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Detailed Contents
Foreword
Preface
How to Read a Research Article
Chapter 1. Introduction to Deviance
Introduction
Conceptions of Deviance
How Do YOU Define Deviance?
Deviance in Popular Culture
The Sociological Imagination
The Importance of Theory
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites
Ideas in Action
Now YOU . . . Use Your Sociological Imagination
Conclusion: Organization of the Book
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
1. Sick/Beautiful/Freak: Nonmainstream Body Modification and the Social
Construction of Deviance
2. Status, Deviance, and Sanctions: A Critical Review
3. Anti-Social Debts
Chapter 2. The Diversity of Deviance
Introduction
Deviance and Its Varied Forms
Thinking Like a Sociologist—Strict Conformity as Deviance
Physical Deviance and Appearance: Ideals of Beauty and Everyone Else
Relationships and Deviance
Deviance in Cyberspace: Making Up the Norms as We Go
Subcultural Deviance
Elite Deviance, Corporate Deviance, and Workplace Misconduct
Positive Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of Addiction,
Prostitution, and Graffiti
Addiction
Prostitution
Graffiti
Ideas in Action: Guerrilla Gardening in Low-Income Areas
Now YOU . . . Try an Experiment in Positive Deviance!
Question: So Who Are the Deviants? Answer: It Depends on Whom You Ask
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
4. The “Simmie” Side of Life: Old Order Amish Youths’ Affective Response to
Culturally Prescribed Deviance
5. Illness and the Internet: From Private to Public Experience
6. Corporate Transgressions Through Moral Disengagement
Chapter 3. Researching Deviance
8
Three Research-Related Stories From the Authors
Introduction
Methodological Approaches to Studying Deviance
Experiments in the Study of Deviance
Large-Scale Survey Research
Field Research: Pure Observer to Full Participant
Content Analysis
Secondary Data Sources
The Uniform Crime Report and the National Incident-Based Reporting System
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
Monitoring the Future
Archived Data: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research
Ethical Considerations in Studying Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: In-Depth Research of
Street Gangs and NASA
Ideas in Action: Evaluating Programs and Policy
Now YOU . . . Conduct the Research
Conclusion
Endnote
Key Terms
READINGS
7. “They Must Be Crazy”: Some of the Difficulties in Researching “Cults”
8. The Problems of Researching Sensitive Topics: An Overview and
Introduction
9. Reefer Normal
Chapter 4. Anomie/Strain Theory
Introduction
Development of Anomie/Strain Theory
Émile Durkheim and Anomie
Robert Merton and Adaptations to Anomie/Strain
Merton’s Adaptations to Anomie
Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin, Differential Opportunity
Albert Cohen, Delinquent Boys
Robert Agnew, General Strain Theory
Messner and Rosenfeld, Crime and the American Dream—Institutional Anomie
Theory
Application of Anomie and Strain Theories
Anomie and the Abuse at Abu Ghraib
The American Dream and Incarcerated Young Men
Institutional Anomie Theory and Student Cheating
Critiques of Anomie and Strain Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Occupy Wall Street
Movement
Ideas in Action: Defy Ventures—Transforming Innovation Into Legitimate Success
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
9
10. Becoming a Stickup Kid
11. Durkheim’s Concept of Anomie and the Abuse at Abu Ghraib
12. A General Strain Theory of Terrorism
Chapter 5. Social Disorganization Theory
Introduction
Development of Social Disorganization Theory
Shaw and McKay’s Study of Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas
Critiques of Social Disorganization Theory
Rebirth of Social Disorganization Theory
Empirical Tests of Social Disorganization Theory
More Theoretical and Empirical Advances and Divergences: Social and Physical
Disorder
Collective Efficacy
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites With Social
Disorganization Theory
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From Social Disorganization and Broken
Windows Perspectives
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
13. Rethinking Crime and Immigration
14. Life and Death in the City: Neighborhoods in Context
15. The Importance of Both Opportunity and Social Disorganization Theory in
a Future Research Agenda to Advance Criminological Theory and Crime
Prevention at Places
Chapter 6. Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
Introduction
Development of Differential Association Theory
Development of Akers’s Social Learning Theory
Social Structure and Social Learning
Application of Differential Association and Social Learning
Critiques of Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
Cultural Deviance Theory and Subcultural Explanations of Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Teen Alcohol and Drug
Use
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From a Social Learning Perspective
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
16. Liquor Is Quicker: Gender and Social Learning Among College Students
17. Everybody’s Doing It: Initiation to Prescription Drug Misuse
18. Piracy on the High Speeds: A Test of Social Learning Theory on Digital
Piracy Among College Students
Chapter 7. Social Control Theories of Deviance
Introduction
Development of Social Control Theory
10
Nye
Hirschi
Techniques of Neutralization
Contemporary Additions to Social Control Theory
Power-Control Theory
Theory of Self-Control
Life Course Theory
Application of Social Control Theories
Critiques of Social Control Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of Teenage
Homelessness and Medical Deviance by Doctors
Teenage Runaways and Throwaways
Medical Deviance by Doctors
Ideas in Action: Homeboy Industries
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
19. Social Control, Delinquency, and Victimization Among Kibbutz
Adolescents
20. Online Consumer Misbehaviour: An Application of Neutralization Theory
21. Sex, Love, and Autonomy in the Teenage Sleepover
Chapter 8. Labeling Theory
Introduction
Development of Labeling Theory
How the Labeling Process Works
Labeling and Mental Illness
Labeling and Delinquency
Application of Labeling Theory
Braithwaite (1989), Crime, Shame and Reintegration
Matsueda (1992), “Reflected Appraisals, Parental Labeling, and Delinquency”
Rosenfield (1997), “Labeling Mental Illness”
Davies and Tanner (2003), “The Long Arm of the Law: Effects of Labeling on
Employment”
Defining Oneself as Deviant
Impact of Labeling Theory
Critiques of Labeling Theory
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Considering Drinking
—and Not Drinking—on College Campuses
Ideas in Action: The “I Have a Dream” Foundation—Instilling Positive Labels
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
22. The Saints and the Roughnecks
23. On Being Sane in Insane Places
Chapter 9. Marxist and Conflict Theories of Deviance
Introduction
11
Development of Marxist Theory
Conflict
Dialectical Materialism
Marxism and the Creation of Law and Deviance
Development of Conflict Theory
Gusfield
Vold
Turk
Quinney
Chambliss
Applications of Marxist and Conflict Theories
Critiques of Marxist and Conflict Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of
Shoplifting and Employees Locked in the Workplace
Shoplifting
Employees Locked in the Workplace
Ideas in Action: Racial Impact Statements
Racial Impact Statements and Conflict Theory
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
24. The Communist Manifesto
25. The Spawn of Slavery: The Convict-Lease System in the South
26. Two Nations, Revisited: The Lynching of Black and Brown Bodies, Police
Brutality, and Racial Control in “Post-Racial” Amerikkka
Chapter 10. Critical Theories of Deviance
Introduction
Development of Feminist Criminology
Feminism and Homelessness
Development of Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory and Homelessness
Development of Peacemaking
Peacemaking and Homelessness
Critiques of Critical Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of
Pornography and Illegal Government Surveillance
Pornography
Illegal Government Surveillance
Ideas in Action: Navajo Peacemaking and Domestic Violence
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
27. Reflections on Women’s Crime and Mothers in Prison: A Peacemaking
Approach
28. “But Sometimes I Think . . . They Put Themselves in the Situation”:
Exploring Blame and Responsibility in Interpersonal Violence
12
29. Racial Profiling and Immigration Law Enforcement: Rounding Up of Usual
Suspects in the Latino Community
Chapter 11. Social Control of Deviance
Introduction
Medicalization of Deviant Behavior
Policing, Supervision, and the Impact of Incarceration on Disadvantaged Populations
and Communities
Total Institutions
Correctional Facilities and the Purposes of Punishment
Gresham Sykes and the Pains of Imprisonment
Juvenile Correctional Facilities
Reentry: Challenges in Returning to the Community After Time in an Institution
Felon Disenfranchisement
Public Fear and Social Control: The Case of Sex Offenders
Collateral Consequences: Effects on Communities and Families
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Considering How
Money Can Matter in Local Jails
Ideas in Action: College Programs in Prisons
Now YOU . . . Think About Social Control
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
30. Lessons From a Juvenile Training School: Survival and Growth
31. Incarceration, Inequality, and Imagining Alternatives
Chapter 12. Deviant Careers and Career Deviance
Introduction
Development of a Deviant Careers and Career Deviance Approach
Getting Into Deviance: Onset of a Deviant Career
Risk and Protective Factors for Onset
Getting Out of the Game: Desistance From Career Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Street Prostitutes Versus
Elite Prostitutes
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From a Career Deviance and Deviant Career
Perspective
Now YOU . . . Think About Deviant Careers
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
32. Harry Potter and the Wise and Powerful Life Course Theorist
33. As American as Apple Pie: Poverty and Welfare
34. The Contributions of an Interactionist Approach to Research and Theory on
Criminal Careers
Chapter 13. Global Perspectives on Deviance and Social Control
Introduction
Researching Deviance Globally
Trials and Tribulations Involved in Researching Deviance Across the Globe
More Reasonable Strategies for Undergraduates to Study Deviance Outside the United
13
States
Empirical Tests of Theories of Deviance Globally
Empirical Tests of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General Theory of Deviance: Self-
Control and Deviance in Other Countries
Testing Differential Association and Social Learning Theories Outside of the
United States
A Global Perspective on Social Disorganization Theory
Tests of Social Disorganization in Cities Outside the United States
Cross-National Tests of Institutional Anomie Theory
Critical Collective Framing Theory and the Genocide in Darfur
Social Control in a Global Context
Social Control of Girls and Women
Social Control of Homosexuality
Social Control of Crime: Extremes in Prison Conditions Internationally
Social Control of Mental Illness
Social Control and Reintegration: Restorative Justice
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Human Trafficking:
Crossing Boundaries and Borders
Ideas in Action: What Can Be Done About Human Trafficking?
Now YOU . . . Think About Global Deviance
Conclusion
Key Terms
READINGS
35. A Moral Panic? The Problematization of Forced Marriage in British
Newspapers
36. Making Sense of the Senseless: Understanding Genocide
37. India’s Reproductive Assembly Line
Glossary
References
Index
About the Authors
14
15
Foreword
By the time sociology came to universities at the beginning of the 20th century, all the “good”
topics had been snatched up by earlier arrivals: Historians got to write about wars and kings and
queens, economists acquired the market as their special turf, and political science took control of
the state and government. Sociology was left with whatever topics were left over, especially (chief
among these less desirable subjects) the “bad behavior” nice people didn’t like in the increasingly
urbanized society they lived in: slums, gangs, prostitution, alcoholism, and crime. No one had to
worry, then, about defining this field or justifying all these disparate topics being treated under one
heading. It seemed obvious to all right-thinking people that these things were problems that
needed looking into. Sociologists took them over as their own, and the nature of these problems
(and the solutions to them everyone hoped the new science would provide) defined the nature of
the field.
Since university disciplines like to make sense of what they are doing, sociologists soon began to
look for a unifying thread, for what all these things had in common that justified calling studying
them a scientific field. Once you question the commonsense idea that they all simply exemplified
“bad behavior” or “social problems,” you commit yourself to finding a more logical and
scientifically defensible description of what you’re doing. Sociologists worked hard to come up
with that definition. What they came up with, in the end, was not a definition but definitions, lots
of them. Because to go beyond saying these were all simply differing versions of badness, to define
what made bad people’s behavior bad, created great difficulties because people don’t agree on that
kind of definition. The commonsense understanding of “badness” included a mixture of very
different things: drunkenness, stealing, craziness—the definition really consisted of nothing more
than a list of activities that the law banned. Because legislatures don’t make laws to define the
subject matter of a science but rather to satisfy constituents, the science part comes hard.
For many years, taking commonsense ideas of bad behavior at face value and accepting
conventional definitions of what “bad” was, sociologists tried to make science by accepting and
trying to prove and improve upon equally commonsense explanations of why people behaved
badly. They mostly relied on one of two ideas. On one hand, some theories said that people did
bad things because they were inherently bad—there were plenty of genetic theories in the early
history of criminology, identifying potential criminals by physical markers of bad heredity—similar
to the markers of feeblemindedness, another topic that sociology and criminology had on their
hands—or because they lived in bad circumstances, which turned otherwise normal children into
delinquents, sane people into the mentally ill, and healthy people into alcoholics and drug addicts.
These general ideas, scarcely worth being dignified as general theories, for many years dominated
the classes taught under such titles as “Social Disorganization” or “Social Problems.” Textbooks
and lectures proceeded along a well-marked path of problems, dominated by well-known kinds of
crimes—starting with juvenile delinquency and following criminal types through more adult
crimes like robbery, theft, burglary, and murder—and equally familiar kinds of personal
pathologies, revolving around pleasurable forms of behavior that right-thinking people thought
were wrong—sex, drugs, and alcohol, all three leading to mental illness. Teachers and books
rehearsed the numerous and varied things that had been found to be correlated with bad behaviors
and presumably to cause them: living in a slum neighborhood, coming from a broken home (that
is, a household not headed by a married heterosexual couple), low educational achievement, and a
long list of other phenomena usually correlated with some measure of social class so that, in some
fundamental sense, the cause of all this pathology seemed to be being poor.
Such an approach did not produce a lot of results. What one study found was often contradicted
16
by another study, and eventually, some sociologists and criminologists began to take a more
neutral approach to these subject matters, seeing them not as signs of bad character or heredity but
rather as signs of a mixed-up society, whose operations and organization made it likely that some
sizable number of people would find it attractive and/or profitable to engage in behavior that led
them into conflict with the law (as the gang members in West Side Story sang, “We’re not
depraved, we’re deprived!”).
Since finding the causes of bad behavior in society did not produce reliable results any more than
genetic and psychological theories had, some sociologists began to look further. They asked about
a larger spectrum of things and focused on what we might call “the crime industry,” the agencies
and organizations that made laws that defined what things were crimes, that devoted themselves
to finding people who had violated these laws, adjudicating their cases and administering the
punishments and forms of supervision the resolution of those cases dictated: the legislatures that
made the laws, the police who found the guilty parties, the courts where their cases were decided,
the jails and prisons where they served their sentences, and the parole offices and officers that
oversaw those who came out at the other end of this process.
All this research is best summarized, as the authors of this book have done, by considering the
variety of theories that sociologists and criminologists have created to make sense of this confusing
mass of ideas and of the research the variety of ideas has engendered. Reading their crisp,
informative summaries of so many conflicting ideas and then the wisely chosen illustrative
examples of what you get from each approach will give students the best possible introduction to a
lively and still developing field of research.
Howard S. Becker
17
Preface
While there are many textbooks and readers on deviant behavior currently on the market, this
book is unique for two reasons. First, it is framed within and written entirely from a sociological
perspective. We explain the development of major sociological theoretical perspectives and detail
how those theories have been used to think about and study the causes of deviant behavior and the
reactions to it. We find the theories fascinating, and we think you will, too. We have provided
many specific examples of deviant behavior and social control within the text so that students will
have numerous opportunities to apply the concepts and theories and make connections to their
everyday lives. The second unique aspect of this book is that as a text-reader, it is a true hybrid,
offering both original text and primary readings. It includes both substantial original chapters that
give an overview of the field and the theories as well as carefully selected articles on deviance and
social control that have previously appeared in leading academic journals and books. In the
following, we describe how Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological Perspective, 2nd Edition,
differs from existing texts on the market.
While the widely used textbooks on deviant behavior have strong points, our book provides a very
different experience for students by combining original text with existing studies. Professors will
be able to assign one book (rather than a textbook and accompanying reader) and will be assured
that their students are presented with both clear explanations of sociological perspectives on
deviance and some of the best examples of research from the field. While some classic research
articles are included, most of the primary readings were chosen because they are excellent, cutting-
edge, contemporary examples of the use of theory to explain deviance. They offer the opportunity
to explore a deviant topic more thoroughly yet still with an eye toward the importance of theory in
that exploration.
In contrast to most of the popular readers and textbooks on deviant behavior, this book is
primarily organized around theories and perspectives of deviance, rather than types of deviant
behavior or a singular approach to understanding deviance. We have aimed for a combination of
both depth and breadth in this book; in taking a broad sociological perspective, we focus on theory
but also include full chapters on researching deviance, the social control of deviance, deviant
careers, and deviance and social control in a global context.
We hope this book will serve as a guide to students delving into the fascinating world of deviance
and social control for the first time, offering clear overviews of issues and perspectives in the field
as well as introductions to classic and current research. Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological
Perspective, 2nd Edition, is intended to replace standard deviance textbooks or readers; it can be
used in both undergraduate and graduate deviance courses.
18
Overview of Features
Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological Perspective, 2nd Edition, includes topics generally found
in textbooks on deviant behavior, with significant focus on the major sociological theories of
deviance and discussion of rule-making and societal reaction to deviance. This book offers clear
explanations and discussion of concepts and theories and carefully selected examples to illustrate
relevant topics. This book features the following:
1. An introductory section explaining the sociological perspective on deviance and social

control. This section provides an overview on the organization and content of the book and
also introduces relevant themes, issues, and concepts to assist students in understanding the
different perspectives. Along with the introduction, we have full chapters on the diversity of
deviance and methods of researching deviance to introduce students to the broader issues in
the field.
2. Each chapter includes four different features or sections that prompt students to engage with
the material, apply the concepts, and learn more about current research. These features
include the following:
a. Deviance in Popular Culture—offers several examples of films and/or television shows
and encourages students to apply the concepts and theories to the behavior depicted in
these examples
b. Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites—explores the impact of
social class and status on different types of deviance and the reactions to such behavior
c. Ideas in Action—highlights examples of current policies or programs designed to address
deviant behaviors from the perspective(s) covered in each chapter
d. Now YOU . . . —asks students to apply the material they learned in the chapter to
specific questions or examples
3. Each chapter includes discussion questions and exercises or assignments that will give
students a chance to test and extend their knowledge of the material.
4. The book contains a glossary of key terms.
19
Structure of the Book
We chose very deliberately to organize our book around sociological theories rather than around
types of deviance. This is in direct opposition to most of the competing texts on the market, and it
is one of the reasons you might consider using our book. We believe the theoretically based
approach offers students fertile ground for learning and exploring the realm of deviant behavior
and social control. Once they learn the different theoretical perspectives, students will be able to
apply the different theories to virtually any type of deviant behavior and, furthermore, be able to
compare and contrast the theoretical models and decide for themselves which offers the most
compelling explanation for the behavior. This is the kind of understanding and flexibility we hope
our students achieve; while studying types of deviance is certainly interesting, being able to
consider both individual and macrolevel causes and explanations seems to us the larger and more
important goal.
The book is divided into 13 chapters that cover an overview of the field of deviance and social
control, methods and examples of researching deviance, the major theoretical traditions used in
studying deviance, a glimpse into the social control of deviance and deviant careers, and a
discussion of deviance and social control in a global context. The theory chapters each provide an
overview of a theoretical perspective and its development, critiques of the perspective, and
examples of current developments and research in that theoretical tradition. The chapters are as
follows:
Chapter 1. Introduction to Deviance: We first provide the basic building blocks for studying deviant
behavior from a sociological perspective. Different conceptions of deviance are described, and
students are encouraged to develop and use their sociological imagination in studying deviant
behavior. We explain the organization of the book and why we believe theory is so critical to
understanding and researching deviance.
Chapter 2. The Diversity of Deviance: In this chapter, we offer an overview of some of the many
types of deviance and show how our conceptions of deviance vary widely and change over time.
We encourage students to think broadly about deviance and to always consider the culture,
context, and historical period in which the “deviant” act takes place.
Chapter 3. Researching Deviance: This chapter addresses the many ways one might go about
researching deviant behavior and social control. We highlight different research methods and the
strengths and weaknesses of each approach. Examples are used throughout to make abstract
concepts concrete for students.
Chapter 4. Anomie/Strain Theory: This chapter looks at one of the first sociological theories of
deviance and traces the development of anomie and strain theories from Durkheim’s, Merton’s,
and Cloward and Ohlin’s macrolevel ideas on how the very structure of society contributes to
deviant behavior to Agnew’s general strain theory and Messner and Rosenfeld’s institutional strain
theory, which offer contemporary views on individual and institutional strain and the resulting
deviance.
Chapter 5. Social Disorganization Theory: We discuss another early sociological perspective on

deviance in this chapter: social disorganization theory, developed from early research on Chicago
to explain patterns of deviance and crime across social locations, such as neighborhoods. We offer
an overview of the perspective and show how it is being used today to explain high levels of
deviance and violence in particular neighborhoods.
20
Chapter 6. Differential Association and Social Learning Theories: How do individuals learn to
become deviant? This chapter covers ideas and research that try to answer that exact question. We
explain the key ideas of Sutherland’s differential association and Akers’s social learning theories
and offer an overview of the development of a sociological perspective that argues that deviance is
learned through communication with intimate others.
Chapter 7. Social Control Theories of Deviance: Social control theories begin by flipping the
question; rather than asking why individuals deviate, social control theories ask, If we are born
prone to deviance, what keeps us from committing deviant acts? In this chapter, we trace the
development of social control and life course theories and look at the importance of the
individual’s social bonds to conforming society.
Chapter 8. Labeling Theory: In this chapter, we look at the importance of being labeled deviant.
We begin with a brief overview of symbolic interactionism, which then leads to a discussion of the
labeling process and how it can affect individuals’ self-concepts and life chances.
Chapter 9. Marxist and Conflict Theories of Deviance: Within the conflict perspective, power and
inequality are key considerations in defining who and what is deviant in any given society. In this
chapter, we begin with the ideas of Karl Marx and go on to show how Marxist perspectives have
been used to study lawmaking and how the process of defining and creating deviant behavior is
used to maintain positions of power in society.
Chapter 10. Critical Theories of Deviance: In this chapter, we focus on theories that examine
deviance from a perspective that questions the normative status quo. We offer brief overviews of
peacemaking criminology, feminist criminology, and critical race theory as alternative perspectives
for studying deviance and social control.
Chapter 11. Social Control of Deviance: In this chapter, we offer a brief look into informal and
formal social control of deviance. We discuss the medicalization (and medication) of deviance,
mental hospitals, prisons and juvenile correctional facilities, felon disenfranchisement, and general
effects of stigma on those labeled deviant.
Chapter 12. Deviant Careers and Career Deviance: While much attention is focused on getting into
deviance, in this chapter, we consider the full deviant career, including desistance, or the process of
exiting deviance.
Chapter 13. Global Perspectives on Deviance and Social Control: For our final chapter, we move
beyond the United States to consider how deviance is defined and researched in other countries.
Further, we briefly consider and discuss the many different forms of social control across the globe.
Each chapter offers original material that introduces students to the issues, concepts, and theories
covered in that chapter and contextualizes the selected readings. Each chapter also includes two or
three primary source readings that will offer students the chance to learn about current research on
deviance and social control from some of the top theorists and researchers in the field.
21
Ancillaries
To enhance the use of this text and to assist those using this book, we have developed high-quality
ancillaries for instructors and students.
Instructor Resource Site. A password-protected site, available at

study.sagepub.com/inderbitzindeviance2e, features resources that have been designed to help
instructors plan and teach their course. These resources include the following:
An extensive test bank that includes multiple-choice, true/false, short-answer, and essay
questions for each chapter
Chapter-specific PowerPoint slide presentations that highlight essential concepts and figures
from the text
Access to recent, relevant full-text SAGE journal articles and accompanying article review
questions
Class activities that can be used in conjunction with the book throughout the semester
Multimedia resources for use in class to jump-start lectures and emphasize key topics of your
discussions
Student Study Site. An open-access study site is available at

study.sagepub.com/inderbitzindeviance2e. This site provides access to several study tools,
including the following:
Web quizzes for student self-review and for independent progress assessment
Access to relevant full-text SAGE journal articles that support and expand on chapter
concepts
Multimedia resources for a more in-depth understanding of the material covered in class and
in the text
22
Acknowledgments
First, we thank Jerry Westby for choosing to work with us yet again and for shepherding our
stubborn ideas for a different kind of book on deviance and social control through the publication
process. Jerry’s faith in this book and our vision and ideas for improving the second edition helped
to sustain the project through difficult patches and busy schedules.
We would also like to thank our graduate school mentors and friends; our time with these people
in the University of Washington sociology program contributed a great deal to our lasting
understanding of deviant behavior and social control: Bob Crutchfield, George Bridges, Joe Weis,
Charis Kubrin, Sara Steen, Rod Engen, Edie Simpson, Ed Day, and Tim Wadsworth—thanks to
you all! We hope you recognize your influence in this book, and we hope that we have made you
proud. We also thank Howie Becker for being a powerful figure in the field of deviance and social
control generally, a supportive mentor for Michelle specifically, and for writing the foreword to
this book.
Michelle would like to thank Kristin Bates and Randy Gainey for being wonderful coauthors and
friends. It’s a continuing joy to have colleagues who are like family and who even manage to make
working on endless revisions enjoyable. Sincerest appreciation to you both for sharing ideas and
laughs and for being there for every step of this journey. She also offers particular thanks to friends
and colleagues Charis Kubrin, Chris Uggen, Scott Akins, Kristin Barker, Becky Warner, and
Debbie Storrs for many, many thought-provoking conversations about teaching and writing. And
finally, she is endlessly thankful to her parents and sisters for giving her a strong and loving start to
life and for their continuing support.
Kristin would like to thank her colleagues in the Department of Sociology at California State
University, San Marcos, for sharing their critical perspectives, their intellectual energy, and their
friendship. A special thank you to Sharon Elise, Richelle Swan, and Marisol Clark-Ibañez. The
work isn’t work when I get to do it with all of you. To my students who remind me every day why
I love what I do. And all my love to my parents and sisters who taught, fostered, and lived
relativist/social constructionist/critical perspectives of deviance long before the livin’ was cool.
Randy would like to thank his colleagues at Old Dominion University, where going to work is like
going out and “playing with friends.” He would also like to thank all of the students who have kept
him engaged in social science research, always asking great questions and offering unique
solutions. Much love to my family and friends—you rock!!!
And Randy and Kristin would like to thank Michelle for her leadership and hard work and for
asking them to take this adventure with her. We always have fun with you!
We would also like to thank the reviewers of the first edition:
Keith J. Bell, West Liberty University, West Virginia

Cindy Brooks Dollar, North Carolina State University
Angela Butts, Rutgers University
Seth Crawford, Oregon State University
Joseph Gallo, Sam Houston State University
George Guay, Bridgewater State University
Abdy Javadzadeh, Florida International University
Eric Jorrey, Ohio University
Lutz Kaelber, University of Vermont
23
Joachim Kibirige, Missouri Western State University
Ross Kleinstuber, University of Delaware, Newark
Carol Cirulli Lanham, University of Texas at Dallas
Timothy O’Boyle, Kutztown University of Philadelphia
Robert Peralta, University of Akron
Andrew Rochus, West Virginia University at Parkersburg
Julia So, University of New Mexico at Valencia
Lindsey Upton, Old Dominion University
Brenda Vollman, Loyola University New Orleans
Lisa Weinberg, Florida State University
Lester Howard Wielstein, California State University at Sacramento
Janelle Wilson, University of Minnesota Duluth
And finally, we thank the reviewers for the second edition:
Helen Brethauer-Gay, Florida A&M University

Heather Griffiths, Fayetteville State University
Kimberly Lancaster, Coastal Carolina Community College
Carol Cirulli Lanham, University of Texas at Dallas
Shanell K. Sanchez-Smith, Colorado Mesa University
Matthew P. Sheptoski, Grambling State University
Julia W. So, University of New Mexico at Valencia
Mathilda Spencer, University of Pittsburgh at Titusville
Richard Tardanico, Florida International University
24
How to Read a Research Article
As you travel through your studies of deviance and social control, you will soon learn that some of
the best known and/or emerging explanations of deviance come from research articles in academic
journals. This book has research articles included as part of the readings with most chapters, but
you may be asking yourself, “How do I read a research article?” It is our hope to answer this
question with a quick summary of the key elements of any research article, followed by the
questions you should be answering as you read through the assigned sections.
Research articles published in social science journals will generally include the following elements:
(1) introduction, (2) literature review, (3) methodology, (4) results, and (5) discussion/conclusion.
In the introduction, you will find an overview of the purpose of the research, and you will often
find the hypothesis or hypotheses. A hypothesis is most easily defined as an educated statement or
guess. In most hypotheses, you will find the following format: If X, Y will occur. For example, a
simple hypothesis may be: “If the price of gas increases, more people will ride bikes.” This is a
testable statement that the researcher wants to address in his or her study. Usually, authors will
state the hypothesis directly, but not always. Therefore, you must be aware of what the author is
actually testing in the research project. If you are unable to find the hypothesis, ask yourself what is
being tested, observed, and/or manipulated, and what are the expected results?
The next section of the research article is the literature review. At times the literature review will
be separated from the text in its own section, and at other times it will be found within the
introduction. In any case, the literature review is an examination of what other researchers have
already produced in terms of the research question or hypothesis. For example, returning to my
hypothesis on the relationship between gas prices and bike riding, we may find that five
researchers have previously conducted studies on the effects of increases in gas prices. In the
literature review, I will discuss their findings and then discuss what my study will add to the
existing research. The literature review may also be used as a platform of support for my
hypothesis. For example, one researcher may have already determined that an increase in gas prices
causes more people to Rollerblade to work. I can use this study as evidence to support my
hypothesis that increased gas prices will lead to more bike riding.
The methods used in the research design are found in the next section of the research article. In
the methodology section you will find the following: who/what was studied, how many subjects
were studied, and how the data were collected and processed. The methods section is usually very
concise, with every step of the research project recorded. This is important because a major goal of
the researcher is “reliability,” or, if the research is done over again the same way, discovering if the
results are the same.
The results section is an analysis of the researcher’s findings. If the researcher conducted a
quantitative study (using numbers or statistics to explain the research), you will find statistical
tables and analyses that explain whether or not the researcher’s hypothesis is supported. If the
researcher conducted a qualitative study (non-numerical research for the purpose of theory
construction), the results will usually be displayed as a theoretical analysis or interpretation of the
research question.
Finally, the research article will conclude with a discussion and summary of the study, examining
the implications of the research and what future research is still needed.
Now that you know the key elements of a research article, let us examine a sample article from
25
your text.
From Chapter 2: “The ‘Simmie’ Side of Life: Old Order Amish Youths’ Affective Response to
Culturally Prescribed Deviance,” by Denise M. Reiling
1. What is the thesis or main idea from this article?
The thesis or main idea is found in the introduction of this article. At the beginning of the
fifth paragraph, Reiling states, “Within this article, the special case of the Old Order Amish,
a predominately North American Christian subculture, has been offered through which to
examine selected propositions of TMT.” Terror Management Theory suggests that, as youth
realize that they are “mortal” (as the concept of death becomes more concrete for them), they
will rely on youth culture to make this dawning notion of their mortality more bearable.
Reiling goes on to explain that the unique context of Amish culture is a rare opportunity to
explore the Terror Management Theory, agency, and social competence.
2. What is the hypothesis?
Specifically, Reiling wants to know how the “simmie” period (the time during which Amish
youth must engage in deviance in order to determine whether they will make “good” Amish
adults) affects Amish youth.
3. Is there any prior literature related to the hypothesis?
Reiling offers two discussions of the literature. The first discussion of literature sets the stage
for her research study. It appears in the first three pages of the paper, offering a brief
discussion of Terror Management Theory and youth culture. However, because this is a
qualitative study on a very specific population that the general public probably does not have
much familiarity with, Reiling offers a second review of literature in the Setting section of the
paper that gives background on the Amish culture specifically.
4. What methods are used to support this hypothesis?
In the Methods and Setting section, Reiling goes into great detail as to how she has collected
her data. She engaged in 60 in-depth interviews (averaging 5 hours in length) of three Amish
groups—Amish youth, Amish adults who had accepted the Amish culture and been baptized
as adults, and adults who had been born Amish but had decided after their simmie period not
to return to the Amish life.
5. Is this a qualitative study or a quantitative study?
To determine whether a study is qualitative or quantitative, you can look at either the
methods section, which may often tell you whether quantitative or qualitative methods are
being used, or look at the results section. If the results are presented numerically, it is a
quantitative study; if they are presented non-numerically (an analysis of quotes from
interviews, for example), it is a qualitative study. Reiling states specifically that her study is
qualitative; her results are presented non-numerically, in the form of analysis of interview
quotes.
6. What are the results and how does the author present the results?
Reiling found that Amish youth forced into deviance or encouraged to engage in deviance
during their simmie period experienced a great deal of anxiety and depression because many
feared for their souls should they die before they got a chance to be baptized after this stage.
26
Because of this unique cultural stage, most simmie youth actually reported a greater
preference for adult culture rather than the simmie youth culture (contrary to the predictions
of TMT).
7. Do you believe that the authors provided a persuasive argument? Why or why not?
The answer to this question is ultimately up to the reader, but a reader should think about
the questions (research question and hypotheses) being asked, the theoretical framework
being applied, and the methods used while answering this question.
8. What does the article add to your knowledge of the subject?
Again, this question is specific to each reader, and we suspect that you won’t all respond the
same to the same articles. In other words, an article that really excites one of you and gets you
thinking about deviance may not be the article that excites someone else. But in general,
when thinking about this question, you may want to ask yourself whether it effectively
answers the question, So what?
We think that this article does add value. It is a fascinating examination of a specific culture
that shows us that the context of the culture we grow up in has an effect on how we respond
to deviance and our growing awareness of our mortality. We think that is useful for our
understanding of deviance.
9. What are the implications for public policy (or social change) concerning deviance that can
be derived from this article?
Not all articles will be equally good at addressing public policy. Some articles may be more
about our cultural understanding of difference (as is the case with this article), and a formal
public policy response would be inappropriate given how deviance is being framed.
This study, however, does point out that Amish youth experience a great deal of anxiety and
depression while engaging in their simmie experience. While a formal public policy may be
inappropriate, we can argue that the Amish may want to be aware of this anxiety and
depression in order to make available some systematic help for youth after their experiences.
Now that we have gone through the elements of a research article, you should continue to answer
these questions as you read the other articles in this textbook. The questions may be easier to
answer for some of the articles than for others, but do not give up! You will benefit the most from
answering these questions with the hardest articles.
27
Chapter 1 Introduction to Deviance
Founded in 1972, the Fremont Fair is one of Seattle’s most beloved neighborhood street
festivals, featuring a weekend of eclectic activities that celebrate the quirky community of
Fremont, the self-proclaimed “center of the universe.” Held annually in mid-June to
coincide with the Summer Solstice, the event draws more than 100,000 people to shop,
eat, drink, mingle, groove, and enjoy all manners of creative expression. Artistic
highlights include craft and art booths, street performers, local bands, wacky decorated
art cars, the free-spirited Solstice Parade produced by the Fremont Arts Council, and
many other oddities that personify Fremont’s official motto “Delibertus Quirkus”—
Freedom to be Peculiar.
—Fremont Fair (2010)
The Fremont Arts Council (FAC) is a community-based celebration arts organization. We value
volunteerism; community participation; artistic expression; and the sharing of arts skills. The
Fremont Solstice Parade is the defining event of the FAC. We celebrate the longest day of the
year through profound street theater, public spectacle, and a kaleidoscope of joyous human
expressions. We welcome the participation of everyone regardless of who they are, or what they
think or believe. However, the FAC reserves the right to control the content presented in the
Fremont Solstice Parade.
The rules of the Fremont Solstice Parade, which make this event distinct from other types of
parades, are:
No written or printed words or logos

No animals (except guide dogs and service animals)
No motorized vehicles (except wheelchairs)
No real weapons or fire
—Fremont Arts Council (2010)
It is true that a parade with no logos, animals, or motorized vehicles is different from most parades
that we experience in the United States. But one more thing sets the Fremont Solstice Parade
apart from other parades: the public displays of nudity. Every year at the parade, a contingent of
nude, body-painted bicyclists (both men and women) ride through the streets of Fremont as part
of the parade. Rain or shine (and let’s face it, in June in Seattle, there can be a lot of rain), a large
group of naked adults cycle down the street as the crowds cheer and wave. The Fremont City
Council estimates that more than 100,000 people visit the weekend fair, and pictures show that
the streets are crowded with parade watchers, from the very young to elderly.
Contrast this event to the following story of a flasher in San Diego County. Between the summer
of 2009 and the summer of 2010, there were numerous reports of an adult man flashing hikers and
runners on Mission Trails near Lake Murphy in San Diego. An undercover operation was set in
motion to catch this flasher, and on July 19, 2010, an adult man was apprehended while flashing
an undercover officer who was posing as a jogger in the park. The man was held on $50,000 bail
while waiting for arraignment (KFMB-News 8, 2010).
While both these events center on public displays of nudity, one is celebrated while the other is
vilified. Why?
Photos 1.1 & 1.2 When is a public display of nudity considered deviant? When is it
28
celebrated?
©JMW Scout/iStockphoto
Photodisc/ThinkStock
29
Introduction
You might expect that a book about deviance would start with a definition of what deviance is.
But like all things worth studying, a simple definition does not exist. For example, in the stories
above, one public display of nudity was not only welcomed but celebrated by 6-year-olds and
grandmothers alike, but another display led to arrest and possible jail time. Why? This chapter and
this book explore how it can be that the Fremont Summer Solstice Parade can be celebrated in the
same summer that a flasher is arrested and held on $50,000 bail until charged.
30
Conceptions of Deviance
All deviance textbooks offer their “conceptions of deviance.” Rubington and Weinberg (2008)
argue that there are generally two conceptions of deviance as either “objectively given” or
“subjectively problematic.” Clinard and Meier (2010) also suggest two general conceptions of
deviance, the reactionist or relativist conception and the normative conception. Thio (2009)
argues that we can view deviance from a positivist perspective or a constructionist perspective.
While none of these authors are using the same language, they are defining similar conceptions of
deviance. The first conception—that of an “objectively given,” normative, or positivist conception
of deviance—assumes that there is a general set of norms of behavior, conduct, and conditions on
which we can agree. Norms are rules of behavior that guide people’s actions. Sumner (1906) broke
norms down into three categories: folkways, mores, and laws. Folkways are everyday norms that
do not generate much uproar if they are violated. Think of them as behaviors that might be
considered rude if engaged in, like standing too close to someone while speaking or picking one’s
nose. Mores are “moral” norms that may generate more outrage if broken. In a capitalist society,
homelessness and unemployment can elicit outrage if the person is considered unworthy of
sympathy. Similarly, drinking too much or alcoholism may be seen as a lapse in moral judgment.
Finally, the third type of norm is the law, which is considered the strongest norm because it is
backed by official sanctions (or a formal response). In this conception, then, deviance becomes a
violation of a rule understood by the majority of the group. This rule may be minor, in which case
the deviant is seen as “weird but harmless,” or the rule may be major, in which case the deviant is
seen as “criminal.” The obvious problem with this conceptualization goes back to the earlier
examples of reactions to public nudity, where we see that violation of a most “serious” norm (law)
can receive quite different reactions. This leads to the second conception.
The second conception of deviance—the “subjectively problematic,” reactionist or relativist, social

constructionist conception—assumes that the definition of deviance is constructed based on the
interactions of those in society. According to this conception, behaviors or conditions are not
inherently deviant; they become so when the definition of deviance is applied to them. The study
of deviance is not about why certain individuals violate norms but, instead, about how those norms
are constructed. Social constructionists believe that our understanding of the world is in constant
negotiation between actors. Those who have a relativist conception of deviance define deviance as
those behaviors that elicit a definition or label of deviance:
Social groups create deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance,
and by applying those rules to particular people and labeling them as outsiders. For this
point of view, deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits but rather a
consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an “offender.” The
deviant is one to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is
behavior that people so label. (Becker, 1973, p. 9)
This is a fruitful conceptualization, but it is also problematic. What about very serious violations of
norms that are never known or reacted to? Some strict reactionists or relativists would argue that
these acts (beliefs or attitudes) are not deviant. Most of us would agree that killing someone and
making it look like he or she simply skipped the country is deviant. However, there may be no
reaction.
A third conception of deviance that has not been advanced in many textbooks (for an exception,
31
see DeKeseredy, Ellis, & Alvi, 2005) is a critical definition of deviance (Jensen, 2007). Those
working from a critical conception of deviance argue that the normative understanding of deviance
is established by those in power to maintain and enhance their power. It suggests that explorations
of deviance have focused on a white, male, middle- to upper-class understanding of society that
implies that people of color, women, and the working poor are by definition deviant. Instead of
focusing on individual types of deviance, this conception critiques the social system that exists and
creates such norms in the first place. This, too, is a useful and powerful approach, but there are
still some things that the vast majority of society agrees are so immoral, unethical, and deviant that
they should be illegal and that the system can serve to protect our interests against these things.
Given that each of these conceptualizations is useful but problematic, we do not adhere to a single
conception of deviance in this book because the theories of deviance do not adhere to a single
conception. You will see that several of our theories assume a normative conception, whereas
several assume a social constructionist or critical conception. As you explore each of these theories,
think about what the conception of deviance and theoretical perspective mean for the questions we
ask and answer about deviance (Table 1.1).
32
Be Careful Who You Are Calling Deviant: Body Ritual Among the
Nacirema
In 1956, Horace Miner published an article on the Nacirema, a poorly understood culture that he
claimed engaged in body rituals and ceremonies that were unique, obsessive, and almost magical.
He highlighted several of these beliefs and actions:
The fundamental belief of the Nacirema people is that the human body is ugly and prone to
“debility and disease.”
The people engage in rituals and ceremonies in a “ritual center” considered to be a shrine.
Affluent members of society may have more than one shrine devoted to these rituals and
ceremonies.
Each shrine has, near its center point, a box or chest filled with magical potions. Many
believe they cannot live without these magical potions and so collect to the point of hoarding
them, afraid to let them go even when it is determined they may no longer hold their magic.
The people have an “almost pathological horror and fascination with the mouth, the
condition of which is believed to have a supernatural influence on all social relationships.
Were it not for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their
gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers reject them” (p.
505).
Miner never lets on that this fascinating culture that believes magic will transform its members’
ugly, diseased bodies is actually American (Nacirema spelled backward) culture. But his point is
made: Our understanding and interpretation of events and behaviors is often relative. If we step
back from the everyday events in which we engage with little thought, our most accepted practices
can be made to seem deviant.
Take a moment to examine some everyday activity that you engage in from the perspective of an
outsider. What might watching television, going to a sporting event, babysitting, or surfing look
like to those who have never experienced it? Can you write a description of this everyday event
from an outsider’s point of view?
Source: Miner (1956).
Table 1.1 Conceptions of Deviance

Table 1.1 Conceptions of Deviance
Conceptions of Example Research

Assumptions Definition of Deviance
Deviance Question
There is a general set

“What leads an
of norms of A violation of a rule
Positivist or individual to
behavior, conduct, understood by the majority
Normative engage in deviant
and conditions on of the group
behavior?”
which we can agree.
“What
Nothing is
characteristics
inherently deviant;
Deviance is any behavior increase the
our understanding of
Relativist/Social likelihood that an
the world is in that elicits a definition or
Constructionist individual or a
constant negotiation
between actors. label of deviance. behavior will be
33
between actors. defined as deviant?”
The normative
Instead of focusing on “What is the
understanding of
individual types of deviance, experience of the
deviance is
this conception critiques homeless, and who
Critical established by those
the social system that exists is served by their
in power to maintain
and creates such norms in treatment as
and enhance their
the first place. deviant?”
power.
34
How Do YOU Define Deviance?
As Justice Potter Stewart of the Supreme Court once famously wrote about trying to define
obscene materials, “I shall not today attempt further to define the kinds of material I understand to
be embraced within that shorthand description; and perhaps I could never succeed in intelligibly
doing so. But I know it when I see it” (Jacobellis v. Ohio, 1964). Those who do not study deviance
for a living probably find themselves in the same boat; it may be hard to write a definition, but
how hard could it be to “know it when we see it”?
Choose a busy place to sit and observe human behavior for one hour. Write down all the behaviors
that you observe during that hour. Do you consider any of these behaviors to be deviant? Which
conception of deviance are you using when you define each as deviant? Might there be some
instances (e.g., places or times) when that behavior you consider to be nondeviant right now might
become deviant? Finally, bring your list of behaviors to class. In pairs, share your list of behaviors
and your definitions of deviant behaviors with your partner. Do you agree on your categorization?
Why or why not?
35
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Wir kommen jetzt auf die
fremden Vögel,
welche zu den Fasanen gehören können.
Unter diesen verdient
der Goldfasan,
oder
der chinesische gehaubte dreyfärbige
Fasan,
mit allem Recht die erste Stelle. A l b i n , K l e i n und H a l l e nennen
diesen Vogel den rothen Fasan: allein man hätte ihn fast eben so gut
den blauen nennen können; aber diese beyde Benennungen wären
eben so unvollkommen gewesen, als der Name Goldfasan, weil alle
drey nur eine von den drey prächtigen Farben, die auf seinem
Gefieder glänzen, anzeigen und die übrigen auszuschließen
scheinen. B ü f f o n hat ihn deswegen den chinesischen gehaubten
dreyfärbigen Fasan genannt. Bey L i n n e heißt er der gemalte und
bey M ü l l e r n der bunte Fasan.
Man kann diesen Fasan als eine Spielart von dem gemeinen
annehmen, die sich unter einem bessern Himmel verschönert hat.
Es sind zween Zweige Einer Familie, die sich seit langer Zeit
getrennet und sogar zwey verschiedene Raçen gemacht haben, die
aber einander doch noch erkennen: denn sie thun sich zusammen,
paaren sich und zeugen mit einander; doch muß man bekennen,
daß die Frucht, die aus ihrer Vermischung entsteht, etwas von der
Unfruchtbarkeit der Maulthiere hat.
Die Schönheit dieses Vogels hat gemacht, daß man ihn in unsern
Fasanerien gezogen und vermehrt hat, wo man ihn nun oft antrifft.
Er hat keine rothe Haut um die Augen, wie unser Fasan. Der
Augenring, der Schnabel, die Füße und Krallen sind gelb, so, wie der
Busch von langen und schönen Federn, die er erheben kann, wann
er will. H a l l e beschreibt ihn anders, als ihn die B ü f f o n s c h e n
gemalten Figuren angeben. Er sagt, er sey scharlachroth mit
schwarzen parallelen Schuppen quer durchschnitten, der
Federbusch entstehe von den Ohren her, lagere sich auf der Seite
des Halses, liege wie Fischohren an und lasse sich erheben. Bey
dem unsrigen hingegen entstehen diese hellgelbe Federfasern
schon bey dem Ursprunge des Schnabels, bedecken die ganze
Scheitel und die längsten fallen den Nacken hinab. Um die Augen ist
auch noch alles bis an die Backen lichtgelb; gegen die Kehle zu
bekommt diese Farbe eine röthliche Schattirung; der ganze untere
Theil des Körpers ist scharlachroth, und von eben dieser Farbe
gehen über den Schwanzfedern andere lange und schmale Federn
heraus, deren Kiel gelb ist. Der obere Theil des Halses fällt aus dem
Orangefarbigen ins Rothbraune und hat schwarze Schuppen; oben
an dem Rücken ist ein breiter grüner Streif; der übrige ganze Rücken
und Deckfedern des Steißes sind schön gelb. Die längsten
zugespitzten Schwanzfedern haben auf einem dunkeln Grund eine
Menge bräunlichgelber rundlicher kleiner Flecken, andere aber
dunklere Streifen. Der obere Theil des Flügels und die grösten
Federn desselben sind braun, die äussersten davon etwas schwarz
und haben einige weiße Flecken, das übrige ist schön blau; die
Schenkel sind hellbraun. Dieser Fasan ist etwas kleiner, als der
unsrige.
Das Weibchen des Goldfasans ist ein wenig kleiner, als das
Männchen, und sein Schwanz ist kürzer. Man sieht an ihm die
langen Federn des Busches nicht, sondern blos hinten am Kopf
einige kleine Federn etwas hervorragen. Es hat von allen den
schönen Farben des Männchens nichts, sondern die Farben seines
Gefieders sind sehr gemein und noch schlechter, als an der
gewöhnlichen Fasanhenne; mit der Zeit aber wird es manchmal so
schön, als das Männchen. Man hat in England bey der Milady E s s e x
eines gesehen, welches innerhalb sechs Jahren aus seiner unedeln
Schnepfenfarbe in die schöne Farbe des Männchens stuffenweise
übergegangen war, von dem man es blos an den Augen und dem
kürzern Schwanze unterscheiden konnte. Leute, welche Gelegenheit
gehabt haben, auf diese Vögel genau zu merken, haben den Herrn
v o n B ü f f o n versichert, daß diese Veränderung der Farbe bey den
meisten Weibchen Statt fände und anfienge, wenn sie 4 Jahre alt
wären; daß um diese Zeit die Männchen einen Widerwillen gegen
sie bekämen und sie mißhandelten; daß ihnen alsdann die langen
schmalen Federn wüchsen, die bey dem Männchen die
Schwanzfedern begleiten; mit einem Worte, daß sie dem Männchen
immer ähnlicher würden, jemehr sie an Alter zunähmen.
Edwards versichert, man habe bey dem Herzog v o n L e e d s eine
gemeine Fasanhenne gesehen, die das Gefieder des Hahns
angenommen, und setzt hinzu, daß eine solche Veränderung nur
bey Vögeln, die in der Hausthierschaft leben, Statt finde.
Die Eyer der Goldfasanhenne gleichen denen vom Perlhuhne viel
und sind verhältnißmäßig kleiner, als die von der Haußhenne, und
röthlicher, als unsere Fasaneyer.
Hans Sloane hat ein Männchen gegen fünfzehn Jahr erhalten.
Es scheinet, daß dieser Vogel dauerhaft seyn muß, weil er so lang
ausser seinem Vaterlande lebt. Er gewöhnt sich gut an das unsrige
und vermehrt sich leicht, sogar mit unserer europäischen
Fasanhenne. L e R o i hat eine solche chinesische Henne mit einem
französischen Fasanhahn zusammen geworfen, und die zween
Jungen, die davon entstunden, glichen den unsrigen sehr, doch war
das Gefieder schlecht gefärbt und auf dem Kopf hatten sie nur einige
gelbe Federn, wie der chinesische Fasan. Als man diesen beeden
jungen Blendlingshahnen europäische Fasanhennen gab, so
befruchtete einer davon die seinige im zweyten Jahr und es kam
eine Fasanhenne heraus, die nie wieder konnte befruchtet werden.
Die zwey Blendlingshahnen haben bis ins vierte Jahr weiter nichts
gezeugt, in welchem Jahre sie Gelegenheit fanden, zu entwischen.
Vermuthlich ist dieses der schöne Fasan, von dem man sagt, das
die Federn in China mehr gälten, als der Vogel, und einerley mit
dem, den M a r k u s P a o l o in seinen c h i n e s i s c h e n Reisen
bewunderte, und dessen Schwanz drey Schuh lang war.
Der schwarz und weiße chinesische Fasan

scheint nach dem Muster des vorhergehenden gebauet zu seyn, nur
ist er größer: denn er übertrifft selbst den europäischen an Größe.
Mit dem letztern hat er einen sehr merklichen Zug von Aehnlichkeit,
nemlich die rothe Einfassung der Augen, die aber noch breiter, als
bey jenem, ist: denn sie fällt ihm an beyden Seiten unter den
Unterschnabel, in Gestalt der Backenlappen, herab, und auf der
andern Seite erhebt sie sich, wie ein dopelter Kamm, über den
Oberschnabel.
Das Weibchen ist ein wenig kleiner, als das Männchen, von dem
es aber in Absicht auf die Farbe sehr abgeht. Es ist weder, wie das
Männchen, am Obertheile des Körpers weiß, noch am Untertheile
schwarz mit einem purpurfarbigen Widerschein. Man siehet nur
etwas weniges Weißes unter der rothen Einfassung der Augen, die
bey weitem nicht so groß, als am Männchen, ist. Das übrige alles ist
rothbraun, bald dunkler, bald heller, ausser unter dem Bauche und
an den Seitenfedern des Schwanzes, wo man schwarze
Querstreifen auf einem grauen Grunde erblickt. Sonst aber geht das
Weibchen in dieser Raçe weniger von dem Männchen ab, als in den
übrigen Fasanraçen, und hat auch, wie dieses, eine Haube, doch
nicht von so langen Federn, wie das Männchen; sie hat auch die
braune Farbe des Kopfs, da sie hingegen bey dem Männchen
schwarz ist und sich auf dem weißen Nacken vortreflich ausnimmt.
Die Füße sind an beyden roth und bey dem Männchen mit weit
stärkern Sporen, als des Goldfasans seine sind, bewaffnet. In dem
Linne-Müllerischen System heißt dieser Vogel lateinisch
Nycthemerus, deutsch aber, wie bey H a l l e n , der weiße Fasan.
Im nördlichen Theile von China findet man eine Art von Fasanen,
deren Flügel und Schwanz mit einer großen Anzahl runder Flecken,
welche Augen ähnlich sehen, besäet sind, daher man diese Vögel
Argus,
sonst aber
Luen
nennet. Sie sind gelb mit schwarzen Flecken oder Punkten. Das
Gesicht ist roth und am Kopf eine gedoppelte blaue Federhaube, die
rückwärts fällt; um die Augen herum und an der Wurzel des
Schnabels ist er schwarz; der Hinterkopf, die Kehle und der Hals
sind roth, nur ist der Nacken blau. Der Schwanz ist keilförmig und
hat mit den Flügeln einerley Farbe; die zwo mittlern Federn sind sehr
lang und ragen sehr viel über die andern hervor. Der Größe nach
gleicht dieser Vogel einem indianischen Hahn.
Den Napaul
oder
gehörnten Fasan
setzt E d w a r d s unter die Truthühner, weil er um den Kopf fleischige
Auswüchse hat, nennt ihn aber den gehörnten Fasan. Er scheint in
der That dem Fasan näher, als dem Truthahn, anzugehören: denn
diese fleischige Auswüchse sind nichts weniger, als diesem letztern,
eigen, indeme sie der Hahn, das Perlhuhn, der Kasuar und andre
mehr ebenfalls haben. Man findet sie sogar auch an Fasanen: denn
die Haut um die Augen des weißen Fasans bildet in der That einen
gedoppelten Kamm über dem Schnabel und Backenlappen unter
demselben. Ueberdiß ist der Napaul aus dem Klima der Fasanen,
indem ihn M e a d aus Bengalen bekommen hat; er hat auch den
Schnabel, die Füße, die Sporen, die Flügel und die gänzliche Gestalt
des Fasans.
Der Napaul wird ein gehörnter Fasan genannt, weil er in der That
zwey Hörner auf dem Kopfe hat. Diese Hörner sind blau, cylindrisch,
am Ende stumpf, liegen rückwärts und kommen in Absicht auf ihre
Substanz mit schwieligem Fleisch überein. Er hat keinen Zirkel von
rother und zuweilen schwarz punktirter Haut, wie die Fasanen, um
die Augen, sondern dieser ganze Raum ist mit schwarzen Haaren in
Gestalt der Federn besetzt; unter diesem Raum und dem Ursprung
des Unterschnabels nim̄ t eine Art von Kragen, der aus einer
schlappen Haut bestehet, seinen Anfang, welcher hinab fällt und frey
auf der Kehle und dem Obertheil des Halses hängt. Dieser Kragen
ist in der Mitte schwarz, mit Haaren von eben dieser Farbe besäet
und mit mehr oder weniger tiefen Runzeln gefurcht; und es ist
wahrscheinlich, daß ihn der Vogel aufblasen und zusammen ziehen
kann. Die Seitentheile daran sind blau mit einigen orangefärbigen
Flecken und auswärts ohne Haare; die innere Oberfläche aber, die
auf dem Hals anliegt, ist mit kleinen schwarzen Federn, wie der Theil
des Halses, den sie bedecket, besetzt; der Wirbel des Kopfs ist roth;
der Vordertheil des Körpers röthlich; der Hintertheil mehr
schwarzbraun. Ueber den ganzen Körper, Schwanz und Flügel
mitgerechnet, sieht man schwarze weiß eingefaßte Flecken, die
ganz nahe beysammen ziemlich regelmäßig ausgesäet sind. Diese
Flecken sind am Vordertheile rund, am Hintertheil haben sie die
Gestalt der Thränen, und zwar so, daß sich die Spitze gegen den
Kopf kehret. Die Flügel reichen nicht über den Ursprung des
Schwanzes.
Man hat zwar in Amerika keine wahre Fasanen gefunden; unter

der Menge verschiedener Vögel aber, die diese weite Gegenden
bevölkern, siehet man einige, die mehr oder weniger Aehnlichkeit mit
dem Fasan haben. Von diesen nähert sich jedoch
Der Katraka,
oder, wie er sonst genannt wird,
der Fasan von Guiana
demselben am meisten. Er kommt mit ihm, in Absicht auf die Gestalt
überhaupt, auf den ein wenig gebogenen Schnabel, die roth
eingefaßten Augen und den langen Schwanz, überein. Schnabel und
Füße sind roth und der ganze Vogel ist dunkelrothbraun, die Seiten
des Kopfes, welche röthlich sind, und den Bauch, welcher
aschfarben oder schmutzig weiß ist, ausgenommen.
Man weiß von seiner Naturgeschichte zur Zeit noch nichts, und
der Name Katraka wird ihm in Mexiko gegeben.
Anhang.
Viele Reise- und Naturbeschreiber haben noch andern Vögeln den

Namen der Fasanen gegeben, die aber B ü f f o n nicht dafür erkennen
will, ob sie gleich auf seinen gemalten Platten unter Fasanennamen
vorkommen.
Diese Vögel sind folgende:
1.) Der Fasan von den Antillen
des B r i s s o n , oder der Fasan von der Insel Kayriouacou des d u
Te r t r e , welcher viel längere Beine und einen kürzern Schwanz, als
der Fasan, hat.
2.) Der gekrönte indianische Fasan
des B r i s s o n , welcher sich von dem Fasan durch seine ganze
Gestalt, durch die besondere Bildung des Schnabels, durch seine
Sitten und Gewohnheiten, durch seine längern Flügel und durch
seinen kürzern Schwanz unterscheidet, und, seine Größe
ausgenommen, mehr Aehnlichkeit mit dem Geschlechte der Tauben
zu haben scheint.
3.) Der gehaubte kayennische Fasan,
ein amerikanischer Vogel, den B ü f f o n unter diesem Namen
bekommen hat, der aber von dem Fasan, in Absicht auf die Größe,
die Stellung des Körpers, den langen und dünnen Hals, den kleinen
Kopf, die langen Flügel ⁊c. abzugehen scheinet.
4.) Der Hokkofasan von Guiana,
welcher nichts weniger, als ein Fasan, ist;
und 5.) alle andere Hokkos von Amerika,
die B r i s s o n , B a r r e r e und andere zu den Fasanen gerechnet haben,
von denen wir aber, so, wie von den vorigen, hier nicht weiter reden
wollen.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK
NATURGESCHICHTE DES FASANS ***
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Der schwarz und weiße chinesische Fasan

Man hat zwar in Amerika keine wahre Fasanen gefunden; unter

Viele Reise- und Naturbeschreiber haben noch andern Vögeln den

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Section 4. Information about Donations to

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where

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