war.
Late in January, and a snowy twilight. Routledge stood for a moment
on the Bund in Shanghai. He was sailing that night for Chifu, and
wondering as he stood in the falling dark, his face concealed in the
high-collar, how fared Jerry Cardinegh in the crux of these great
affairs. Was he dead—or dead in brain only? Of Noreen—thoughts
of Noreen were always with him.
One of the launches of an Empress liner was leaving the Bund in a
few minutes for the ship in the offing—her nose turned to Japan.
Routledge was thinking that he would have to play the game alone
now, if never before. He smiled at the thought of what the boys
gathering at the Imperial Hotel in Tokyo would do if he should turn up
among them.... Suddenly he felt a man’s eyes fixed upon him from
the right. He turned his head carelessly, and discovered a figure
marvelously like Finacune’s stepping overside into the launch. It
disappeared into the small cabin. Routledge turned his back to the
launch with that degraded, shrunken sensation which concealment
always incited.
“They would murder me,” he muttered absently. “I must swing it more
than ever alone—from the edges and alone.”
A woman’s hand touched the sleeve of the great frieze coat, and
Routledge jerked about in a startled way. Men and wars were
obliterated like dry leaves in a flame.... The launch whistled a last
time.
TWELFTH CHAPTER
JOHNNY BRODIE OF BOOKSTALLS IS INVITED
TO CHEER STREET, AND BOLTS, PERCEIVING A
CONSPIRACY FORMED AGAINST HIM

Jerry Cardinegh experienced a very swift and remarkable


transition. All the red-blooded hatred with which he had executed his
coup in India was drained from the man sitting in London. His
gigantic scheme accomplished, Cardinegh withered like a plant
overturned in a furrow. Instead of facing the consequences with the
same iron humor that he had faced the wars of his time—as he had
planned for months, in the event of discovery—his great mad zeal
had burned him out. He found himself old, run-down, pitiful,
hungering for peace, when his young Messiah had come—praying
for the imperial stimulus of English hatred in order to write a great
book of the craft. In his weakness and in the powerful attraction of
home and Noreen, Cardinegh had not analyzed the idea seized at
random by Routledge. Later he was incapable. Always the young
man had been strange in his ways and startling in his achievements.
Jerry had sensed the crush of this thing which the other demanded
for a stimulant. Vaguely, the old man pictured from time to time the
“mystic of the wars” sunk and steeped somewhere in India, turning
out stupendous narratives under the goad of secrecy and peril.
Even the swiftest physical changes are more or less imperceptible to
the victim, whose body is gently numbed, and mind shadowed by a
merciful cloud. The veteran felt his years, and talked much of their
weight, but he alone was incapable of perceiving the extent of his
ruin. And what desperate irony was there in the trick which Nature
played upon him! His brain held fast to the exciting minutiæ of
Plevna, and the elder services, but lost entirely his latest and
crowning strategy to encompass British disaster. He had conceived
and carried out a plan to force a Russo-Indian alliance against
England—and had practically forgotten it. More than that, the fact
that his work had been foiled by England’s counter-alliance with
Japan seemed scarcely to touch his mind after his last talk with
Routledge. Memory served him mightily from her treasures of old
actions, but the record of his awful lone war and its dreams had been
writ in water.
Cardinegh gradually grew more and more content as the silence
from abroad endured and his own forces failed. Many Londoners
came to pay him homage; and with a single glance, the visitors
understood that it were wiser to talk of El Obeid and the Chinese
Gordon rather than of the new century. So the old campaigner, busy
with his callers, his pipes and Latakia mixtures, his whiskies, white
and red, finally came to forget for weeks at a time that the honor of
his days was not his own.
Only occasionally, between long periods of serenity, there would
come a stirring tumult to his brain. At such times he was frightened
and speechless. Nameless fears pulsated through him like the rise
and fall of a tempest. Once when the old man thought he was alone,
Noreen heard him mutter at the fireside: “He’s lost in India
somewhere—working and brooding, the young devil,—but war will
bring him out of his lair.”
He was as usual the next morning. Had Noreen not been altogether
in the dark in regard to the specific charge against Routledge, she
could have put this and other fragments together into a rough form of
truth. The few who knew all, imparted nothing. To the rest, the name
of Routledge was attached to a certain unspeakable atrocity, and
was thus whispered wherever Englishmen roved and strived. The
man’s mysterious figure had been in the London press for years.
England makes much of her correspondents, and Routledge, the
Review man, had aroused comment from Auckland to Winnipeg—
familiar comment, like the record of a general. A curse had fallen
upon the name now, and it was none the less heinous because the
reason, so far as the multitude was concerned, was a historical
mystery. Articles like Finacune’s from the field in Bhurpal had given
Englishmen everywhere an idea of the personality of this arch-
enemy; and the fact that Routledge was still alive, and miraculously
unpunished, was a covert challenge to the British around the
world.... Noreen despaired of learning the truth. The merest mention
of the subject harrowed and discountenanced her father, and netted
no revelation whatsoever.
Hers were stern, hard-checked days, full of heart-hunger. It seemed
to her sometimes as if her individuality must perish in the midst of
this interminable system of agonies. That last hour in the carriage
had left her thrilling, burning. She wished she had said even more to
show her loyalty.... She thought of Routledge out on God’s great
windy seas—always alone, always on deck in storms that drove
others below; she thought of him moving in the hidden slums of
India, native of the natives, eternally shadowed from his kind—alone,
wasted, accursed.... Once—it was the same night that he had
slipped from a noose in the house at Madras—she woke with a
scream to find that it was only a dream—that he was being
murdered. Yet she was terrified for days, as only one can be terrified
whose brain is fine enough to respond to the immaterial currents,
molding and weaving behind all scenes and things.
Often it came to her, “This is my battle. I must fight it cleanly and
without a cry. It is hard for him and hard for me—as much as we can
bear. Only Routledge-san and I can know how hard—and God, who
measures our strength. But I shall see him again. I shall see him
again. I shall see him again.”
Beyond this, she could never go in coherent thinking. In calm
moments, and without any warning, there would come to her just a
glimpse beyond, but never by deliberately forcing her thoughts. What
glimpses they were, winged, marvelous,—of a bewildering intensity
past the handling of common faculties.... A great, strong-souled
woman, fashioned with the beauty of angels, and inspired with a love
of the kind that only the dreamers can know in spirit.... And she held
fast to what was left of her father, loved him, nor allowed the vision of
crossing the world to her lover to militate against the work of the
hour.... As for Routledge degraded, Routledge-san doing a shameful
thing—this was unthinkable, a masterpiece of evil, one of the world’s
four-dimension errors, which held him outcast in a wilderness where
her soul cried nightly to be.
Autumn of the following year, and still Jerry Cardinegh sat in the little
rooms in Cheer Street, his daughter ministering.... Noreen made a
pilgrimage to Bookstalls. It was a day reserved from summer, and
she had waited until afternoon when her father napped. All things
were made ready for his comfort when he awakened, and she had
the hours. Her carriage turned into the rutty, cobble-paved road,
narrow and eternally jammed. The upper front windows of the old
house were closely curtained.... She had never been up there,
though once she had asked to go.... Her father and others had told
her of the wanderer’s trophy-room, which Routledge kept from year
to year and occupied so seldom. How fared the master in this
hour?...
The street boy who had been with Routledge that last morning was
passing swiftly, carrying the wares of a pastry-cook upon a tray. He
had the look of one who was trusted and prospering. She called and
he ran forward, but halted in excitement.
“Why, you are the Boy!” she declared joyfully.
His answer was equally engaging: “Has the Man come back?”
“Won’t you come into the carriage with me—so we can talk about the
Man?” she asked.
Talking about the Man was desirable but forbidden. Another party
had wished to talk about the Man. It was but a moment after the Man
had left him, in the carriage of this woman. A stranger had touched
his arm, asked queer questions in a clumsy, laughing way, stood
treat variously, and bored for information in the most startling and
unexpected fashion, always laughing. Altogether that had been a
forenoon which made him damp to remember. Night after night, in
the little hall-bedroom, he had gone over every word which the
stranger had extracted. He felt that the Man would have been proud
of him, but there had been several narrow squeaks.... As for the
Man, Johnny Brodie had built his future and his God-stuff about Him.
It wasn’t altogether a matter of clothes and grub and a room of his
own. There was something deeper and bigger than that.... And this
woman—her chances were slim about getting anything out of him
about the Man.
“I got these ’ere torts to carry?” he said. “Has the Man come back?”
“No, but we’ll talk about him—when you are through with your work.”
“I don’t know nothin’ about ’im.”
“Oh, but it’s enough that you know him—and are fond of him. How
long will you be busy?”
“Till dark.”
“Oh, dear! But you will come to my house after that, won’t you, Boy?
I’ll have a good supper for you—and some things to take away. You’ll
be glad if you come.... Won’t you come, Boy?”
Five minutes later, Johnny stared at the receding carriage and at the
money in his hand. He had promised to go to Cheer Street that
evening when his work was done. How it came about, was one of
those things which he must figure out in silence and darkness.
Certainly he had not intended to go. Evidently she was one of the
Man’s possessions, and what a way she had with her!... Everything
about the Man was right. He was all that a man could and should be.
More would be superfluous and distasteful.... It had looked as if the
Man had wanted to be alone that morning, when this woman had
borne him away in the carriage. Johnny had never quite forgiven her
for that. Possibly the Man might have had more to say to him if she
hadn’t come.... She wanted to go up into the Room, but the Man
hadn’t allowed that....
“’E took me in, an’ not ’er!” he mused with sudden amazement.
The long-locked lodging—that Superlative Place!... Johnny had a pet
dream. He was back on the stairs, and the Man came and carried
him up into that place of kingliest attraction. Those were rooms like a
man ought to have—shields, guns, knives, saddles, tufts of hair
(certainly scalps), chain-shirts, and shirts with tattoo-marks all over;
and there was one saddle, with mud still on the stirrups, sorrel hair

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