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Formal Methods
in Computer Science
Textbooks in Mathematics
Series Editors
Al Boggess and Ken Rosen
Jiacun Wang
William Tepfenhart
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300
Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable efforts
have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume
responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers
have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize
to copyright holders if permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any copyright material
has not been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any future reprint.
Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced,
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Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are
used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Preface ......................................................................................................................xi
Acknowledgments ................................................................................................xv
Authors ................................................................................................................ xvii
v
vi Contents
Book Layout
This textbook contains 10 chapters. Chapters 1 through 3, and 8, were writ-
ten by Dr. William Tepfenhart, and Chapters 4 through 7, 9, and 10, were
written by Dr. Jiacun Wang. The 10 chapters are organized in three parts.
The first part introduces some fundamentals in formal methods. It has
three chapters. Basic set definitions, set operations, ordered pairs, relations,
and functions are introduced in Chapter 1. Finite state machines, includ-
ing Mealy machines, Moore machines, and Harel machines (UML) are
xi
xii Preface
Audience
The book is primarily written as a textbook for undergraduate- or
graduate-level courses in computer engineering, software engineering, com-
puter science, and information technology programs in the subject of formal
methods and their application in software and hardware specification and
verification.
Preface xiii
First, I want to thank my family for their patience and the support they
have shown while I was working on the book. I wish to thank Dr. Ken
Rosen for his encouragement and support in planning this project. I am
appreciative of the great help of Ms. Jiani Zhou, a master’s degree student
of Monmouth University, in preparing some figures and tables in the book.
I also want to thank everyone at CRC Press/Taylor & Francis who worked
so diligently on this book. Their dedication and hard work has helped bring
the book to you in a timely manner and with the best presentation quality.
I will never forget Prof. William Tepfenhart, the second author of the book,
for his great contribution to the work and also for his friendship for nearly
15 years. He was a very knowledgeable and kind-hearted person and was
well respected by his colleagues and students. Unfortunately, he succumbed
to health issues that he struggled with for months. He will be forever missed
by all those who knew him.
xv
Authors
xvii
1
Set Theory and Functions
The concepts of a set and that of a function are well known to most people in
an informal manner. After all, it doesn’t take a mathematical genius to talk
about a tea set as having four cups, four saucers, a tea pot, a sugar bowl, and
a creamer. Anyone who has studied basic algebra in high school knows that
the square function applied to a number x produces a number y such that
x times x = y. These are nice informal everyday understandings for sets and
functions. However, this informal understanding is not sufficient to generate
unambiguous and detailed specifications for use in describing a program.
To be useful in specifying programs and systems, a deeper and more for-
mal understanding of these two concepts is necessary. It requires the clarity,
specificity, and precision of mathematics to unambiguously specify the pro-
cedures, operations, and functions of a computer program.
In this chapter, set theory and functions are introduced and defined.
The introduction uses simple language to define the key concepts in a naïve
formalism, rather than a strictly logical formal definition. The formal defini-
tion of sets and functions requires symbolic logic, which is introduced in a
later chapter. Sets and functions will be revisited using a logic-based formal-
ism. This chapter addresses two basic questions:
1. What is a set?
2. What is a function?
1
2 Formal Methods in Computer Science
Example 1.1
A simple Venn diagram is shown in Figure 1.1. This diagram shows a
set, labeled A, that contains a, b, and c out of a universe, U, that contains
a, b, c, and d.
U
b a
A
d
c
FIGURE 1.1
Example Venn diagram.
Set Theory and Functions 3
The identity of a set is established by the members of the set. The order
in which members appear in the written description of a set is not sig-
nificant. There is not a concept of order within a set.
Example 1.2
Figure 1.1 shows a set containing three members, a, b, and c. All the fol-
lowing forms of establishing the identity of the set are equivalent and
identify exactly the same set, A,
A = {a, b, c}
A = {a, c, b}
A = {b, a, c}
(1.1)
A = {b, c, a}
A = {c, a, b}
A = {c, b, a}
Referring back to Figure 1.1, there isn’t anything in that figure to suggest
a specific order for the members of A.
Rather than having to always list the members of set A in the form, A = {a, b, c},
it is possible to use a membership operator, ∈. To show that a is an element of
A, one would write a ∈ A. The converse (negation) of the membership opera-
tor is ∉. To show that b is not an element of B, one would write b ∉ B. Identity
and membership are important when discussing the operations that can be
performed over sets.
Example 1.3
The following expressions illustrate the two operators applied to set A
that was shown in Figure 1.1.
a ∈ {a, b, c} a ∈ A
b ∈ {a, b, c} b ∈ A
(1.2)
c ∈ {a, b, c} c ∈ A
d ¬ {a, b, c} d¬A
explicitly. For example, {Mercury, Mars, Earth, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn, Neptune,
Uranus} is the set of planets with each member explicitly identified by name.
In specifying a set in this manner, it is important to understand that the
members are the objects named by the text, not the text itself. One can use a
convention that {Pluto} is the set containing the former planet named Pluto,
{“Pluto”} is the set containing the name Pluto, and {“Pluto”} is the set contain-
ing the string Pluto.
While it might seem reasonable to identify each person in a class, such
as a formal methods class, individually, it is not so convenient to identify
every person in the world individually. One could spend a lifetime trying to
do that. Instead, it makes sense to specify large sets using intension. When
specifying a set by intension, one identifies some criteria that determines
whether any given object is a member or not. This can be done in the form of
a predicate or a generating function.
The notation for identifying members by intension uses braces, {}, to
denote the set and with a bar separating a member variable and the con-
dition, which is used to determine if any given thing is a member or not.
The notation is
{item|condition(item)} (1.3)
This can be read as the set of all item(s) such that each item satisfies condi-
tion. The variable, in this case item, is used as a temporary identifier for
an object and the condition is some logical expression that returns true or
false depending on whether or not the item satisfies the condition. For now,
a simple pseudo-code mechanism for specifying the logical expression will
be used. In a later chapter, a formal means for specifying the condition as a
predicate using logic will be described in detail.
Example 1.4
Suppose one needs to discuss the set of all yellow cats. It would be very
difficult to list each member individually so one would specify it by
intension. The set containing all yellow cats would be specified as
This would be read as the set of all x such that x is a cat and x is yellow.
Any item that is considered for membership to this set can be accepted or
rejected by asking, “Is it a cat?” and “Is it yellow?” If the answer to both of
those questions is yes, then it is a member. Otherwise, it is not a member.
Example 1.5
Specifying a set containing the counting numbers can be accomplished
recursively. The algorithm is
1 ∈ S
if x ∈ S, then x + 1 ∈ S (1.5)
nothing else belongs to S
The first line establishes that 1 is a member of the set. The second line
establishes that 2, then 3, then 4, and so on, are members of the set. The last
line says that anything else, which isn’t generated by the first two rules, is
not a member of the set. By this rule, 1.5 is not a member of the set.
One can study sets and how sets behave independent of the kind of objects that
are its members. One important concept is that of cardinality. The cardinality
of a set is the number of members within the set. The cardinality of the set S
is denoted by enclosing the set within a pair of bars, ||. The expression |S|
denotes the cardinality of the set S.
Sets can have zero members, one member, a finite number of members,
or an infinite number of members. A set with zero members, such as the set
containing all living unicorns, is called a null set, and is written as {}, or alter-
natively, ∅. A set with a single member, such as the set containing all suns
around which the earth orbits, is called a singleton. The set of planets in the
solar system is a finite set. The set of integer numbers is an infinite set.
Example 1.6
The Venn diagram of Figure 1.2 shows three sets (four, if one includes
the universal set):
A = {a, b, c}
B = {c, d, e, f} (1.6)
C = {}
U = {a, b, c, d, e, f, g}
U
A B
a c d
b f e
g
C
FIGURE 1.2
Example Venn diagram for three sets.
6 Formal Methods in Computer Science
A =3
B =4
(1.7)
C =0
U =7
The universal set U was included because it establishes the things that
are important in this problem space, namely a, b, c, d, e, f, and g. Normally,
one does not explicitly identify the members of the universal set.
A⊆B (1.8)
B⊇A (1.9)
The Venn diagram of Figure 1.3 illustrates the subset and superset concept
with B being a superset of A.
Set Theory and Functions 7
U
B
A
FIGURE 1.3
Subset and superset examples.
Example 1.7
Given the following sets:
A = {a, b, c}
(1.11)
B = {a, b, c, d}
A ⊆ B
(1.12)
B ⊇ A
It should be noted that any given set S is a subset of itself since it contains
every member within it. Thus, S ⊆ S is always true. It is often important to
make a distinction between a subset that is identical to the superset and the
case in which the superset has members that aren’t in the subset.
A proper subset is a set A that only contains elements of B, but not all ele-
ments of B. This is denoted using the symbol ⊂, as
A⊂B (1.13)
A set S cannot be a proper subset of itself. In the same way that there is a
proper subset, there is a proper superset which is denoted using the symbol
⊃, as
B⊃A (1.14)
Example 1.8
Given the following sets:
A = {a, b, c}
B = {a, b, c} (1.15)
C = {a, b, c, d}
A=B
B ⊇ A
A ⊆ B (1.16)
C ⊃ A and C ⊇ A
A ⊂ C and A ⊆ C
There are many sets that are deemed important in mathematics and appear
so frequently that particular symbols are reserved for them. The symbols
and the sets they represent are shown in Table 1.1.
TABLE 1.1
Symbols Reserved to Denote
Important Sets
Symbol Name of Set
∅ Null Set
Z Integers
N Natural Numbers
Q Rational Numbers
R Real Numbers
C Complex Numbers
U Universal Set
Set Theory and Functions 9
1.2.1 Union
In simple mathematics, there is the concept of addition. Sets have a similar
concept, called union. The union of two sets produces a set that contains all
objects that are members of either set. The notation for union is ∪.
Example 1.9
Given the following sets:
A = {a, b, c}
(1.17)
B = {c, d, e}
A ∪ B = {a, b, c, d, e} (1.18)
U
A B
FIGURE 1.4
Venn diagram for A ∪ B.
10 Formal Methods in Computer Science
A ⊆ (A ∪ B) (1.19)
It makes sense since the union is guaranteed to contain A since all members
of A will be in the union of it with any other set.
The union operator is communitive, meaning that the order of the oper-
ands is not significant:
A∪B=B∪A (1.20)
This makes sense since the order of elements within a set does not matter.
The set is given identity by its members, not the order in which members
appear within the set.
The union operator is associative, meaning that it doesn’t matter how one
groups together union operations. Thus,
A ∪ (B ∪ C) = (A ∪ B) ∪ C (1.21)
It follows that in an expression such as the above, that the parenthesis could
be removed without changing the meaning of the expression. That is,
A ∪ (B ∪ C) = A ∪ B ∪ C (1.22)
If one thinks about the associative property carefully, one realizes that since
the order of elements within a set is not important, then the order in which
elements are added to set isn’t important. A Venn diagram illustrating the
associative property appears in Figure 1.5.
U U
A B A B
C C
B∪C A ∪ (B ∪ C)
U U
A B A B
C C
A∪B (A ∪ B) ∪ C
FIGURE 1.5
Associative property of union.
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CHAPTER XXV
THE DISPUTE WITH SPAIN
How curiously the wheels of human action act and interact! The
outrage on British sailors on the dimly known coast of Vancouver
Island furnished French democrats with a potent motive for driving
another nail into the coffin of the old monarchy. In any case the right
of Louis XVI to declare war and make peace would have been
challenged—for how can Democracy allow a Sovereign wholly to
control its policy at the most important of all crises—but now the
need was overwhelming. If the old prerogative held good, the rusty
link that bound together the fortunes of France and Spain would
compel free Frenchmen to fight their English neighbours whenever a
Spanish captain thought fit to clap in irons British voyagers to the
Pacific.
The question aroused gusts of passion at Paris. Enormous
crowds waited outside the Tuileries while the deputies hard by were
debating this question (16th and 22nd May). To the surprise of the
people the royal prerogative was upheld by Mirabeau. The great
orator descanted forcibly on the need of energy and secrecy in the
diplomacy of a great nation, and reminded those who ascribed all
wars to the intrigues of Courts that popular assemblies had often
declared war in a fit of passion. He remarked that members had all
applauded a speaker who advocated war against England if she
attacked Spain, and the expenditure of their last man and their last
926
crown in reducing London. Few of Mirabeau’s speeches were
more convincing. Nevertheless, on coming forth from the Chamber
he was threatened with violence; and a pamphlet, “Great Treason of
Count Mirabeau” was hawked about the streets. His reasoning,
however, ensured the carrying of a compromise on 22nd May. The
right of declaring war and making peace was vested in the King: and
war was to be decided only by a decree of the Legislature, on “the
formal and necessary proposition of the King, and afterwards
927
sanctioned by him.” The position was thus left far from clear; and
Camille Desmoulins, referring to the ups and downs of the debate,
summarized it thus: “The question was decided, firstly, in favour of
the nation, secondly, in favour of the King; thirdly, in favour of both.”
The royalists were highly displeased. Their best speaker, Cazalès,
declared that nothing was now left to the monarchy—an exclamation
which probably revealed his disgust at the passing away of the
opportunity of a war with England.
Meanwhile Pitt had worked hard to array his allies, Prussia and
Holland, against Spain. In this he succeeded. In particular, he offered
to the Dutch a considerable subsidy for arming a squadron as if for
war. To this topic he referred in a letter of 18th May 1790, to
Auckland. After informing him that the tellership of the Exchequer
would be reserved for him, or one of his sons, besides a pension of
£2,000 a year on retirement, he continued thus:
The efforts which the Court of Madrid then put forth at St.
Petersburg and Vienna showed its resolve to concert a league
against England in which Denmark was to be included. This scheme,
as visionary as the grandiose dreams of Alberoni, caused our
Ministers some concern, until they found that their Allies, Prussia
and Holland, were resolved to support them. On 20th May Hertzberg
assured Ewart, that Prussia would fulfil her engagements, if Spain
931
pushed matters to extremes.
Nevertheless, for a time everything portended war. Fitzherbert,
after reaching Aranjuez on 10th June, became convinced that
Floridablanca, for all his peaceful assurances, intended to force a
rupture at the first favourable opportunity. The Spanish Court
absolutely refused to grant satisfaction for the injury done to Meares
and Colnett, because that would imply the right of British subjects to
932
be at Nootka. For the very same reason the Pitt Cabinet pressed
its preliminary demand. It also brushed aside the Spanish
pretensions of sole sovereignty on the Nootka coasts, because
British and other seamen had for some little time traded there—an
933
assertion difficult to maintain.
The deadlock was therefore complete; and, if Spain could have
looked forward to help either from France, Russia, or Austria, war
would inevitably have ensued. It is of interest to observe that, as the
crisis became acute, Pitt adopted his usual habit of writing the drafts
of the most important despatches; and they were sent off without
alteration. He thus disposed of the suggestion of Floridablanca, that
the whole matter in dispute should be settled by arbitration. “Your
Excellency will not be surprised that they are such as cannot be
adopted. The idea of an arbitration upon a subject of this nature
must be entirely out of the question; and a reservation such as that
contained in the second proposal would render the satisfaction
nugatory, as it would refer to subsequent discussion the very ground
934
on which that satisfaction is demanded.”
The outlook was not brightened by the suggestion of
Floridablanca, that Spain should keep the whole of the coast from
California up to and including Nootka; that from that inlet northwards
to 61°, British and Spaniards should have conjointly the right of
trading and forming establishments; and that British sailors should
enjoy certain fishery rights in the South Sea on uninhabited islands
935
far removed from Spanish settlements. These proposals seemed,
as they doubtless were, a device to gain time until France, Austria,
or Russia could step forth and help Spain; and Pitt refused to admit
these “chimerical claims of exclusive sovereignty over the American
Continent and the seas adjacent,” which were to Spain herself
936
“rather matter of useless pride than of actual advantage.”
Towards the end of July more peaceful counsels prevailed at Madrid,
probably because the weak and luxurious King, Charles IV, disliked
war, and dreaded contact with Revolutionary France. Further it must
have transpired that Russia and Austria, owing to their war with
Turkey, were not likely to give more than good wishes to Spain.
Either for these reasons, or because he hoped that delay would tell
in favour of Spain, Floridablanca signed with Fitzherbert on 24th July
a Declaration that Spain would give satisfaction for the seizure of
British vessels and their cargoes at Nootka. On 5th August Grenville
937
informed the King of this auspicious turn of affairs.
But now, while the Court of Madrid abated its pretensions,
French patriots began to rattle the sword in the scabbard. For
reasons which are hard to fathom, the Spanish request for armed
assistance, which reached Paris on 16th June, was not presented to
the National Assembly until 2nd August. On that day Montmorin
informed the deputies of the continuance of naval preparations in
England, and declared that, unless French aid were accorded to
Spain, she would seek an ally elsewhere. The statement was well
calculated to awaken jealousy of England; and members came to the
conclusion that the islanders were seeking, in the temporary
weakness of France, to bully the Court of Madrid out of its just rights.
Consequently the whole matter was referred to the newly appointed
Diplomatic Committee which supervised the work of the Foreign
938
Office. As this body now practically controlled French diplomacy,
everything became uncertain; and it is not surprising that Pitt and
Leeds declined to disarm now that the question of peace or war
depended on an emotional Assembly and its delegates.
At the head of this new controlling body was Mirabeau. As
Reporter of the Committee he held a commanding position, which
was enhanced by his splendid eloquence, forceful personality, and
knowledge of the shady by-paths of diplomacy. The Report which he
presented to the Assembly on 25th August was, in effect, his. While
minimizing the importance of the Nootka dispute, scoffing at the old
diplomacy, and declaring that Europe would not need any diplomacy
when there were neither despots nor slaves, he yet proposed that,
pending the advent of that glorious age, France must not abrogate
her treaties but continue to respect them until they had been
subjected to revision. Further, in place of the Family Compact of the
Kings of France and Spain, he proposed to substitute a National
Compact, based on the needs of the two nations. On the following
day he continued his speech and moved that France and Spain
should form a national treaty in the interests of peace and
conformable to “the principles of justice which will ever form the
policy of the French.” What was far more significant, he himself
added a rider for the immediate armament of forty-five sail of the line
and a proportionate number of smaller vessels. This was carried
939
immediately.
Seeing that the Assembly passed this vote at the very time when
the terrible mutiny at Nancy was at its height, the feelings of the
deputies must have been of the bellicose order which Mirabeau had
previously deprecated. Despite the pressing need for peace, France
seemed to be heading straight for war. On ordinary grounds her
conduct is inexplicable. Everywhere her troops were clamouring for
arrears of pay; her sailors could scarcely be kept together; and the
virtual bankruptcy of the State was a week later to be quaintly
revealed by the flight of Necker to Switzerland. The King and his
Ministers disapproved the arming of so large a fleet; for Montmorin
confessed to Gower his surprise and regret, adding the comforting
assurance that it would be done as slowly as possible. The mystery
deepens when we know that Floridablanca continued to speak in
peaceful tones. On 19th August he admitted to Fitzherbert that he
desired help from Russia and Austria, but felt complete indifference
as to what France might do. Aid from her, he said, would lead to the
introduction of democratic principles, which he was determined to
keep out, if need arose, by a cordon along the frontier, as one would
940
exclude the plague.
Here probably we have the key to the enigma. The recent action
of Mirabeau (for the arming of the French naval force was his
proposal, not Montmorin’s) rested on the assumption that Spain did
not mean to draw the sword. His agents at the various Courts kept
him well abreast of events, and doubtless he foresaw that Charles
IV’s hatred of democracy would bar the way to an alliance of the two
peoples such as was now projected. Why, then, should Mirabeau
have threatened England with war? His reasons seem to have been
partly of a patriotic, partly of a private, nature. He desired to restore
the prestige of the French monarchy by throwing its sword into the
wavering balances of diplomacy. As to the expense, it was justifiable,
if it tended to revive the national spirit and to quell the mutinous
feelings of the sailors. Work, especially if directed against “the
natural enemy,” would be the best restorative of order at the
dockyards, and prevent the deterioration of the navy. But apart from
these motives Mirabeau may have been swayed by others of a lower
kind. His popularity had swiftly waned during the previous debates.
He might revive it by pandering to the dislike of England now widely
prevalent. Manufacturers who suffered by English competition and
Chauvinists who dreaded her supremacy at sea were joining in a
941
hue and cry against Pitt; and Mirabeau gained credit by posing as
the national champion. Further, by holding peace and war, as it were,
in the folds of his toga, he enhanced his value in the diplomatic
market. His corruptibility was notorious. Even the sums which he
drew from the King were far from meeting the yawning gulf of his
debts.
In the present case there was much to tempt him to political
auctioneering. There were present in Paris two political agents to
whom Pitt had confided the task of humouring the French democrats
and dissolving the Family Compact. These were William Augustus
Miles and Hugh Elliot. The former was a clever but opinionated man,
half statesman, half busy-body, capable of doing good work when
kept well in hand, but apt to take the bit into his teeth and bolt. He
had already looked into the affairs of Brabant, Liége, and Frankfurt
for Pitt; and as early as 4th March the Prime Minister summoned him
to Downing Street for the purpose of sending him to Paris; but not till
the middle of July did he finally entrust to him the task of inducing
French deputies to annul the Family Compact. That this was to be
done secretly appears from the order that he was to have no
942
dealings whatever with the British Embassy. Unfortunately the
letters which passed between Pitt and Miles at this time have all
943
been destroyed. But we know from other sources that Miles was
charged to prepare the way for an Anglo-French entente. He
certainly made overtures to Talleyrand, Mirabeau, and Lafayette; he
was also elected a member of the Jacobins Club, and worked hard
to remove the prejudices against England. These he found
exceedingly strong, all the troubles in the fleet being ascribed to her.
By 11th October he had fulfilled his mission, and informed George
Rose that Pitt might, if he chose, form a close working alliance with
the French nation. About the same time he conceived for Mirabeau
the greatest contempt, and asserted that it was “impossible to know
944
him and not to despise him.”
Elliot was a man of far higher stamp than Miles. As we have
seen, he had had a distinguished diplomatic career, and might be
termed the saviour of Gustavus III in the acute crisis of 1788. He was
brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot (first Earl of Minto), and of Lady Auckland.
In the summer of 1790 he was home on furlough. On 7th August he
wrote from Beckenham, Auckland’s residence, congratulating Pitt on
a favourable turn in the Spanish dispute. When the outlook once
more darkened he requested leave to go to Paris in order to use his
influence with his friend, Mirabeau, in the interests of peace. Pitt
must have referred the proposal to the King, and received a very
guarded reply, dated Windsor, 26th October. George enjoined great
caution, as we had hitherto held entirely aloof from the French
troubles, and must on no account be mixed up in them. Yet, for the
sake of peace, he did not object to this attempt, so long as it was
entirely unofficial; but he was “not sanguine that Mr. H. Elliot and his
French friend” would succeed where so much caution and delicacy
945
were necessary.
As this affair is wrapped in mystery, and concerns not only the
peace of the world, but also that most interesting personality,
Mirabeau, the draft of an undated letter of Pitt to the King must be
quoted in full:
The hints here given imply that Mirabeau, and probably other
patriots as well, accepted British money, but both our envoys were
discreet enough to give few details in writing. It is quite probable that
Mirabeau first accepted Spanish gold for procuring the vote for the
arming of forty-five French sail of the line, and then accepted an
equivalent sum from Miles or Elliot for the decree which rendered
that step innocuous. His control over the Assembly was scarcely less
951
than Montmorin’s; and that nervous Minister would certainly
welcome a course of action which enhanced the prestige of France,
and yet averted all risk of war. Nevertheless, Pitt did not set much
store by the help of Mirabeau. He decided to bring the whole dispute
to an immediate issue, without waiting for the issue of the golden
proposals of Elliot and Miles. Possibly he heard from other sources
that France would do no more than rattle the sword in the scabbard;
or else he was emboldened by the marked success and zeal
attending the British naval preparations, the mutinies in the French
fleet, the readiness of our Allies to play their part, and the
unreadiness of Spain. A brief survey of these considerations will
reveal the grounds of his confidence.
The chance of hostilities with the two Bourbon Courts was
threatening enough to call forth all the energies of the race. Through
the months of August, September, and October naval preparations
went on with the utmost vigour. Officers and men vied with one
another in zeal to equip and man the ships with all possible speed
and thoroughness. Sir John Jervis afterwards assured the House of
Commons that he had seen captains paying out their own money by
hundreds of pounds in order to expedite the equipment; others sailed
their ships down Channel with mere skeleton crews in order to