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Antarctic Climate Evolution
Antarctic Climate
Evolution
Second Edition
Edited by
Fabio Florindo
National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology, Rome, Italy
Martin Siegert
Grantham Institute and Department of Earth Science and Engineering,
Imperial College London, London, United Kingdom
Laura De Santis
National Institute of Oceanography and Applied Geophysics—OGS,
Sgonico, Trieste, Italy
Tim Naish
Antarctic Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington, New Zealand
Elsevier
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Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and
experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or
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Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
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British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress
ISBN: 978-0-12-819109-5
v
vi Contents
3.3 Global climate variability and direct evidence for Antarctic ice
sheet variability in the Cenozoic 46
3.3.1 Late Cretaceous to early Oligocene evidence of
Antarctic ice sheets and climate variability 47
3.3.2 The Eocene-Oligocene transition and continental-scale
glaciation of Antarctica 50
3.3.3 Transient glaciations of the Oligocene and Miocene 51
3.3.4 Pliocene to Pleistocene 57
3.4 Regional seismic stratigraphies and drill core correlations,
and future priorities to reconstruct Antarctica’s Cenozoic
ice sheet history 59
3.4.1 Ross Sea 61
3.4.2 Amundsen Sea 71
3.4.3 Bellingshausen Sea and Pacific coastline of Antarctic
Peninsula 76
3.4.4 The Northern Antarctic Peninsula and South Shetland
Islands 81
3.4.5 The Eastern Margin of the Antarctic Peninsula 82
3.4.6 The South Orkney Microcontinent and adjacent
deep-water basins 84
3.4.7 East Antarctic Margin 88
3.5 Summary, future directions and challenges 120
Acknowledgements 124
References 125
Index 777
List of contributors
xiii
xiv List of contributors
Tina van de Flierdt Department of Earth Science and Engineering, Imperial College
London, London, United Kingdom
Fabio Florindo National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology, Rome, Italy;
Institute for Climate Change Solutions, Frontone, Italy
Jane Francis British Antarctic Survey, Cambridge, United Kingdom
Simone Galeotti Department of Pure and Applied Sciences, University of Urbino
Carlo Bo, Urbino, Italy; Institute for Climate Change Solutions, Frontone, Italy
Edward G.W. Gasson School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol,
Bristol, United Kingdom; Centre for Geography and Environmental Science,
University of Exeter, Cornwall Campus, United Kingdom
Claudio Ghezzo Department of Physical, Earth and Environmental Sciences,
University of Siena, Siena, Italy
Karsten Gohl Alfred Wegener Institute, Helmholtz-Center for Polar and Marine
Science, Bremerhaven, Germany; School of Geography, Geology and the
Environment, University of Leicester, Leicester, United Kingdom
Nicholas R. Golledge Antarctic Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington, New Zealand
Damian B. Gore Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, Macquarie
University, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Georgia R. Grant GNS Science, Avalon, Lower Hutt, New Zealand
Sean Gulick Institute for Geophysics & Deptartment of Geological Sciences,
Jackson School of Geosciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX,
United States
Richard H. Levy Antarctic Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington, New Zealand; GNS Science, Lower Hutt, New Zealand
Anna Ruth W. Halberstadt Climate System Research Center, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, United States
David M. Harwood Department of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, University of
Nebraska, Lincoln, NE, United States
Andrew S. Hein School of GeoSciences, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh,
United Kingdom
Javier Hernández-Molina Department of Earth Sciences, Royal Holloway
University of London, Egham, Surrey, United Kingdom
Claus-Dieter Hillenbrand British Antarctic Survey, Cambridge, United Kingdom
Katharina Hochmuth School of Geography, Geology and the Environment,
University of Leicester, Leicester, United Kingdom; Alfred Wegener Institute,
Helmholtz-Center for Polar and Marine Science, Bremerhaven, Germany
David Hutchinson Department of Geological Sciences and Bolin Centre for Climate
Research, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
Stewart Jamieson Department of Geography, Durham University, Durham, United
Kingdom
List of contributors xv
xvii
Chapter 1
1.1 Introduction
The Antarctic continent and the Southern Ocean are influential components
of the Earth System. Central to the understanding of global climate change
(including increases in temperature, precipitation and ocean pH) is an appre-
ciation of how the Antarctic Ice Sheet interacts with climate, especially dur-
ing times of rapid change. To comprehend the rates, mechanisms and impact
of the processes involved, one must look into the geological record for evi-
dence of past changes, on time scales from centuries and up to millions of
years. For several decades, international efforts have been made to determine
the glacial, tectonic and climate history of Antarctica and the Southern
Ocean. Much of this information derives from studies of sedimentary
sequences, drilled and correlated via seismic reflection data in and around
the continent (e.g., Cooper et al., 2009). In addition, there have been numerous
terrestrial geological expeditions to the mountains exposed above the ice,
usually close to the margin of the ice sheet (e.g., GANOVEX expeditions).
Holistic interpretation of these data is now being made, and new challenging
hypotheses on the size and timing of past changes in Antarctica are being
developed.
In 2004 the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR)
commissioned a scientific research programme on Antarctic Climate
Evolution (ACE) to quantify the glacial and climate history of Antarctica by
linking climate and ice sheet modelling studies with terrestrial and marine
geological and geophysical evidence of past changes. ACE grew out of the
ANTOSTRAT (ANTarctic Offshore STRATigraphy) project, which was
Epoch Cret. Paleocene Eocene Oligocene Miocene Pliocene Pleistocene Holocene pocene
Anthro
Maa
Da n
Mes
Rup
Zan
Cha
Lan
Tor
Lut
Tha
Bur
Gel
Cal
Bar
Ser
Ionian Tarantian
Pri
Pia
Sel
Magneto-
chron
C 11
C29
C27
C22
C13
C28
C10
C24
C21
C20
C19
C23
C12
C30
C25
C18
C17
C26
C16
C15
C7
C4
C3
C2
C1
C8
C5
C6
C9
16
East Antarctica
West Antarctica Southern Hemisphere polar ice 16
-1.0 Middle Eocene
Climat e Optimum Northern Hemisphere sheets
Transition
difference to toda y (°C)
War m Period
Earl y Eocene
Climat e Optimum RCP8.5
1.0 Oligocene/Miocene
Transition
Middle Miocene Plio-Pleistocene
8
8 Transition Transition
Middle-Pleistocene
2.0 benthic deep-sea Transition
record
4 mid-Brunhes 4
Event RCP4.5
3.0 RCP2.6
0 0
4.0 HadCRUT4
Oi-1
-4 Glaciation -4
5.0
EPIC A Dome C NGRIP
65 60 55 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 4 3 2 1 400 200 20 10
50
00
50
00
18
20
21
23
FIGURE 1.2 Global climate spanning the last 67 million years and future projections of cli-
mate change. Specific time periods in Antarctic history that are discussed in this book (Chapters
7 11 and 13) are indicated at the top. Published with permission by Thomas Westerhold.
Antarctic Climate Evolution second edition Chapter | 1 5
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to our many friends and colleagues for advice and encouragement through
the production of this volume. We thank Andrea Dulberger, Editorial Project Manager of
Elsevier Science, for the support in the production of this book. During the preparation of
this book, our colleague and friend Franco Talarico, lead author of Chapter 6 (The
Antarctic Continent in Gondwana: A perspective from the Ross Embayment and Potential
Research Targets for Future Investigations) died unexpectedly on 15th December 2020.
This book is dedicated to his memory.
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Barrett, P.J., Florindo, F., Cooper, A.K. (Eds.), 2006. Antarctic climate evolution: geological
records from the margin and modelling. Palaegeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology,
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Bickle, M., Arculus, R., Barrett, P., DeConto, R., Camoin, G., Edwards, K., Fisher, F., Inagaki, F.,
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Earth’s Past, Present and Future. The Science Plan for the International Ocean Discovery
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Environmental Sciences, Vol. 8: Antarctic Climate Evolution. Elsevier, Amsterdam,
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Sustained Antarctic Research: A 21st Century Imperative. One Earth. 1, 95 113. Available
from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.oneear.2019.08.014.
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Science 28, 407 423. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954102016000481.
Levy, R.H., et al., 2021. Antarctic Environmental Change and Ice Sheet Evolution through the
Miocene to Pliocene A perspective from the Ross Sea, George V Coast, and Wilkes
Land. In: Florindo, F., et al., (Eds.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second ed. Elsevier.
McKay, R., et al., 2021. Cenozoic History of Antarctic Glaciation and Climate from Onshore
and Offshore Studies. In: Florindo, F., et al., (Eds.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second
ed. Elsevier.
McKay, R.M., De Santis, L., Kulhanek, D.K., the Expedition 374 Scientists, 2019. Ross sea
West Antarctic Ice Sheet history. Proceedings of the International Ocean Discovery Program
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(International Ocean Discovery Program).
Naish, T., et al., 2021. Antarctic Ice Sheet dynamics during the Late Oligocene and Early
Miocene: Climatic conundrums revisited. In: Florindo, F., et al., (Eds.), Antarctic Climate
Evolution, Second ed. Elsevier.
Pollard, D., De Conto, R., 2009. Modelling West Antarctic ice sheet growth and collapse
through the past five million years. Nature 458, 329 332. Available from: https://doi.org/
10.1038/nature07809.
Siegert, M.J., et al., 2021a. Antarctic Ice Sheet Changes since the Last Glacial Maximum.
In: Florindo, F. (Ed.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second ed. Elsevier.
Siegert, M.J., et al., 2021b. The Future Evolution of Antarctic Climate: Conclusions and
Upcoming Programmes. In: Florindo, F., et al., (Eds.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second
ed. Elsevier.
Siegert, M.J., Golledge, N.R., 2021. Advances in Numerical Modelling of the Antarctic Ice
Sheet. In: Florindo, F., et al., (Eds.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second ed. Elsevier.
Spada, G., 2017. Glacial Isostatic Adjustment and Contemporary Sea Level Rise: An Overview.
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proc.379.2021.
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Talarico, F., et al., 2021. The Antarctic Continent in Gondwana: A perspective from the Ross
Embayment and Potential Research Targets for Future Investigations. In: Florindo, F., et al.,
(Eds.), Antarctic Climate Evolution, Second ed. Elsevier.
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Chapter 2
2.1 Introduction
International scientific collaboration in Antarctica and the Southern Ocean is
essential if we are to answer key questions on how the region is changing in
relation to anthropogenic warming and on the global impacts that will result,
as they can only be tackled seriously by sharing resources, logistics, skills,
experience and infrastructure across the region (e.g., Kennicutt et al., 2016).
Aside from its contribution to scientific research per se, the Scientific
Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR) is widely accepted as the most
influential non-governmental organisation contributing to international
Antarctic governance through the provision of impartial expert scientific
advice (Walton, 2009). SCAR aims to aid international scientific collabora-
tion, while facilitating the science that occurs in the Antarctic region through
a variety of initiatives. One scheme that SCAR operates is its formal
Scientific Research Programmes (SRPs), which are bold, thematic, interdisci-
plinary, multi-year efforts to advance fundamental knowledge on specific
issues. Two SRPs that relate to past changes in Antarctica have been
Antarctic Climate Evolution (ACE) and its successor Past Antarctic Ice
Sheet dynamics (PAIS). The main achievements from ACE were summarised
in the first edition of this book (Florindo and Siegert, 2008). In 2013 SCAR
awarded funding to PAIS, which has led to a number of research achieve-
ments relating to constraining Antarctica’s contribution to sea level that
resulted from past changes in ice sheet mass loss, and its general impacts on
the environment, and atmospheric and oceanic circulation. In the following
sections, we note how SCAR has achieved its goals, especially with regard
to understanding past climate, ocean and ice-sheet change.
FIGURE 2.1 One of the many postage stamps issued for the International Geophysical Year
1957 1958. By Bureau of Engraving and Printing. Designed by Ervine Metzl. (Public domain),
via Wikimedia Commons.
FIGURE 2.2 Signature of the Antarctic Treaty on 1 December 1959 in Washington, DC, by
Ambassador Herman Phleger from the United States, who chaired the Conference on Antarctica
from 15 October to 1 December 1959 (Department of State, 1960). Courtesy of the Carleton
College Archives.
The Treaty entered into force on 23 June 1961. Today, 54 nations have signed
the Treaty 29 of which have voting rights (see http://www.scar.org/policy/
antarctic-treaty-system/). The Antarctic Treaty contains 14 articles (see
Appendix), which enshrine the following three principles:
G Antarctica (meaning the entire region south of latitude 60 South) is to
be used for peaceful purposes only and military bases, manoeuvres and
weapons testing are prohibited. The prohibition also extends to nuclear
explosions and the disposal of nuclear waste.
G The promotion of scientific investigation and cooperation, with the
exchange of information, plans, results and personnel to be actively
encouraged. This also includes freedom of access for the purpose of sci-
entific investigation.
G Territorial claims are not recognised, disputed or established by the
Treaty, and no new claims are to be asserted.
Realising the importance of continuing international Antarctic collaboration at
the end of the IGY, it was decided that there was a need for further international
organisation of scientific activity in Antarctica and that a committee should be set
up for this purpose. The 4th Special Committee for the International Geophysical
Year (CSAGI) Antarctic Conference in Paris in June 1957 passed a resolution
recommending that the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) should
appoint a committee ad hoc with Professor C.-G. Rossby as convener (Fig. 2.3) to
FIGURE 2.3 Professor Carl-Gustaf Arvid Rossby (Stockholm, 28 December 1898 Stockholm, 19
August 1957). Harris & Ewing Collection (Public domain), via Wikimedia Commons.
Sixty years of coordination and support for Antarctic science Chapter | 2 13
examine the merits of further investigation in the Antarctic after the end of the
IGY, covering the entire field of science. The committee met at the ICSU Antarctic
meeting held in Stockholm between 9 and 11 September 1957, with members from
Argentina, Chile, France, Japan, Norway, UK, USA and USSR being present.
Later in September a Special Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR)
was established as an inter-disciplinary committee of ICSU to facilitate and
coordinate activities; twelve nations and four Unions (International Union of
Geodesy and Geophysics IUGG; International Geographical Union
IGU; International Union of Biological Sciences IUBS; and Union Radio
Scientifique International URSI) were invited to nominate delegates.
SCAR held its first meeting in the Administrative Office of ICSU in The
Hague (the Netherlands) on 3 6 February 1958; the 12 participating nations of
the IGY were invited to attend, as well as representatives from five scientific
unions (Fig. 2.4). Subsequently SCAR was renamed the ‘Scientific’ Committee
on Antarctic Research. In 1987 SCAR was appointed as an observer to the
Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting (ATCM) to ensure political and gover-
nance decisions are informed by the best available science.
FIGURE 2.4 Participants at the first SCAR meeting in The Hague (the Netherlands) on 3 6
February 1958. (1) Dr. L.M. Gould, USA; (2) Dr. Ronald Fraser, ICSU; (3) Dr. N. Herlofson,
Convenor; (4) Col. E. Herbays, ICSU; (5) Prof. T. Rikitake, Japan; (6) Prof. Leiv Harang, Norway; (7)
Dr. Valter Schytt, IGU; (8) Dr. Anton F. Bruun, IUBS; (9) Mr. J.J. Taljaard, South Africa; (10) Capt.
F. Bastin, Belgium; (11) Capt. Luis de la Canal, Argentina; (12) Sir James Wordie, UK; (13) Prof. K.
E. Bullen, Australia; (14) Dr. H. Wexler, USA; (15) Ing. Gén. Georges Laclavère, IUGG; (16) Ing.
Gén. M.A. Gougenheim, France; (17) Mr. Luis Renard, Chile; (18) Dr. M.M. Somov, USSR; (19)
Prof. J. van Mieghen, Belgium. From Wolff, T., 2010. The Birth and First Years of the Scientific
Committee on Oceanic Research, SCOR History Report #1. Scientific Committee on Oceanic
Research, Newark, DE, photograph courtesy of the Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research.
14 Antarctic Climate Evolution
applies to the area south of 60 South latitude, including all floating ice
shelves and islands.
The Treaty is augmented by recommendations adopted at Consultative
Meetings, by the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic
Treaty (Madrid, 1991), and by two separate conventions dealing with the
Conservation of Antarctic Seals (London, 1972) and the Conservation of
Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR, Canberra, 1980). The
Convention on the Regulation of Antarctic Mineral Resource Activities
(Wellington, 1988), negotiated between 1982 and 1988, has so far not
entered into force.
In October 2016 the world’s largest marine reserve was created in the
Ross Sea by a unanimous decision of CCAMLR’s 24 member states.
The Ross Sea Marine Protected Area (MPA) came into force in December
2017. The 598,000 square-mile MPA (more than twice the size of Texas)
consists of:
G A ‘no take’ General Protection Zone (a fully protected area where no
commercial fishing is permitted) split into three separate areas;
G A Special Research Zone which allows for limited research fishing for
krill and toothfish see below; and
G A Krill Research Zone which allows for controlled research fishing for
krill, in accordance with the objectives of the MPA.
The Antarctic’s nutrient-rich waters are highly productive, leading to
huge plankton and krill blooms that support vast numbers of fish, seals, pen-
guins and whales. Importantly, and inspite of whaling that nearly drove
extinction of some species, the Ross Sea is ‘the least altered marine ecosys-
tem on Earth’, containing intact communities of emperor and Adelie pen-
guins, crabeater seals, orcas and minke whales (that are recovering in
numbers).
FIGURE 2.9 The different activities carried out by the PAIS programme in support of scien-
tific advances, training, collaboration, knowledge exchange and data sharing.
20 Antarctic Climate Evolution
the Antarctic Seismic Data Library System, see McKay et al., 2021)
and initiating/expanding cross-linkages among Antarctic research
communities.
All the SRPs ended in December 2020 and a new set of SCAR pro-
grammes have come into play for the next 8 years (https://www.scar.org/sci-
ence/srp/):
G Integrated Science to Inform Antarctic and Southern Ocean Conservation
(Ant-ICON), which aims to answer fundamental science questions (as
identified by the SCAR Horizon Scan, Kennicutt et al., 2015) relating to
the conservation and management of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean
with a focus on research to drive and inform international decision-
making and policy change;
G Near-term Variability and Prediction of the Antarctic Climate System
(AntClimnow) that aims to investigate the prediction of near-term condi-
tions in the Antarctic climate system on timescales of years to multiple
decades;
G INStabilities and Thresholds in ANTarctica (INSTANT) will address the
first-order question about Antarctica’s contribution to sea level. It encom-
passes geoscience, physical sciences and biological sciences, to investigate
the ways in which interactions between the ocean, atmosphere and cryo-
sphere have influenced ice sheets in the past, and how such interplay may
occur in the future, with a special focus on quantifying the contributions to
global sea level change. INSTANT builds on a white paper developed dur-
ing the PAIS conference held in Italy in 2017, involving over 200 scientists
from 18 nations and spanning different disciplines and with representatives
from the other SCAR SRPs (see details in the PAIS web site http://www.
scar-pais.org/index.php/highlights/past-antarctic-ice-sheet-dynamics-pais-con-
ference-2017-trieste-italy). The white paper recognised the importance of a
transdisciplinary approach in understanding and quantifying the Antarctic ice
sheet contribution to past and future global sea-level change, from improved
understanding of climate, ocean and solid Earth interactions and feedbacks
with the ice. The white paper also acknowledged the importance of under-
standing the global consequences and impacts of Antarctic change so that
decision-makers can better anticipate and assess the risk of sea level rise in
order to evaluate adaptation and mitigation pathways.
G The circulation of the Southern Ocean and its role in the storage and
emission of CO2 and heat;
G The fossilised flora of Antarctica, which was covered by flourishing veg-
etation 100 million years ago, and of Antarctic dinosaurs;
G The 600 million years journey of Antarctica from North Pole to South
Pole, under the influence of plate tectonics;
G The sub-ice topography, including the existence of subglacial lakes and
rivers;
G The amazing circum-Antarctic land-free travel of albatrosses;
G The extraordinary diversity of marine life;
G The detection of neutrinos originating in outer space; and
G Antarctica as an analogue for extra-terrestrial life and other aspects of
planetary exploration.
Assemblies of Delegates and Open Science Conferences are key events in
the life of SCAR. The last two were POLAR2018 and SCAR 2020 Online.
The former took place in Davos, Switzerland (15 26 June 2018), and was
also home to the XXXV SCAR Biennial Meeting, the Arctic Science Summit
Week (ASSW) and a joint SCAR/IASC Open Science Conference. The SCAR
meetings, the ASSW and the Open Science Conference were hosted by the
Swiss Federal Institute for Forest, Snow and Landscape Research (WSL) under
the patronage of the Swiss Committee on Polar and High-Altitude Research.
Over 2500 attendees presented B1600 posters and B1000 oral papers as
well as plenary sessions, panel discussions, side meetings and social events. At
POLAR2018 SCAR agreed to support the following action groups: Earth
Observation (Physical Sciences), ANGWIN ANtarctic Gravity Wave
Instrument Network (Physical Sciences), AntArchitecture (Geosciences and
Physical Sciences), IMPACT Input Pathways of Persistent Organic
Pollutants to Antarctica (Life Sciences), SKAG SCAR Krill action group
(Life Sciences) and Plastic in Polar Environment (Life Sciences). At the
Delegates Meeting, three new PPGs were proposed in order to develop future
SRPs: Integrated science to support Antarctic and Southern Ocean conservation
(ANT-ICON); Near-term Variability and Prediction of the Antarctic Climate
System (AntClimnow); and INSTANT (initially called AISSL, e.g., Fig. 2.7).
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the SCAR-OSC 2020 was held online
and remotely (03 07 August 2020). The registration was free, and there
were over 2700 people in attendance. The SCAR-OSC 2020 Portal will
remain open indefinitely, so everyone who registers will be able to view ses-
sions and also plenaries, workshops and mini-symposia recordings at any
time and browse the Contributing Authors Gallery (almost 600 virtual dis-
plays). All videos uploaded to the event portal are available on the SCAR
2020 Online YouTube channel and event website scar2020.org, which that
will also remain open indefinitely.
22 Antarctic Climate Evolution
on for at least the next decade. Answers will increasingly depend on drilling on
land for the oldest ice (expected to be about 1.5 million years old), and deep ocean
drilling to explore the sedimentary record of the discharge of ice from the continent
and the thermal history of the Southern Ocean (from the physical and chemical
remains of fossil plankton).
2.7 Summary
Antarctic research is conducted with the assistance and support of SCAR, the
most important non-governmental body overseeing coordination and collabora-
tion of science in Antarctica and the Southern Ocean. SCAR has been in exis-
tence since 1958 and has offered a unique forum through which international
dialogue, exchange and cooperation can take place regarding forming answers
to scientific questions relevant to understanding processes in the most remote
and extreme place on Earth. This approach was demonstrated in 1957 1958
as part of the IGY (which in effect was the third International Polar Year or
IPY), and in 2007 2009, when SCAR played a leading role in the fourth IPY.
SCAR has been instrumental in recent years in focusing resources on major
research priorities, and research into past environments has benefitted signifi-
cantly from this approach first through the ACE SRP and in the last few
years in the PAIS SRP. In 2014, a formal international Horizon Scan of
Antarctic research was undertaken, which led to the emergence of an agreed
26 Antarctic Climate Evolution
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Appendix
The Antarctic Treaty signed at Washington on 1 December 1959, by plenipo-
tentiaries of the United States of America and 11 other countries.
28 Antarctic Climate Evolution
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valuable as exhibiting the kind of passion which love showed itself in
Wordsworth. Passion, in the proper meaning of the word—viz., deep, fiery,
intense, and all-embracing feeling, was certainly not Wordsworth’s. His
love was calm, intellectual, and emotional—but it was not passion. All his
love seems to have passed through his head before it touched his heart. And
yet he loved his wife, and lived, as I said before, very happily with her.
Mrs. Wordsworth, however, was a true household woman, and had not
acquired that faculty of walking which Wordsworth and his sister
possessed, in so eminent a degree. In about a year, therefore, after his
marriage—that is, August 14, 1803,—we find Wordsworth parting from his
wife, and making a tour into Scotland, with his sister and Coleridge, taking
Carlisle on the way. When they arrived at Longtown, they found a guide-
post pointing out two roads,—one to Edinburgh, the other to Glasgow. They
took the latter road, and entered Scotland by crossing the river Sark.
Edinburgh was no favourite place with Wordsworth, and for reasons which
are sufficiently obvious. The tourists then passed through Gretna Green to
Annan, leaving the Solway Frith, and the Cumberland hills to their left
hand. On Thursday the 18th August, they went to the churchyard where
Burns is buried; a bookseller accompanied them, of whom Miss
Wordsworth had bought some little books for Johnny, the poet’s first child.
He showed them first the outside of Burns’ house, where he had lived the
last three years of his life, and where he died. It had a mean appearance, and
was in a bye situation, white-washed, and dirty about the doors, as all
Scotch houses are; flowering plants in the windows. They went on to visit
his grave. He lies in a corner of the churchyard, and his second son, Francis
Wallace, is beside him. There was no stone to mark the spot. The greatest
bard that had sung in Britain for some centuries, lay buried there like a dog.
A hundred guineas, however, had been collected to build a monument over
his ashes. “There,” said the bookseller to the visitors, pointing to a pompous
monument, a few yards off, “there lies Mr. John Bushby, a remarkably
clever man; he was an attorney, and hardly ever lost a cause he undertook.
Burns made many a lampoon upon him; and there they rest as you see.”
Yes, indeed, there they rested; and that was the deep, sad moral of the story.
We shall all rest so at last. They then went to Burns’ house. Mrs. Burns was
not at home, but had gone to the sea-shore with her children. They saw the
print of “The Cotter’s Saturday Night,” which Burns mentioned in one of
his letters having received as a present. In the room above the parlour Burns
died, and his son after him; and of all who saw this parlour on this 18th of
August,—Wordsworth and his sister, Coleridge and the poor bookseller—
who survives? “There they rest, as you see.”
The tourists travelled subsequently through the Vale of the Nith, and
crossing the Frith, reached Brownhill, where they slept.
“I cannot take leave of this country,” says Miss Wordsworth, in her
Journal, “without mentioning that we saw the Cumberland mountains
within half a mile of Ellisland (Burns’ house) the last view we had of them.
Drayton has prettily described the connection which the neighbourhood has
with ours, when he makes Skiddaw say—
These lines occurred to William’s memory; and while he and I were talking
of Burns, and the prospect he must have had, perhaps from his own door, of
Skiddaw and his companions, we indulged ourselves in fancying that we
might have been personally known to each other, and he have looked upon
those objects with more pleasure for our sakes. We talked of Coleridge’s
children and family, then at the foot of Skiddaw, and our own new-born
John, a few miles behind it; and the grave of Burns’ son, which we had just
seen, by the side of that of his father; and the stories we had heard at
Dumfries, respecting the dangers which his surviving children were
exposed to, filled us with melancholy concern, which had a kind of
connection with ourselves, and with thoughts, some of which were
afterwards expressed in the following supposed address to the sons of the
ill-fated poet:—
During this Scotch tour the party walked through the vale of the Clyde,
visited Glengyle, the scene of some of Rob Roy’s exploits, Loch Lomond,
Inverary, Glencoe, Kenmore, and the Duke of Athol’s gardens; resting
whilst in this latter place on “the heather seat which Burns was so loth to
quit that moonlight evening when he first went to Blair Castle.” Then they
went to the Pass of Killicranky, respecting which Wordsworth wrote the
following sonnet.
In the year 1803, when this sonnet was written, an invasion was hourly
looked for; and Miss Wordsworth and her brother (for Coleridge had left
them, worried by the “evil chance,” and something worse perhaps at Loch
Lomond) could not but think with some regret of the times when from the
now depopulated Highlands, forty or fifty thousand men might have been
poured down for the defence of the country, under such leaders as the
Marquis of Montrose, or the brave man who had so distinguished himself
upon the ground where they were standing.
The tourists returned by way of Edinburgh, visiting Peebles and Melrose
Abbey. Sir Walter, then Mr. Scott, was, at the time of their visit to the
abbey, travelling as Sheriff of Selkirk to the assizes at Jedburgh. They dined
together at the Melrose Inn. Sir Walter was their guide to the abbey, taking
them into Mr. Riddel’s gardens and orchard, where they had a sweet view of
it through trees, the town being quite excluded. Sir Walter was of course at
home in the history and tradition of these noble ruins, and pointed out to his
visitors many things which would otherwise have escaped their notice.
Beautiful pieces of sculpture in obscure corners, flowers, leaves, and other
ornaments, which being cut in the durable pale red stone of which the abbey
is built, were quite perfect. What destroyed, however, the effect of the
abbey, was the barbarous taste of the good Scotch people who had built an
ugly, damp charnel house within the ruins, which they called a church!
Quitting Melrose, they crossed the Teviot by a stone bridge, and visited
Jedburgh. It rained all the way, and they arrived at the inn just before the
judges were expected out of court to dinner, very wet and cold. There was
no private room but the judges’ sitting-room, and they had to get private
lodgings in the town. Scott sat with them an hour in the evening, and
repeated a part of his “Lay of the Last Minstrel.” Their landlady was a very
remarkable woman; and Wordsworth wrote some verses expressive of the
feelings with which she inspired him. Here is the burden.
This Scottish tour was a little episode in the quiet history of the poet’s
residence at Grasmere. The truth is, that Wordsworth could not at this time
rest long, even in his beautiful Grasmere, without the excitement of
pedestrian travel and adventure. It was likewise a part of his education as a
poet; the knowledge which he thus acquired of men, manners, and scenery.
He had devoted himself to poetry; and every thing that tended to feed the
divine faculty, he grasped at with an avidity equally as intense as that with
which your mere canine man grasps at food for his perishing body. Nothing
comes amiss to him; high and low, great and small; from the daffodil to
Skiddaw—from Skiddaw to heaven and its hosts of glorious stars,—all are
seized by this omnivorous poet, fused in his mind, and reproduced by him
in song. His limited means are no barrier to his wanderings; he and his
sister can live upon black bread and water, so far as rations are concerned;
but setting aside the necessity of the case, this economy is for a sacred
purpose,—viz.:—that they may enjoy the communion of Nature, and
partake of her spiritual banquets. The gods, however, had determined to pet
Wordsworth, and recompense him for his religious devotion to their doings
through early life; and, to say nothing of the bequest of Raisley Calvert, the
second Lord Lonsdale, just as the poet needed a wife, and larger means,
paid the debt which his predecessor owed to Wordsworth’s father,
amounting to £1,800, as the share of each member of the family. This was a
most fortunate circumstance to Wordsworth and his sister; though it
mattered little to the rest, because they were well appointed in life. De
Quincy says that, a regular succession of similar, but superior, God-sends
fell upon Wordsworth, to enable him to sustain his expenditure duly, as it
grew with the growing claims upon his purse; and after enumerating the
three items of “good luck,” mentioned above, he adds:—and “fourthly,
some worthy uncle of Mrs. Wordsworth’s was pleased to betake himself to
a better world; leaving to various nieces, and especially to Mrs. W.,
something or other, I forget what, but it was expressed by thousands of
pounds. At this moment Wordsworth’s family had begun to increase; and
the worthy old uncle, like every body else in Wordsworth’s case (I wish I
could say the same in my own), finding his property clearly ‘wanted,’ and
as people would tell him ‘bespoke,’ felt how very indelicate it would look
for him to stay any longer, and so he moved off. But Wordsworth’s family,
and the wants of that family, still continued to increase; and the next person,
being the fifth, who stood in the way, and must, therefore, have considered
himself rapidly growing into a nuisance, was the Stamp-Distributor for the
county of Westmorland. About March, 1814, I think it was, that this very
comfortable situation was vacated. Probably it took a month for the news to
reach him; because in April, and not before, feeling that he had received a
proper notice to quit, he, good man—this Stamp-Distributor—like all the
rest, distributed himself and his offices into two different places,—the latter
falling of course into the hands of Wordsworth.
“This office, which it was Wordsworth’s pleasure to speak of as a little
one, yielded, I believe, somewhere about £500 a year. Gradually even that,
with all former sources of income, became insufficient; which ought not to
surprise anybody; for a son at Oxford, as a gentleman-commoner, could
spend at least £300 per annum; and there were other children. Still it is
wrong to say, that it had become insufficient; as usual it had not come to
that; but, on the first symptoms arising that it would soon come to that,
somebody, of course, had notice to consider himself a sort of nuisance elect,
—and in this case it was the Distributor of Stamps for the county of
Cumberland.” And in this strain of good-humoured banter—stimulated no
doubt by his own precarious circumstances, in a measure, circumstances
which ought not in his case to be precarious,—De Quincy relates how
another £400 a year was added to the poet’s income from the increase of his
district as Stamp-Distributor.
In 1842, since De Quincy wrote the above, Wordsworth resigned this
office, and it was bestowed upon his son,—whilst he (the poet,) was put
down upon the Civil-list for £300 a year, and finally made Poet Laureate.
To return, however, to the more even tenor of these Memoirs:—A
circumstance occurred in the year 1803, shortly after the Scottish tour,
which will further illustrate the “good luck” of Wordsworth, although in this
instance he did not avail himself of it. Sir George Beaumont, the painter,
out of pure sympathy with the poet,—and before he had seen or written to
him,—purchased a beautiful little estate at Applethwaite, near Keswick, and
presented it to him, in order that he (Wordsworth) and Coleridge, who was
then residing at Greta Hall, might have the pleasure of a nearer and more
permanent intercourse. A fragment of Sir George’s letter (good Sir George,
who could recognise genius, and was noble and generous enough to prove
his recognition in a most practical form) is printed in Dr. Wordsworth’s
“Memoirs,” and it shews what a fine heart he had, God bless him! It is
dated October 24, 1803, and runs thus:—
“I had a most ardent desire to bring you and Coleridge together. I
thought with pleasure on the increase of enjoyment you would receive from
the beauties of Nature, by being able to communicate more frequently your
sensations to each other, and that this would be the means of contributing to
the pleasure and improvement of the world, by stimulating you both to
poetic exertions.” The benevolent project of this excellent baronet was
defeated, partly because Coleridge soon after left Greta Hall for a warmer
climate, being impelled to this course by ill health, and partly from private
considerations respecting Wordsworth and his family, which, however, do
not transpire in the “Memoirs.” A curious fact in connection with this gift
of Sir George is, that Wordsworth neglected to thank the donor, or to take
the slightest notice of it, for eight weeks after the writings were placed in
his hands. In a letter addressed to the baronet, dated Grasmere, October
14th, 1803, Wordsworth apologises for this apparent neglect, and attributes
it partly to the overpowering feelings with which the gift inspired him, and
partly to a nervous dread of writing, and a fear lest he should acknowledge
the honour that had been done him in an unworthy manner. “This feeling,”
he says, “was indeed so very strong in me, as to make me look upon the act
of writing to you, not as the work of a moment, but as a thing not to be
done, but in my best, my purest, my happiest moments.” Thus strangely
began one of the few friendships which Wordsworth cultivated with men,
and one which lasted through the life of the noble-hearted baronet, who, in
dying, in the year 1827 (on the 7th of February), left Wordsworth an
annuity of £100 to defray the expenses of an annual tour. (Another instance
of the poet’s “good luck!”) It is right to add, that Wordsworth was deeply
affected by his friend’s death, and that he has left, in his “Elegiac Musings,”
some noble lines to his memory.
Amongst the occasional visitors at Grasmere between the years 1800 and
1804, was Captain John Wordsworth, the poet’s second brother, who was
eventually lost in the Abergaveny East Indiaman, on the 5th of February,
1804. His brother was a man of fine taste and discernment, and prophesied
in various letters and at various times, the ultimate success of Wordsworth’s
poetry. Wordsworth felt severely the untimely death of his brother, whom
he loved with that devoted family fondness, which was characteristic of
him. Writing to Sir George Beaumont upon this event, he says: “February
11th, 1808. This calamitous news we received at two o’clock to-day; and I
write to you from a house of mourning. My poor sister, and my wife, who
loved him almost as we did (for he was one of the most amiable of men) are
in miserable affliction, which I do all in my power to alleviate; but, Heaven
knows, I want consolation myself. I can say nothing higher of my ever dear
brother than that he was worthy of his sister, who is now weeping beside
me, and of the friendship of Coleridge; meek, affectionate, silently
enthusiastic, loving all quiet things, and a poet in everything but words.”
The lyre of the poet sounded his praises in three poems. The first is entitled
“Elegiac Stanzas suggested by a picture of Peel Castle in a storm, painted
by Sir George Beaumont.” The next is “To a Daisy,” which suggests his
brother’s love of quiet and peaceful things, and closes with the tragedy of
his death, and the discovery and final burial of the body in the country
churchyard of Wythe, a village near Weymouth.
he concludes, returning thus finely to the simple flower which suggested the
melancholy train of thought that runs through the poem. The third of these
sad lyrical verses refers to the scene where the poet bade his brother
farewell, on the mountains from Grasmere to Patterdale. The verses upon
the “Picture of Peel Castle,” is the best of all these pieces; and as a fitting
conclusion to this brief memorial of the poet’s brother, I will transcribe it.
all fantastic, all as unreal and shadowy as the moon-light which created
them; whilst at every angle of the road, broad gleams came upwards of
Ullswater, stretching for nine miles northward, but fortunately for its effect,
broken into three watery channels of about equal length, and rarely visible
at once.”
The party, (for Miss Wordsworth and the poet’s children were present on
this occasion,) passed the night in a house called Ewsmere, and in the
morning, leaving his family at this inn, the poet set out, with De Quincy, for
a ramble through the woods of Lowther. These are the woods concerning
which the poet, in a letter to Sir George Beaumont, dated October 17, 1805,
says:—“I believe a more delightful spot is not under the sun. Last summer I
had a charming walk along the river, for which I was indebted to this man
[alluding to a good quaker, who was Lord Lowther’s arbiter elegantiarum,
or master of the grounds, and who was making improvements in them, by
virtue of his office], whose intention is to carry the walk along the river side
till it joins the great road at Lowther Bridge, which you will recollect, just
under Brougham, about a mile from Penrith. This, to my great sorrow! for
the manufactured walk, which was absolutely necessary in many places,
will, in one place, pass through a few hundred yards of forest-ground, and
will there efface the most beautiful specimen of forest pathway ever seen by
human eyes, and which I have paced many an hour when I was a youth,
with one of those I best loved. There is a continued opening between the
trees, a narrow slip of green turf, besprinkled with flowers, chiefly daisies;
and here it is that this pretty path plays its pranks, weaving among the turf
and flowers at its pleasure.” And it was in these woods, just five days after
their introduction to each other, that Wordsworth and De Quincy spent a
whole glorious morning in wild ramblings and in conversation. They dined
together, towards evening, at Emont Bridge, and then walked on to the
house of Captain Wordsworth, at Penrith. The family was absent, and the
poet had business which occupied him all the next day; so De Quincy took
a walk, sauntering along the road, about seventeen miles, to Keswick,
where he enquired for Greta Hall, the residence of the poet Southey. “It
stands out of the town a few hundred yards, upon a little eminence,
overhanging the river Greta.” Mrs. Coleridge and Southey came to the door
to welcome their visitor. “Southey was in person somewhat taller than
Wordsworth being about five feet eleven in height, or a trifle more, whilst
Wordsworth was about five feet ten; and partly from having slenderer
limbs, partly from being more symmetrically formed about the shoulders,
than Wordsworth, he struck me as a better and lighter figure, to the effect of
which his dress contributed; for he wore, pretty constantly, a short jacket
and pantaloons, and had much the air of a Tyrolese mountaineer.... His hair
was black, and yet his complexion was fair; his eyes, I believe, hazel, and
large, but I will not vouch for that fact; his nose aquiline; and he had a
remarkable habit of looking up into the air, as if looking at abstraction. The
expression of his face was that of a very acute, and an aspiring man. So far
it was even noble, as it conveyed a feeling of serene and gentle pride,
habitually familiar with elevating subjects of contemplation. And yet it was
impossible that this pride could have been offensive to anybody, chastened
as it was by the most unaffected modesty; and this modesty made evident
and prominent, by the constant expression of reverence for the great men of
the age (when he happened to esteem them such), and for all the great
patriarchs of our literature. The point in which Southey, however, failed
most in conciliating regard was, in all which related to the external
expression of friendliness. No man could be more sincerely hospitable, no
man more completely disposed to give up, even his time (the possession
which he most valued), to the service of his friends; but, there was an air of
reserve and distance about him—the reserve of a lofty, self-respecting mind,
but, perhaps, a little too freezing,—in his treatment of all persons who were
not amongst the corps of his ancient fireside friends. Still, even towards the
veriest strangers, it is but justice to notice his extreme courtesy, in
sacrificing his literary employments for the day, whatever they might be, to
the duty (for such he made it,) of doing the honors of the lake, and the
adjacent mountains.”
De Quincy says that the habits of the poet Southey were exceedingly
regular, and that all his literary business was conducted upon a systematic
plan. He had his task before breakfast, which, however, must have been an
inconsiderable nothing, for it occupied him only an hour, and rarely that, for
he never rose until eight, and always breakfasted at nine o’clock. He went
to bed precisely at half-past ten, and no sleep short of nine hours, refreshed
him, and enabled him to do his work. He usually dined between five and
six, and his chief labour was done between breakfast and dinner. If he had
visitors, he would sit over his wine, and talk; if not, he retired to his library,
until eight, when he was summoned to tea. At ten he read the London
papers; “and it was perfectly astonishing,” says De Quincy, “to men of less
methodical habits, to find how much he got through of elaborate business,
by his unvarying system of arrangement in the distribution of his time.” All
his letters were answered on the same day that they arrived. Even his poetry
was written by forced efforts, or rather, perhaps, by what De Quincy calls,
“a predetermined rule.” It was by writing prose, however, that Southey got
his living—made “his pot boil,” as he says; and his chief source of regular
income was derived from “The Quarterly Review.” At one time, however,
he received £400 a year for writing the historical part of “The Edinburgh
Annual Register.” This, however, he gave up, because the publisher
proposed to dock £100 from the salary which he had previously paid him.—
Southey, however, could afford to lose this large income, because he had an
annuity which had been settled upon him by his friend, Charles Wynne,
“the brother of Sir Watkin, the great autocrat of Wales.” This annuity,
however, when his friend married, Southey voluntarily gave up; and the
Granvilles, to whom Wynne was related by his marriage, placed Southey on
the civil list, for the sacrifice which he thus made.
Such, then, were the circumstances of Southey at the time of De
Quincy’s visit, and it must be owned that they were very comfortable, for a
poet. Wordsworth came on the day after De Quincy’s arrival, and it was
evident that the two poets were not on the most friendly terms; not that
there was any outward sign of this,—on the contrary, there were all the
exteriors of hospitality and good feeling on both sides; but De Quincy saw
that the spiritual link between them was not complete, but broken; that,
indeed, they did not understand, or fully sympathise with each other. Their
minds and habits were different—I had almost said totally different.
Wordsworth lived on the mountain top, composed there, and drew his
inspiration direct from Nature; Southey lived in his magnificent library, and
was inspired more by books than by natural objects.—Wordsworth’s library
consisted of two or three hundred volumes, mostly torn and dilapidated;
many were odd volumes; they were ill bound—not bound—or put in
boards. Leaves were often wanting, and their place supplied occasionally by
manuscript. These books “occupied a little homely book-case, fixed into
one of two hollow recesses, formed on each side of the fireplace by the
projection of the chimney into the little solitary room up stairs, which he
had already described as his ‘half kitchen, half parlour.’.... Southey’s
collection occupied a separate room—the largest, and every way the most
agreeable in the house.”
Wordsworth’s poetry was subjective—referred chiefly to the inner life of
man; and his dealings with Nature had a special reference to this inner life,
his imagery being the mere vehicle of his thought. Southey’s poetry, on the
contrary, was essentially objective,—a reflex of the outward nature,
heightened by the fiery colouring of his imagination. Wordsworth had a
contempt for books, or, at all events, for most books,—whilst Southey’s
library, as De Quincy says, was his estate. Wordsworth would toss books
about like tennis balls; and to let him into your library, quoth Southey, “is
like letting a bear into a tulip-garden.” De Quincy relates, that Wordsworth
being one morning at breakfast with him at Grasmere, took a handsome
volume of Burke’s from his book-case, and began very leisurely to cut the
leaves with a knife smeared all over with butter. Now tastes and habits such
as those which marked the two poets could not unite them very closely
together; at all events, not at this time; although they were subsequently,
and in later years, upon terms of close intimacy and friendship. Upon the
present occasion, however,—that is to say, during De Quincy’s visit to
Southey—the two poets managed very well together, and the evening was
passed agreeably enough. Next morning they discussed politics, and to the
horror of De Quincy, who was then a young man, and took no interest in the
passing movements of nations, and had always heard the French
Revolution, and its barbaric excesses, stigmatised as infernal,—who was,
moreover a loyal person according to the tradition of his fathers, and a lover
of Mr. Pitt—to his horror, the two poets uttered the most disloyal
sentiments, denouncing all monarchial forms of government, and proposed
to send the royal family to Botany Bay! This proposal, which Southey
immediately threw into extempore verse, was so comical, that the whole
party laughed outright, and outrageously; they then set off towards
Grasmere.
De Quincy speaks in the highest terms of Southey, and in the comparison
which he institutes between Southey and Wordsworth, the latter certainly
sustains loss. I refer the reader to the “Lake Reminiscences” for this, and
other most interesting particulars relating to these poets. Still I cannot bid
adieu to these “Reminiscences,” without using them once more, as
materials for an account of Greta Hall and its occupants.