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OXFO
VNIVERSl
BRIEF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: Introduction 3
CHAPTER 2: Group Dynamics, Communication and Social
Interaction 25
vii
VIII BRIEF CONTENTS
PREFACE xix
··.
ABOU T THE AUTHORS XX111
CHAPTER 1 Introduction 3
Race 6
Ethnicity 8
Minority Groups 8
Distinguishing Physical or Cultural Traits 8
Unequal Treatment by Those in Power 8
Involuntary Membership 9
Solidarity of Members 9
In-Group Marriage 10
'fypes of Minority Groups 10
Racial Groups 1 0
Ethnic Groups 11
Religious Groups 11
Gender Groups 11
Creating Subordinate Groups 11
Migration 11
Annexation 12
Colonialism 12
The Consequences of Subordinate Group Status 12
Prejudice and Discrimination 14
IX
X CONTENTS
Racism 15
Where Does Multiculturalism Fit into the Discussion? 16
Is Multiculturalism in America a Good Thing? 17
Multiculturalism Divides People 18
Multiculturalism Fosters Discrimination 18
Multiculturalism Prevents Equality 19
The Value of Multiculturalism 19
Summary 22
KeyTerms 23
Discussion Questions 23
For Further Reading 23
Notes 24
KeyTerms 84
Discussion Questions 85
For Further Reading 85
Notes 85
xii C O NTENTS
Key Terms 13 6
Discussion Questions 13 6
For Further Reading 13 6
Notes 137
Key Terms 15 9
Discussion Questions 159
For Further Reading 16 0
Notes 160
Discussion Questions 2 14
For Further Reading 2 14
Notes 214
Summaηr 345
Key Terms 346
Discussion Questions 347
For Further Reading 347
Notes 347
GLOSSARY 397
CREDITS 409
INDEX 411
PREFACE
ways do criminal justice personnel interact with other cultural groups. In this section we
also address responses to diversity and multiculturalism with particular concern for train-
ing and policies. A final chapter offers a look to the futurεof multiculturalism, crime, and
criminal justice, which provides a suitable concluding chapter of the book.
Throughout the book, a comprehensive assessment of the issues and problems for each
group or topic are presented, with an eye toward a balanced description of the matεrial.
This approach is useful for instructors who wish to explore individual topics in morεdepth
and genεrate lively discussion. Thus, rather than simply being an historical account of each
group or simply a collection of characteristics of them, the problems and issues come alive
in the context of a discussion, which allows students to grasp the underlying factors that
contribute to the problems.
The book has many strengths not found in similar works focused on multiculturalism,
diversity, and criminal justice. To begin, it offers a thorough grounding in the foundational
chapters about the nature of social interaction, group dynamics, and communication. This
foundation provides context for the remaining chapters, which focus on a variety of differ-
ent groups and their involvement in crime and the criminal justice system. Second, care-
fully constructed boxed inserts conveying important issues and incidents alert students to
how these themes recur. These boxed inserts provide short examples of the issues in the
chapter, and are accompanied by critical thinking questions.
Further, boxed inserts of "You Make the Call'' provide examples of dilemmas as they
relate to multiculturalism. These real life scenarios challenge students to appreciate the
complexity and difficulty of decisions that are made regarding multiculturalism in the
criminal justice system. The organization of the book also sets it apart from many other
books, as it is divided into three logically organized sections. In Part 2, in particular, our
work differs from others in the sense that we devote entire chapters to particular groups
with regard to crime and criminal justice. Particularly, we focus closely on African Amer-
icans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, women, the gay com-
munity, the elderly, and juveniles. Other books comment on these groups, however our
directed focus on each sets this work apart.
Finally, both authors have published scholarly works addressing issues pertaining to
multiculturalism and crime/justice, and are familiar with the historical and recent research
literature in the area. As such, recent, relevant research is shared throughout the text.
Each chapter has learning objectives, a list of key terms, key terms in bold type, discus-
sion questions, and suggestions for further reading. There is also a complete list of refer-
ences, a companion website that acts as a student study guide with chapter outlines, study
questions, and update featur·εs, and an instructor's guide and test bank to assist professors
in the design and implementation of the course. Also, PowerPoint slides and transparen-
cies have been developed for each chapter.
One merely needs to consider recent events around the country (perhaps most notably
in Ferguson, Baltimore, New York, and Chicago) to recognize the significance of multicul-
turalism and diversity as they relate to crime and the criminal justice system. This book
addresses these and many other issues, while enlightening readers regarding three very
important areas: diversity, multiculturalism, and criminal justice.
XXII PREFACE
Many social issues currently challenge our society, however some pose more obstacles
than others. This book covers key aspects of important contributors to many of society's
concerns, and does so in a manner that brings the issues to life. We hope you enjoy read-
ing it, and that it encourages you to give due consideration to how injustices occur, what
can be done to prevent them, and how each one of us can continue to make the world a
better place.
ACKN 。 WLEDGMENTS
xx iii
xxiv ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Ronald Burns is department chair and professor of criminal justice at Texas Christian
University (TCU). He has published over seventy-five articles in areas such as multicultur-
alism in the criminal justice system, the criminal justice system, policing, and white-collar
crime. He is the author, coauthor, or editor of eight books, including Multiculturalism in the
Criminal Justice System; Environmental Law, Crime and Justice (2nd edition); Federal Law En-
forcement; Policing: A Modular Approach; Critical Issues in Criminal Justice; The Criminal Justice
System; Environmental Crime: A Sourcebook, and Policing and Violence. Dr. Burns graduated
from Florida State University in 1997 and has been at TCU ever since.
PART I
AN INTR 。 DUCTI 。 N T
U LTICU LTU RALi
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTE R 。 BJECTIVES
• In February 2015, at the University of Missouri, in response to the way the president
addressed matters relating to race and discrimination against students, a graduate stu-
dent went on a hunger strike and at least thirty Black football players refused to play
for the team unless the president resigned or was fired. A few days later, President Tom
Wolf stepped down.
• In June 2015, in Charleston, South Carolina, Dylann Roof, a twenty-one-year-old stu-
dent, entered the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church and opened fire on a
group of parishioners who were part of a Bible study group. He killed nine people and
injured several others. Roof allegedly singled out victims 飞ecause of their race and in
order to interfere with their exercise of their religion."
• In July 2014, Aniya "Ray Ray" Parker, a transgender woman of color was shot in the
head and killed as she was fleeing from three men who had confronted her on a side-
walk in Hollywood. Los Angeles Police Department officers immediately told news
reporters at the scene that this tragic incident appeared to be a 气obbery gone bad."
Within hours, local media ran headlines of a transgender person killed in a "botched
robbery. ” The police, they reported, were not considering this a hate crime but simply
a random "robbery gone sideways. ”
3
4 AN I NT R ODUCTION TO M UL TICULT URALISM
• In July 2016, Alton Sterling, a Black man, was shot and killed during an altercation with
Baton Rouge police officers. Protesters took to the streets nationwide after video sur-
faced of his fatal encounter. The next day a video of the fatal police shooting of another
Black man in Minnesota, Philando Castile, went viral.
• Also in July 2016, three police officers were killed and three other were wounded in an
ambush in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, by a former marine who was angry with the police
for the recent shooting of Sterling and Castile.
• In Dallas, Texas, five police officers were killed in an ambush by a gunman with al-
leged ties to the Black Lives Matter movement. Like the situation in Baton Rouge, these
officers were killed in response to incidents involving officer shootings of Black men
around the country.
Incidents such as these suggest that the United States has a long history of tension between
different groups, particularly as they relate to race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and re-
ligion. While many refer to America as a melting pot, or a society that blends together a
variety of backgrounds and cultures into a cohesive whole, this is actually a misnomer.
While there is a great deal of diversity in the United States, there is also considerable inter-
group conflict. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, there are approximately 322 million
people living in America, many of whom come from a host of different backgrounds.1
This diversity is one of the defining features of American culture, and, at the same time,
presents one of its more difficult and enduring problems.
On one hand, living in a society where everyone is the same has advantages. For in-
stance, in small homogeneous societies, people tend to know each other more intimatel弘
they tend to see the world the same wa弘 making disagreements less common, and the
sense of conformity and treatment of others is more equitable. People in societies such as
this tend to be figuratively "on the same page" with regard to social life. People also feel
more connected to the larger society.
The downside to living in such a place, however, is that change happens slowly,
if at all.
陆r
?、
As life becomes more diverse, such as in major cities, there are different
ideas about what is appropriate and acceptable. This can sometimes lead to
disagreements about elements of social life.
Additionally, people can be too intimately involved in each other’s day to day lives,
making privacy difficult. Ask anyone who lives in a small town: one of the things they
like the most, and, at the same time, the least, about living there is that they are known by
most people. In general, social control is easier to achieve in small towns because there is
general agreement about what is right or wrong, good or bad, legal or illegal. It is what so-
ciologist 显mile Durkheim called the collective conscience. 2 In other words, the morality
of a society is stronger because there is greater consensus on the meaning and importance
of social life.
In contrast, in heterogeneous societies, people come from a wide range of backgrounds
and experiences. They may come from other countries, participate in cultures with differ-
ent attitudes, values, norms, and belief systems, and there tends to be a lower degree of
consensus on how people should meet their social responsibilities. In other words, the
people living in diverse societies tend to have different ideas about how the world works as
well as their place in it. In Durkheim’s terms, the collective conscience tends to be weaker
since there is a lack of consensus as well as a generally lower degree of connectedness to
the larger group. 3
This also means that people tend to think of social relationships in a different way.
Instead of building trust and intimacy, people tend to interact based on what the people
around them can offer in meeting their individual needs. It is this distinction that sur-
rounds much of the efforts relating to community policing. How does the government or
the police department generate a sense of community in places where little collective con-
science exists? How can police officers bring people together in a neighborhood to solve
problems in the spirit of cooperation?
6 AN I NTRODUCTION TO MULTICULTURALISM
Living in a diverse society also means that some groups are going to acquire more
economic, social, and political power than others. In fact, that is often how groups dis-
tinguish themselves: by their ownership or control of scarce resources. How does living
in a diverse society create problems for groups that do not have much power? How are
they treated? What are the consequences for being placed in a less powerful status? Much
of these discussions relate to criminal justice in that differences in crime statistics, sen-
tencing practices, the use of police discretion, and the overall treatment of minority
group members are all symptoms of larger issues. While this book does not attempt to
solve the problems of the unequal treatment of some groups, it does explore how some
groups are treated when they come to the attention of the criminal justice system. This
book also examines what it is like to be a member of a minority group and work within
the system itself.
Prior to any discussion of how some groups are treated with regard to crime and crimi-
nal justice, a number of terms must be defined. In research methodology, this is called
operationalization. In simple terms, it refers to the way concepts are defined. For exam-
ple, when people talk about minority groups, they might have different ideas about what
that really means. Some might think in terms of numerical size (e.g., the fewest number
of redheads in a group of people) or they might use political influence (e.g., they do not
have a lot of political power so they are not able to change policy or laws regulating certain
behaviors). In the next few sections, we will spend some time defining our terms to ensu陀
that readers understand what we mean by them.
RACE
Race has a variety of meanings, which can make its discussion confusing and difficult. In
fact, probably the only thing about race that is clear is that people are confused about the
proper use of the term. If one looked at the definition of race in biology textbooks, they
would likely find that race has a precise meaning. It would say something like, "a biologi-
cal race is a genetically isolated group characterized by a high degree of inbreeding that
leads to distinctive gene frequencies. This distinctiveness is made most apparent by the
presence of inherited physical characteristics that differentiate members of a group from
othersιWhat does that mean? It means that, essentially, you can see the differences be-
tween people from different races.
However, it is very difficult to consider race in a strictly biological sense. Given that
people have migrated over a wide range of geographic areas for hundreds of years, pure
genetic types have not existed for some time, if ever. Think about it for a minute. Are there
mutually exclusive races? Can you really tell where one race begins and another race ends?
If so, on what basis is that difference identified? It is not as though a person can take a
blood test to determine their race; such measures do not work with any real accuracy.
Given interbreeding of races over the sweep of history, where, for example, many African
Americans are light-skinned and a large number of Whites have African American ances-
try, is it even possible to tell where to draw the line between races?
Introduction 7
ETHNICITY
In its most simplistic form, an ethnic group is a collection of individuals and organizations
identified by national origin, cultural distinctiveness, racial characteristics or religious affili-
ation. This gets a bit tricky since most textbooks define ethnicity as being a distinction based
on cultural heritage and racial groups based on physical features. However, because of the
problems and disagreement on its scientific validity, many social scientists have avoided using
the term "race" and instead use "ethnic group" to describe those groups commonly defined as
racial. In the United States, African Americans, Chinese Americans, and Native Americans all
have the elements of ethnic groups: a unique culture and in some cases even physical territory.
But at the same time most members of these groups are physically differently from Americans
of European origin. Calling these groups ethnic seems reasonable because there are always
consistent and significant cultural traits that set them apart from other groups.7
Ml N 。 RITY G R 。 U PS
This seems simple enough, right? The group with the fewest members. But minority status
is not necessarily the result of being outnumbered. In the social sciences, a minority group
is defined as a subordinate group whose members have significantly less control or power
over their own lives than the members of the dominant group. While numerical size may
be important and related, the issue is really one of power. 8
In one sense, the idea of minority groups seems fair to people. After all, this is a de-
mocracy and the majority rules. The subordination of a minority, however, is more than its
inability to rule over society. A member of a minority group experiences fewer opportuni-
ties for education, wealth, and success that go beyond any personal shortcoming they may
have. In other words a minority group does not share in proportion to its numbers what a
given society defines as valuable. 9
Moreover, being numerically superior does not guarantee power, control over its des-
tin弘 or majority status. For example, think of the Republic of South Africa during the
apartheid regime. During that era, the majority of people in South Africa were Black, but
under the apartheid system of government, Blacks did not have any significant control
over their lives. In terms of making sense of minority groups, the following are important
characteristics to consider.
Each society has its own arbitrary standard for determining which characteristics are most
important in determining if a person belongs to a minority group. Examples might include
skin color (as in the case of African Americans in the United State吵 or fluency in a certain
language (as in the case of Hispanics/ Latinos).
As mentioned, minorities experience unequal treatment and have less power over their
lives than members of a dominant group. Social inequality may be created or maintained
in a variety of ways including prejudice, discrimination, and/or segregation. In extreme
Introduction 9
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cases, the dominant group attempts to eliminate minorities completely, what is sometimes
referred to as extermination.
INVOLUNTARY MEMBERSHIP
Membership into a minority group is not voluntary. Often this involuntary membership is
not changeable either. This is particularly true in American societ如 where skin color and
other physical features often identify a minorit予
SOLIDARITY OF MEMBERS
Perhaps due to the mistreatment or denial of equality, minority members are very con-
scious of their status. They also tend to be more sympathetic to other similarly stigma-
tized groups. This can explain some of the relationships minority groups form with
each other (e.g., women as a discriminated group and the gay community). At the same
time, minority groups can also be hostile towards each other. An example might be
some of the tension between African Americans and Hispanics, who, because of their
unequal treatment, feel a sense of competition for power, however little it might be.
Thus, there is a sense of exclusivity to most groups, but particularly those that have been
mistreated or denied equal status in society. Because of their position in society, there
is a need for affiliation.
’O AN I NTRODUCTION TO MULTICULTURALISM
In prisons for example, inmates often segregate themselves by ethnicity. For example,
let’s say that a White male inmate is new to the prison but does not wish to join the Aryan
Brotherhood gang (the noted White supremacist prison gang), preferring to remain on his
own. The norm of gang solidarity is so strong that members from every gang in the prison
will attempt to victimize that inmate until he makes the decision to join a particular gang.
If the inmate does join the Aryan Brotherhood, his contact with African American or His-
panic gangs will be limited because they are perceived as a threat to him. However, all gang
members in the prison, regardless of race, generally oppose the correctional staff and the
administration. In this example, being a member of a group not only increases the cohe-
sion between members and demonstrates the tension between the groups, it also identifies
the commonality of the groups as they come together against a common adversary.
IN-GROUP MARRIAGE
As a general rule, most people marry people a lot like themselves in terms of religious back-
ground, educational levels, occupational levels, and ethnicity. A member of a dominant
group is often unwilling to join a supposedly inferior minority by marrying one of its mem-
bers. Moreover, the group’s sense of solidarity encourages marriages within the group and
discourages out-group marriages.10 This is why for so many years interracial marriage, par-
ticularly when Blacks married Whites, was considered unacceptable to many Americans.11
This has since changed and interracial marriage is far more common today than in the past,
but at one time there were laws that prohibited Blacks from marrying Whites.12
TYPES 。 F Ml N 。 R ITV G R 。 U PS
In making the distinction between different types of minority groups, there is an im-
mediate problem: what are the boundaries between the criteria? While race as a concept
is defined by the physical distinctions between one group of people and another, there
are instances where physical features are insufficient. For example, Hispanics/Latinos
have some clearly defined physical features, but they are generally considered an ethnic
group rather than a racial one. Similarly, Jews would normally be categorized as a religious
group, but because their culture is such an essential component to their identity, experts
tend to classify them as an ethnic grot早 This is why, as mentioned earlier, using the term
ethnicity seems more reasonable. However, the thing to remember is that this distinction
is used as a general way of categorizing minorities and should not be taken as definitive
and complete.
RACIAL GROUPS
This term is reserved for those minorities who are classified according to obvious physical
differences. The crucial words are obvious and physical. What is obvious? Hair color? Ear-
lobe shape? As mentioned, each society defines that which is considered obvious. In the
United States, skin color is perhaps the main characteristic in determining the difference
between one race and another. In the United States, minority races include Blacks, Native
Americans, and Asian Americans.
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