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Making Theatre
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Engaging
with Brecht
Making Theatre in
the 21st Century
Bill Gelber
Engaging with Brecht
Bill Gelber
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2023
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
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Acknowledgments
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The cast, crew and production team of Texas Tech University’s Mother
Courage and Her Children (2015) for an amazing experience. Our pro-
duction lies at the heart of this book.
Kelly Parker, Bethany Crosby, and Kirk Davidson, for always being in
my corner.
Andrea Bilkey, Mrs. Hilda Hoffman, Anett Schubotz and Erdmut
Wizisla at the Brecht Archive, Silka Quintero at Granger Historical Picture
Archive, and Sherri Jackson at Bridgeman Images USA for permission to
use the images in this book.
The Director of the Bertolt Brecht Archive in Berlin, Dr. Erdmut
Wizisla, and his staff, Dorothee Anders, Anett Schubotz, Helgrid Streit,
and Iliane Theilmann. Their invaluable help and kindness during my visits
there were, for many reasons, life-changing.
My family: My sons Devon, Alex, and James: I couldn’t be prouder of you.
And always: Debbie, my guiding light.
Contents
2 F
ive Productions of Mother Courage: 1941, 1949, 1950,
1951, and 2015 25
3 Collaborative Analysis 49
vii
viii Contents
Bibliography255
Index265
List of Images
Image 2.1 Mother Courage and Her Children rehearsal with Brecht,
Helene Weigel (as Courage), Erwin Geschonneck (as
Chaplain), and Angelika Hurwitz (as Kattrin), Berliner
Ensemble 1951. (Photo: Hainer Hill) 35
Image 3.1 Collaboration in Brecht’s apartment: Paul Samson-Körner
(at piano), Brecht (standing), Edmund Meisel, Hermann
Borchardt, Hannes Küpper, and Elisabeth Hauptmann;
Berlin, Spichernstraße 16, 1927. Photo: Bilderdienst des
Deutschen Verlags51
Image 4.1 The Actors Take Positions Before Lights Rise. This happens
before Scene 5, during the Siege of Magdeburg. (Photo:
Andrea Bilkey) 78
Image 4.2 The cast of Mother Courage with Travis Clark’s paintings
flown in for the curtain call. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 79
Image 4.3 The setting for Scene 5 with the actors and artwork in place.
(Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 81
Image 4.4 Scene 3: Just before Swiss Cheese is executed, a rendition of
the Goya painting, “The Third of May,” is flown in. (Photo:
Andrea Bilkey) 83
Image 4.5 Scene 8: The Introduction of a painting representing Eddie
Adams’s 1968 photo, foreshadowing the death of Eilif.
(Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 84
Image 4.6 Scene 11: When Kattrin is shot, the painting of Käthe
Kollwitz’s woodcut Hunger falls on the roof of the barn,
covering her body. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 84
ix
x List of Images
Image 4.7 The Foley table is clearly visible to the audience just right of
the proscenium during the production of Mother Courage in
2015. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 85
Image 4.8 The crew resets for the next scene of Mother Courage in
2015. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 86
Image 4.9 Scene 8: The Chaplain and the Cook reminisce together
during a ceasefire much the worse for wear. (Photo: Andrea
Bilkey)87
Image 4.10 Scene 9: The band for Mother Courage in 2015, to the
right of the proscenium and clearly visible to the audience.
(Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 90
Image 5.1 Scene 4: Kelsey Fisher-Waits in the Haltung that defined
her Figure. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 114
Image 6.1 The old friends finally work together again: Brecht and
Caspar Neher in Zurich 1948. (Photograph: Ruth Berlau) 122
Image 6.2 Rehearsal Arrangement for Mother Courage 2015 at
TTU. Scene 8, in which Yvette confronts the Cook while
the Chaplain, Mother Courage, and Yvette’s servant look
on. Original Title: “Putting Pieter in His Place.”
(Rehearsal Photo: Bill Gelber) 126
Image 6.3 The same moment from Scene 8 of the 2015 TTU
production but in its final form at the final dress rehearsal.
Note that Courage is now between the Cook and Yvette,
further enjoying the confrontation. The servant doesn’t
feel it is his place to watch. (Photo: Andrea Bilkey) 126
Image 6.4 Pieter Bruegel the Elder, “Landscape with the Fall of
Icarus,” c. 1588 (oil on canvas) (Bridgeman Images) 128
CHAPTER 1
1
Marc Silberman, “Brecht was a Revolutionary,” Jacobin, February 4, 2019, https://
jacobinmag.com/2019/04/bertolt-brecht-marxist-culture-politics-estrangement.
2
Tim Prentki, “Introduction to poetics of representation,” in Tim Prentki and Nicola
Abraham, eds., The Applied Theatre Reader (New York: Routledge, 2009), 21.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 3
3
Bertolt Brecht, Brecht on Performance, eds. Tom Kuhn, Steve Giles, and Marc Silberman,
trans. Charlotte Ryland, Romy Fursland, Steve Giles, Tom Kuhn, and John Willett (London:
Bloomsbury, 2018), 251. Hereafter BOP.
4
Bertolt Brecht, Brecht on Theatre. 3rd ed., eds. Marc Silberman, Steve Giles, and Tom
Kuhn (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 267. Hereafter BOT.
5
In his essay, “One Step Forwards, Two Steps Back,” Vladimir Lenin is summarizing
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s dialectics, within which we find: “There is no such thing
as abstract truth. Truth is always concrete.” Quoted in John J. White, Bertolt Brecht’s
Dramatic Theory (New York: Camden House, 2004), 219–220.
6
Carl Weber, “Brecht and Communism” from Brecht Unbound, eds. James K. Lyon and
Hans-Peter Breuer (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1995).19.
4 B. GELBER
and discovered an issue: “I got the impression that these processes simply
could not be explained, in other words were not rationally comprehensible.”7
He then sought the answers to his confusion in the works of Karl Marx.
Once Brecht read portions of Marx’s Capital, he not only saw the system
at work in Chicago, but he discovered a new sounding board upon which
to pitch his ideas, a powerful, albeit a conceptual one: “This man Marx
was the only spectator for my plays whom I had ever seen.”8
In particular, Brecht pointed to Karl Marx’s 11th Thesis on Feuerbach
and wrote, “I wanted to take the principle that it was not just a matter of
interpreting the world but of changing it, and apply that to theatre.”9
Brecht’s sense of how the world worked was a key to understanding his
unique contributions: theatre practice was an essential means of combat-
ing the unfortunate effects of a bourgeois society promoting its agenda as
the status quo; instead Brecht, leading an audience towards a critique of a
world they took for granted, had hopes for the creation of a socialist
society.
He believed theatre could be an agent for change, a vehicle for opening
the eyes of the spectator to the possibilities for a future society by pointing
out the flaws of the current social environment rendered by the people in
power as the natural and unchangeable order of things. This was because
he believed people’s consciousness was determined by their social exis-
tence, rather than the reverse.10 Anthony Squiers explained how Brecht
sought to “force people to conclude that humans are largely responsible
for the construction of their ideological and material reality and that they
are therefore not bound to how things are presently.”11 Brecht could apply
a specific political lens, Marxism, to encourage such a view on the part of
the spectator and use methods to produce this cognitive uncertainty or, as
will be discussed later in this chapter, create what he called the
Verfremdungseffekt.
His became a visceral response to the governmental policies of the
Weimar Republic, during a tumultuous period for politics in Germany. In
1929, Bertolt Brecht was watching the May Day demonstration in Berlin
Klaus Völker, Brecht: A Biography (New York: The Seabury Press, 1978), 110.
7
9
BOT 248.
10
See “Katzgraben Notes 1953,” in BOP 274.
11
Anthony Squiers, “Philosophizing Brecht: An Introduction for Dark Times,” in
Philosophizing Brecht: Critical Readings on Art, Consciousness, Social Theory and Performance,
eds. Norman Roessler and Anthony Squiers (Boston: Brill Rodopi, 2019), 5.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 5
from the balcony of his friend Fritz Sternberg’s apartment when the police
began to fire on the crowd and killed twenty-five unarmed protesters.
Sternberg recalled, “When Brecht heard the shots and saw that people
were being hit, he turned white in the face in a way that I’d never seen
before in my life.”12 Overlooking this bloody suppression of an opposing
political party by the governing one, Brecht’s belief in revolutionary
change was strengthened. Brecht became a committed Marxist, even
though he never officially joined the Communist party.
Klaus Völker describes how Brecht found Marxism useful as a form of
investigation, “Brecht saw that Marxism was a scientific method that
would enable him to analyze the things that interested him as a dramatist
and produce them onstage.”13 This idea of marrying scientific inquiry to
artistic goals was a thread woven throughout Brecht’s explorations of the-
atre. Every work of art contained within it the societal constructs of the
time in which it was written. Brecht could not only infuse his own works
with revelations about these ideas but use various existing texts, familiar to
the theatre-going public, to upset the spectators’ notions of the underly-
ing reasons for character behavior; many of his works are adaptations or
responses to already existing plays.14
Becoming a playwright did not satisfy Brecht’s artistic and political
ends. Brecht needed to control the means whereby these works were pre-
sented to the public. Brecht always maintained a play was not completed
until it had been tested in the laboratory that was the theatre: “it [sic] is
impossible to finish a play properly without a stage.”15 Unless he himself
supervised a production, he couldn’t know if the play would be effica-
cious, since he relied on collaborators, such as the designers and the actors,
to both realize and question what was written and rehearsed. Unfortunately,
he learned this all too well when, in 1933, he lost the means of testing his
12
Stephen Parker, Bertolt Brecht: A Literary Life (London: Bloomsbury Methuen Drama,
2014), 262.
13
Völker, Brecht: A Biography, 110.
14
As Stanley Mitchell notes in his introduction to Understanding Brecht by Walter
Benjamin, “Brecht’s ‘plagiarism,’ his rewriting of Shakespeare and Marlowe, are experiments
in whether a historical event and its literary treatment might be made to turn out differently
or at least be viewed differently, if the processes of history are revalued.” Walter Benjamin,
Understanding Brecht, trans. Anna Bostock (London: Verso, 2003), xii.
15
Bertolt Brecht, Bertolt Brecht Journals 1934–1955, trans. Hugh Rorrison, ed. John
Willett (London: Methuen Drama, 1993), 73. Brecht kept to lower case letters throughout
his journals, a habit he shared with his friend Arnolt Bronnen, whose name he copied to
become Bertolt rather than Berthold.
6 B. GELBER
ideas onstage. Though Brecht achieved great success, both monetarily and
culturally, with The Threepenny Opera in 1928, by 1933 Brecht found
himself in great danger when Hitler used the Reichstag Fire as a pretext to
seize power. Brecht realized that, for himself and Germany, this was a
disaster, and he left the country on February 27 knowing the Nazi party
was openly hostile to his writing and would soon arrest him.16 He was in
exile, often in countries where he did not speak the language, for fifteen
years, with few opportunities to mount his own productions in the way
he wanted.
In 1949, when he returned to his homeland and finally had the oppor-
tunity to lead his own company with his wife Helene Weigel in the Soviet
Sector of Berlin, Germany, he had only seven years to realize his ideas for
performance onstage. The heart condition of which he suffered for most
of his life finally led to his untimely death in 1956 at the age of 58.
However, at the Berliner Ensemble (hereafter also the BE), he had been
training his assistants to carry on, sending them out to various cities to
oversee productions of his plays, using them to document his work in
model books, and giving them opportunities to realize their own projects.
Brecht constantly rethought his approaches and the way in which he
referred to them. He left behind him enough writing to fill thirty volumes
of complete works: plays, prose, poetry, journals, letters, and 3000 pages
of theoretical essays. He also left behind a legacy to be realized by his
collaborators.
While his works were collected in various forms both during his lifetime
and after his death, any English translations, particularly of Brecht’s theo-
retical writings on theatre, had appeared sporadically, beginning with John
Willett’s 1964 Brecht on Theatre, a collection limited by Willett’s access to
the German material, much of which had not yet been published in any
form.17 In 2016, Brecht on Theatre received an update by Marc Silberman,
Steve Giles, and Tom Kuhn, through the Writing Brecht Project, and in
2014, Stephen Parker’s biography, Bertolt Brecht: A Literary Life, a
16
His name appeared on the first Nazi blacklist compiled by Wolfgang Herrman in May of
that year. See Johannes F. Evelein, “Brecht and Exile,” in Bertolt Brecht in Context
(Cambridge: The University Press, 2021), 89.
17
At the time, according to the editors of Brecht on Theatre 3rd edition, only the Schiften
zum Theater [Writings on Theatre), a single tome of less than 300 pages, had been accessible
to Willett. See BOT 1. English-speaking Brecht scholars are indebted to the indefatigable
Willett, who translated Brecht’s letters, working journals, collected short stories, a selected
number of poems, and many of the plays.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 7
19
Marc Silberman, “The Work of the Theatre,” in Stephen Brockmann, ed. Bertolt Brecht
in Context (Cambridge: The University Press, 2021), 115.
20
There are exceptions: Meg Mumford points out gestus was an important term that
appeared in the daily reports on the practical work. See Meg Mumford, Bertolt Brecht (New
York: Routledge, 2009), 50. I have adapted the non-italic version of the word used by the
editors of Brecht on Theatre 3rd ed., although other quoted authors do not.
21
This is a distinction offered by David Barnett in David Barnett, Brecht in Practice:
Theatre, Theory and Performance (London: Bloomsbury Methuen Drama, 2015), 57–64.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 9
The Fabel
Brecht’s was a collaborative approach, and no more so than when creating
a critical framework for a production through a shared analysis of a play.
This is a version of the plot from a particular view that consciously seeks to
reveal the sociological, ideological, and/or economic implications of the
play’s environment and behaviors. Brecht called the product formed from
this analysis, a guide for the team members who could refer to it through-
out the process, as a Fabel.
In Brecht in Practice, David Barnett notes the Fabel is “an interpreted
version of events.”27 This adds a layer to the basic narrative. Rather than a
listing of the plot points, it becomes an examination of “fictional events
22
According to Manfred Wekwerth, one of Brecht’s favorite phrases. Stance here is
“Haltung” in German. See Manfred Wekwerth, Daring to Play: A Brecht Companion, ed.
Anthony Hozier (London: Routledge, 2011), 53.
23
See the sections in BOT under the subheading, “Dialectical Theatre,” 283–207.
24
By naivety, Brecht was referring to the reactions his theatre might arouse in his spectators
as they receive insights from the production, as a bridge between enjoyment and thought.
See Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 53.
25
Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 89.
26
In an essay written around 1954, “From Epic to Dialectic Theatre 2,” Brecht explicitly
states, “We may now stop using the term ‘epic theatre,’” as, at that point, he had replaced it
with the dialectical, BOT 284.
27
Barnett, Brecht in Practice, 86.
10 B. GELBER
Verfremdung
Verfremdung was rendered in English by John Willett in the first edition
of Brecht on Theatre as “alienation,”31 a word that may be confused with
its Marxist meaning: the worker being alienated from the fruits of his
labor. What Brecht meant by Verfremdung was the means of making the
familiar unfamiliar, to show the contradictions within a common-place
view of the world to demonstrate that the workings of that view are man-
made rather than inevitable and are susceptible to change. This becomes a
political move, as social systems are presented by those in control as natu-
ral and unchangeable, while any close examination of them is discouraged.
With this technique the spectator critiques these systems in an operation
that is “combative in nature.”32 Brecht is here promoting what he calls
“interventionist thinking” on the part of the spectator,33 that is, the
28
Barnett, Brecht in Practice, 89.
29
“Short Organon for the Theatre,” BOT 250. The editors have translated instances of the
word “Fabel” as “plot.”
30
BOT 250. For a discussion of gestus and gestic, see below. How gestic incidents are
revealed through acting is discussed below and in Chaps. 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9.
31
Bertolt Brecht, Brecht on Theatre: The Development of an Aesthetic, 1st ed., ed. John
Willett. (London: Methuen, 1964), beginning on page 71 and then continually used
throughout his book.
32
BOT 261.
33
BOT 243, “Short Organon for the Theatre §46.”
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 11
Ever-thus
Conceptually Verfremdung is applied to create a struggle within the minds
of the spectators with what they consider foregone conclusions, the view
of society as an unchangeable and ineluctable natural phenomenon; Brecht
called this idea of inevitability an “ever-thus (Immeriges).”34 From this
perspective, current social norms, laws, and systems had always been in
place, and therefore the possibility of change was deemed a fruitless
endeavor. By giving this view a label, Brecht playfully suggested its oppo-
site, a world ever changing, the ever-thus a useful construction applied by
a ruling hegemony to discourage change but just that: a construction that
could be replaced, as it had many times throughout history.
Historicization
In “On Experimental Theatre,” Brecht couples the idea of Verfremdung
with a device he names historicization.35 Brecht defines historicization as
“viewing a particular social system from the point of view of another social
system.”36 Two processes are involved here: (1) the actor must play the
events in history as unique and therefore comparable to later periods, and
(2) actors should treat present-day events as historical ones. In each the
behavior of people involved in those incidents is shown to be directly con-
nected to a specific social order, one that can be critiqued. At the same
time, such changes have occurred between the past and the present, sug-
gesting further change is possible. These processes foster a scientific atti-
tude, “a technique of getting irritated with the everyday, ‘self-evident,’
universally accepted occurrence.”37 In this way, the spectator becomes “a
social historian” who can contemplate how yesterday became today.38 This
leads to Verfremdung.
34
Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 36. I have not discovered this term in other writings about
Brecht’s theories in English.
35
BOT 187.
36
BOP 122.
37
BOT 188.
38
BOT 196–198.
12 B. GELBER
Gestus
It is one thing to create a theoretical strategy. It is another to realize it in
performance so it is clear to an audience. Brecht did so through what he
called “gestus.” An exact definition of what Brecht meant by this word is
hard to pin down. It is important enough to Brecht’s work that Hanns
Eisler enthused, “The gestus is one of Brecht’s brilliant discoveries. He
discovered it in the same way as Einstein, for example, discovered his
famous formula.”41 The editors of Brecht on Theatre noted the famed
writer “ultimately used the word in such an inflammatory way that gestus
could stand in general for Brecht’s entire approach to staging theatre.”42
For the purposes of this book, I apply the term gestus using a definition
suggested by the editors: as a procedure that can “connect theatre event,
society, and audience by making actions observable, pointing to the struc-
turally defining causes behind them, and enabling critique.”43 More than
39
Arrigo Subiotto, Bertolt Brecht’s Adaptations for the Berliner Ensemble (London: The
Modern Humanities Research Association, 1975), 5.
40
Arrigo Subiotto, Bertolt Brecht’s Adaptations, 9.
41
Hans Bunge, Brecht, Music and Culture: Hanns Eisler in Conversation with Hans Bunge,
eds. Sabine Berendse and Paul Clements (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 54.
42
BOT 6.
43
BOT 6.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 13
a simple “gesture” (the literal translation of gestus when it’s not referring
to Brecht’s practice), this form of the term describes a range of behaviors
that reveal how society affects relations. The gestus signifies what a motion
or action means as social behavior, separating these social relations from
hegemonic ideology and language to see them more clearly as historically
determined. For Brecht, this is the concrete truth of behavior separated
from its bourgeois trappings allowing the audience to more clearly exam-
ine reality.
The historicized events are the gestic incidents revealed through the
behavior of the Figures. This is because the epic theatre “is chiefly inter-
ested in the behavior of people towards one another, wherever they are
socio-historically significant (typical).”44 In this way, “the scene is played
as a piece of history,”45 so that the spectators can consider it from a differ-
ent perspective, one separated from the everyday.
The Fabel is the first attempt to apply gestus to particular moments in
the play before they are realized specifically onstage. In this way, all the
elements to come, including the design and performances, are aiming
towards the revelation of gestus.46
Haltung47
In the actors’ case, behavioral signs must be clearly revealed through per-
formance. Manfred Wekwerth notes that Brecht would refer to the gestus
of the actors as “an individual stance taken by a character.”48 This attitude,
revealed through the Figure’s comportment, and including vocal and
physical choices, is the Haltung. Unlike a character, which may have an
overarching attitude and be driven by a particular intent, the Haltung of a
Figure is fluid: it may vary from moment to moment based on the rela-
tionships of the Figures towards each other and their surroundings as well
as the tendency of the Figures to react in a contradictory fashion to various
situations. Such contradiction within a display of behaviors, a series of
stances the spectators can examine, may lead to Verfremdung because the
Figures’ actions prove to be inconsistent. The Figure cannot be pinned
44
BOT 126.
45
BOT 126.
46
See later passages in this chapter for further discussion and definitions of gestus.
47
Plural Haltungen.
48
Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 66.
14 B. GELBER
The “Not…But”
In Daring to Play, Manfred Wekwerth explains a Brecht strategy: “The
play must be performed, produced and written in such a manner that the
spectator is surprised by the plot development and the characters’
behavior.”50 A Figure has options, what they do versus what they don’t
do, and Brecht wanted both displayed in such a way the audience could
see one choice and imagine others. He gave this idea a name: the
“Not…But.” The Figures do not act according to the audience’s experi-
ences and expectations but disappoint them. In this way, as Wekwerth
notes, “The expectation that is NOT fulfilled has to be built up by the
actor and the accompanying production to such an extent that the BUT is
a ‘breath-taking’ surprise.”51 This is another form of Verfremdung, offered
by the performance. Many examples of this concept will be discussed in
relation to Mother Courage as a play and as realized in performance by the
Berliner Ensemble and in 2015 at Texas Tech.
49
See Chaps. 5 and 6.
50
Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 62. Emphasis Wekwerth’s.
51
Wekwerth, Daring to Play, 62–63. Emphasis Wekwerth’s.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 15
Literarization
One strategy for accomplishing the act of Verfremdung in the early days of
Brecht’s epic theatre was Caspar Neher’s use of a half curtain, a light fabric
strung with wires across the stage at about head height that could be
quickly opened and closed for scene changes.54 More importantly it
became a projection surface, for the titles of scenes or films. The space
above it exposed the workings of the fly gallery or the lighting instruments
but also made room for further screens or signs. Banners, whether flown
or projected, became a theatrical form of footnotes, a scheme Brecht
referred to as literarization: “the strategy of linking the theatre with other
intellectual institutions by incorporating written text…so as to provoke a
different mode of reception on the part of the audience.”55 Literarization
was a form of Verfremdung because it disrupted the flow of the narrative.
The audience was “encouraged to look up and down and from side to
side, so that their visual space transcends that of the action on stage in a
process termed complex seeing.56 Spectators could use this form of com-
plex seeing as a researcher might, consulting other sources to further
52
Bertolt Brecht, Rise and Fall of the City of Mahagonny, trans. and ed. Steve Giles
(London: Methuen Drama, 2007), 69.
53
Brecht, Rise and Fall, 68.
54
This practice continued with the Berliner Ensemble until eventually both Brecht and
Neher felt it had become a Brechtian cliché. In Zurich in 1941, the names of the countries
the family traveled through were projected; the physical signs, constructed as part of the
scenery were flown in for the 1949 production. Bertolt Brecht, Collected Plays: Five, eds.
John Willett and Ralph Manheim (London: Methuen Drama, 1995), 280.
55
BOP 5.
56
BOT 184–185.
16 B. GELBER
learning would continue not only during the performance but beyond.
Peter Palitzsch, dramaturg and assistant director to Brecht, refers to the
whole process, the “‘Belehrung,’ or the education of the theatre spectator
from the time during the performance to well afterwards at home,”61 as a
“fundamental goal.”62
These terms, Verfremdung, historicization, ever-thus, gestus, Haltung,
the “Not…but,” Fabel, the Separation of the Elements, literarization,
over-egging, and pre-empting will be discussed in more detail and applied
to specific productions of Mother Courage and Her Children, at the
Berliner Ensemble in the twentieth century and the School of Theatre and
Dance at Texas Tech University in the twenty-first. In the latter case, all
these concepts undergo testing in the laboratory that is a stage and
rehearsal hall in an institute of higher education.
61
Kristopher Imbrigotta, “(Re)Building the Engaged Spectator: The Katzgraben
Programmhefte of the Berliner Ensemble, 1953/1972,” Brecht Yearbook 39: The Creative
Spectator, ed. Theodore F. Rippey (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2014), 99.
62
Imbrigotta, “(Re)Building,” 99.
63
Webster’s New International Dictionary: Second Edition Unabridged (Springfield, MA:
G. & C. Webster Company, 1934), s.v. “engage,” 847.
64
Webster’s, 847.
18 B. GELBER
65
Brecht, Rise and Fall, 68. Steve Giles, also an editor of Brecht on Theatre, translates the
table, which appears in BOT, differently than in this volume.
66
Brecht, Rise and Fall, 67.
67
See Chap. 8 for a discussion on Brecht and Stanislavsky, both compared and contrasted.
68
Carl Weber, “Brecht and the Berliner Ensemble,” in Peter Thomson and Glendyr Sacks,
The Cambridge Companion to Brecht (Cambridge: The University Press, 1994), 183.
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 19
including Mother Courage and Her Children. From there, the students can
eventually move on to other non-Brechtian pieces and note their facility
for handling those concepts.69
In Chap. 3, I discuss Brecht’s dramaturgical analysis, the Fabel, primar-
ily as applied to Mother Courage but also using examples from other plays
and productions. By applying Brecht’s use of contradiction and the con-
cepts historicization, ever-thus, Drehpunkte (or turning points),
“Not…but,” and Verfremdung, I demonstrate a means of converting plot
points to gestic incidents, as such a strategy requires a new form of critical
thinking by the production team. Implementing these keys to a Brechtian
interpretation and promoting dialectical thinking requires that all team
members come to an agreement about the lens to be applied to the pro-
duction, the attitude towards society as reflected in the author’s work, and
its relevance to contemporary ideologies.
In Chap. 4, I discuss how our production team collaborated in ways
suggested by Brecht and the Berliner Ensemble and how design is consid-
ered as a series of unique interpretations by each artist who contributes to
the discourse, as Brecht puts it, in a Separation of the Elements. At the
same time, I refer to Brecht’s concepts of literarization and the forms of
meta-theatricality Brecht used, as well as suggest new technological forms
available in the twenty-first century. Our design examples, based on our
view of the environment of the play as a laboratory, led to the creation of
an installation that allowed for the interdisciplinarity of art forms—sculp-
ture, painting, and music—and interrupted the progress of the play to
allow the audience to examine each of the events more closely.
In Chap. 5, the empirical work of mounting the play with actors is
accomplished by concentrating on the attitudes or stances (Haltungen) of
actors towards characters (Figures), and Figures towards each other. The
combination of the different Haltungen of each Figure creates what
Brecht calls the Grundgestus of the Figure, an overview of the role. I use
Keith Johnstone’s status as a shorthand for discovering Brecht’s gestus
through his unique treatment of the concept of Haltung. Brecht studied
the relationships between two or more people; Johnstone offers a means
of identifying this relationship, depending on the respective parties to
affect each other as they respond to levels of dominant or submissive
69
For examples of Brecht concepts used in Shakespeare, Chekhov, Patrick Marber, Arthur
Miller, and others, see David Barnett, Brecht in Practice and David Zoob, Brecht: A Practical
Handbook (London: Nick Hern Books, 2018).
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 21
A Note
I directed Mother Courage and Her Children: A Chronicle of the Thirty
Years War in the Spring of 2015. Since then, I have had the opportunity
to reconsider my work on that production and to add to my knowledge of
Brecht’s theoretical writings and practices, taking advantage of more
recent scholarship while continuing to implement new ideas and proce-
dures in the testing ground of a graduate scene study seminar in Brecht.
Therefore, the narrative that follows both describes what was accom-
plished back then and further develops that work based on my studies
1 WHY ENGAGE WITH BRECHT? 23
1
Bertolt Brecht, Mother Courage and Her Children: A Chronicle of the Thirty Years’ War,
trans. Eric Bentley (New York: Grove Press, Inc. 1966), xxix.
2
See Brecht, Brecht Collected Plays: Five, John Willet, 282. This is Brecht’s reformulation
of Clausewitz’s war as “the continuation of politics by other means.”
3
See Bertolt Brecht, Brecht Collected Plays: Five, particularly 271–331.
2 FIVE PRODUCTIONS OF MOTHER COURAGE: 1941, 1949, 1950, 1951… 27
Influences
Even in his youth, Brecht had been drawn to the events of the Thirty Years
War through fictional writings and the study of German history. His first
play, Die Bibel (The Bible), was a one-act play set during that time. He was
also familiar with the most famous novel from the seventeenth century,
Hans Jakob Christoffel Von Grimmelshausen’s picaresque The Adventures
of Simplicius Simplicissimus (1668), as well as that author’s The Life of
Courage, the Notorious Thief, Whore, and Vagabond (1670).
Grimmelshausen experienced the Thirty Years War first hand, and it is
believed he was present at the siege of Magdeburg, an event depicted in
Scene 5 of Mother Courage.4 Brecht would also have been familiar with
4
Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen, The Adventures of Simplicius Simplicissimus,
trans. J.A. Underwood (New York: Penguin Classics, 2018) xvi.
28 B. GELBER
5
Johann Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen, The Life of Courage: The Notorious Thief,
Whore and Vagabond, trans. Mike Mitchell (Sawtry: Dedalus Limited, 2001). The author’s
name varies depending on the edition and title of the work.
6
This latter point is made by Peter Thomson in his excellent study of the play, Brecht:
Mother Courage and Her Children (Cambridge: The University Press, 1997), 7.
7
Johan Ludvig Runeberg, Collected Poetical Works (Hastings, East Sussex: Delphi Classics,
2015), 1847.
2 FIVE PRODUCTIONS OF MOTHER COURAGE: 1941, 1949, 1950, 1951… 29
among the faiths finally devastated the city. By the time the war ended,
Augsburg’s population had gone from 45,000 to 16,000 inhabitants.8
Brecht could not have helped but see this division mirrored in the rela-
tions between the Catholic citizens of Augsburg and the Protestant faith-
ful, including his mother, “the rebellious Protestant in the family.”9
Meanwhile, his lead character comes from Bamberg, a Bavarian city
106 miles from his hometown.
Later his position as an exile, looking at the terrible machinations com-
ing from his home country, inspired the writing of the play. When he left
Germany, he first settled in Denmark, buying a fisherman’s cottage along
the Svendborg sound, only 62 miles from the German cities of Flensburg
and Kiel and sounds of military operations. German patrols along that
body of water would point to the gathering storm, and the sense of
another destructive war was overwhelming.
By April 1938, Brecht’s fears of the advance of the German army had
already convinced him to leave his Danish home in Svendborg, and he was
fortunate to have friends who could come to his aid.10 Naima Wifstrand,
who had played the title character in her own Swedish translation of
Brecht’s play Señora Carrar’s Rifles in March 1938, found living quarters
in exile for Brecht and his family, including Weigel; his children, Stefan
and Barbara; as well as his collaborator and lover, Margarete Steffin. On
August 23, 1939, Germany and Russia had signed a mutual Non-
aggression Pact; any sense that Stalin would stop the tide of Nazi conquest
was dashed, especially when Russia, too, invaded Poland. In September,
when the Third Reich accepted Poland’s surrender, Brecht began to write
his chronicle.
The Brechts rented a house from the sculptor Ninnan Santesson on
Lidingø, an island near Stockholm in Sweden, where they would live for
less than a year. Wifstrand ran an acting school, and she invited Helene
Weigel to teach acting classes. Not only did she introduce Brecht to Tales
of a Subaltern, inspiring him to drop his work on The Good Person of
Szechwan, but he also planned on casting Wifstrand as Courage in a
Swedish production. In parallel, he also created the part of the
8
Parker, Bertolt Brecht, 12.
9
Werner Frisch and K.W. Obermeier, Brecht in Augsburg (Berliner and Weimar: Aufbau,
1998), 247.
10
Brecht lived in Svendborg for six years, with visits to Paris, Moscow, New York, and
London during that period.
30 B. GELBER
speech-impaired Kattrin for his wife, who spoke no Swedish. Brecht wrote
Mother Courage and Her Children: A Chronicle of the Thirty Years War, in
a flurry of activity between September 27 and November 3, 1939.
The final product was an epic of twelve scenes, ranging over a period of
twelve years. The Thirty Years War (from 1618 to 1648) was a protracted
and agonizing conflict fought over a wide swath of Europe, and the cause
of an estimated four and half to eight million deaths. On the surface, the
war was a struggle between Protestant and Catholic armies supported by
the Bourbons or the Hapsburgs, but Brecht highlighted a deeper truth:
those religious conflicts allowed the leaders of each side to acquire, by
force, great wealth and resources. Brecht concentrated not on generals
such as Wallenstein and Tilly, but on the common people, whose homes
were invaded by friend and foe alike and who were most brutally and
immediately affected by the ravages of the fighting. We follow one of
them, Anna Fierling, ironically nicknamed Mother Courage because she
crossed a battlefield at Riga, afraid her wares would go stale before she
could deliver them. As she leads her offspring through a hellish landscape,
they subsist by selling booze and supplies to both sides. As a petit bour-
geois, Courage does her part to prolong the war through business, despite
the devastation she sees around her and the losses she suffers.
Synopsis
The play opens in 1624. Mother Courage plies her trade by selling sup-
plies and serving food and drink from her wagon as she follows the Second
Finnish Regiment of the Protestant army. Courage and her three chil-
dren—sons Eilif and Swiss Cheese, and a mute daughter, Kattrin—encoun-
ter two soldiers seeking new recruits for the Finnish Regiment. While
distracting Courage, the soldiers convince Eilif to join the army. Two years
later, Courage meets Eilif again, as she haggles with an army cook over the
price of her chicken. Eilif has proved himself to be a brave soldier and is
being feted by the General, but his mother considers his heroic actions
foolish.
Three years pass. Courage finds herself in the company of the Cook,
Yvette (a camp whore), and the army Chaplain when suddenly the
Catholics attack the Finnish Regiment, with whom, so far, Courage has
cast her lot. The Cook escapes, but Courage and her family are prisoners
in their own camp. Swiss Cheese, loyal to the Regiment, hides their cash
box from the enemy. He is captured and refuses to betray either his
2 FIVE PRODUCTIONS OF MOTHER COURAGE: 1941, 1949, 1950, 1951… 31
regiment or his family to the soldiers. Courage must then bargain for her
son’s life, at one point trying to parlay her one source of income, her can-
teen wagon. But Courage bargains too long; she hears the shots of the
firing squad that executes her son.
After three years, Courage, Kattrin, and the Chaplain find themselves in
Magdeburg during its siege and destruction. The Chaplain forces Courage
to hand over her valuable officers’ shirts to be torn into bandages for the
wounded. A year later, she is selling drinks to the soldiers during the
funeral of Field Marshall Tilly. She rejects the Chaplain’s offer of marriage.
She sends Kattrin for supplies, but her daughter is assaulted and scarred.
Courage curses the war. Shortly after, as her fortunes improve, she praises
the war for what it has given her.
Later in 1632, peace has been declared. Courage is reunited with the
Cook. Yvette reappears, the rich widow of an old army colonel. Yvette
recognizes the Cook as Piping Pieter, whose seduction she blames for her
debauched life. After confronting the Cook, Yvette accompanies Courage
to the market, where she will sell her wares before their price falls. The
Chaplain, realizing that Courage prefers the Cook’s company to his own,
decides to return to the cloth.
During the ceasefire, Eilif mistakenly kills some civilians and is sen-
tenced to die. He comes to the camp under guard, but Courage is not
there. The Chaplain accompanies him to his execution. Just after they
leave, news reaches the camp that the ceasefire is over. Courage is back in
business, and the Cook decides to keep Eilif’s fate to himself. The Cook
accepts Courage’s offer to join her and Kattrin on their travels.
In the autumn of 1634, winter has come early. Courage and the Cook
must beg for food at a parsonage. The Cook tells Courage of a letter from
Utrecht informing him that, due to the death of his mother, he has inher-
ited an inn. He invites Courage to join him but not Kattrin. When Courage
and the Cook enter the parsonage for some soup, Kattrin decides to set
out on her own. Courage stops Kattrin from leaving. When the Cook
reappears, he finds them gone.
For more than a year, Courage and Kattrin follow the armies through
Germany. In January 1636, Courage and Kattrin have stopped at a farm-
house. When Courage goes into town to buy more supplies, Kattrin stays
with the farmers. Soldiers appear and force the farmer’s son to lead them
to the nearby town of Halle, which they plan to attack at night while
everyone is sleeping. The farmers begin to pray, but Kattrin climbs up on
the roof of their hut with a drum and attempts to wake the townspeople.
32 B. GELBER
The soldiers try to persuade Kattrin to come down. Though they finally
threaten her with death, she continues drumming. They shoot and kill
her. Suddenly, the bells of the town ring out: Kattrin’s warning has suc-
ceeded, and the sneak attack is foiled.
Courage returns before dawn to find her daughter’s body laid out in
front of her cart. She sings Kattrin a lullaby and pays the peasants to bury
her. Mother Courage returns to the road pulling her wagon alone, follow-
ing the armies and determined to get back to business.
Production History
When Mother Courage and Her Children premiered, on April 19, 1941, at
the Zurich Schauspielhaus in Switzerland, it was produced without
Brecht’s input or his presence in the audience.11 Instead, from his exile, he
received reports of its success and its effect on the spectators. Brecht must
have been pleased with the choice of his friend Therese Giehse for Mother
Courage, and she would go on to play the role for him in Munich in 1950.
Brecht noted that, unlike his host countries, it was in Switzerland that
theatrical artists were brave enough to produce him. Philosophically, how-
ever, since he had not staged the piece himself, it was, according to his
own methods, incomplete. Without a chance to test and revise, he had not
been able to maintain artistic control or indeed to tinker with it on the
stage. This was borne out by the way in which it was received and the
mistaken impressions it made.
In a 1956 German edition of the play, the following note appeared:
“To judge by the press reviews and statements of spectators, the original
production in Zurich, for example, though artistically on a high level,
merely pictured war as a natural catastrophe and ineluctable fate ….”12
Brecht’s message was confounded. Instead, it confirmed “the belief of the
petit-bourgeois members of the audience in their own indestructibility
and power to survive.”13 Once the war was over, Brecht was able to make
changes in the script before its 1949 East German premiere to rectify this
misconception. In this revised version, Courage’s choices demonstrate the
contradiction between what spectators might do as humane and engaged
11
The production was directed by Leopold Lindtberg and designed by Teo Otto.
12
Brecht, Collected Plays: Five, 321–322.
13
Brecht, Collected Plays: Five, 321–322.
2 FIVE PRODUCTIONS OF MOTHER COURAGE: 1941, 1949, 1950, 1951… 33
14
Bertolt Brecht, Journals 1934–1955, ed. John Willett (New York, Routledge, 1996),
401 (October 27, 1948). Brecht’s idiosyncratic use of lower case and upper case letters is
kept here to note Brecht’s emphases.
15
Bertolt Brecht, Journals, 404. Brecht’s emphasis.
16
In the earlier script, Courage shows her concern for the Sergeant, who she has spooked
with her foretelling of his death. While she revives his spirits with alcohol, the Recruiter
leaves with Eilif: this care for another human being is replaced by concern over a sale. See
Brecht, Collected Plays: Five, 271–272.
34 B. GELBER
Brecht also added Scene 10 to the 1949 production. In this short inter-
lude Courage and Kattrin, as they pull their wagon, come upon a cottage,
in which a young woman is singing the “Song of the Rose,” a song
expressing gratefulness for a warm home in winter. According to Käthe
Rülicke-Weiler, this reminds the audience of what Courage has sacrificed
by choosing her daughter over the Cook.17
These changes apparently had the affect Brecht wanted: “The tragedy
of Courage and her life, which was profoundly tangible to the spectators,
consisted of the fact that there was a horrific contradiction here that
destroyed a person, a contradiction that could be resolved, but only by
society itself and only through long, terrible struggles.”18 The tragedy was
not just Courage’s but society’s; it was a form of common beliefs that she
embraced and that led to her downfall.
Mother Courage would be Brecht’s reintroduction to a German audi-
ence after fifteen years. Whether East or West Germany would welcome
him was a real question in the spring of 1948. Brecht was offered a chance
to work with his old friend Erich Engel at the Munich Kammerspiele.
However, the U.S. Secretary of State banned him from entering the US
Zone. The leaders of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in East
Germany, on the other hand, offered him many incentives to settle in the
Soviet sector, including a venue for his plays and a large budget from which
to operate. Brecht also wished to participate in the new socialist society. He
decided to make East Berlin his home for the rest of his short life.
The play was a personal watershed for Brecht: its premiere in East
Berlin at the Deutsches Theater on January 11, 1949 (Image 2.1), was
co-directed by Erich Engel and starred his wife Helene Weigel as Courage,
Angelika Hurwicz as Kattrin, Paul Bildt as the Cook, and Werner Hinz as
the Chaplain, with a new score by Paul Dessau, and settings by Teo Otto.19
It was a directorial triumph and paved the way for the establishment of his
own company, the Berliner Ensemble.20 Weigel was recognized as an
international star, and Courage became her signature part. She continued
17
Rülicke-Weiler, Die Dramaturgie Brechts, 91.
18
BOT 304.
19
Dessau’s score was first used by the Zurich Company when they played in Vienna in
1946 and then the Berliner Ensemble in 1949: Brecht, Collected Plays: Five, xxxiv.
20
The play did not open the official first season of the Berliner Ensemble, nor was it the
first play they produced at their permanent home, the Theater am Schiffbauerdamm on
March 19, 1954. (The former was Mr Puntila and His Man Matti, the latter an adaptation
of Moliere’s Don Juan.) See Parker, Bertolt Brecht, 583.
2 FIVE PRODUCTIONS OF MOTHER COURAGE: 1941, 1949, 1950, 1951… 35
Image 2.1 Mother Courage and Her Children rehearsal with Brecht, Helene
Weigel (as Courage), Erwin Geschonneck (as Chaplain), and Angelika Hurwitz (as
Kattrin), Berliner Ensemble 1951. (Photo: Hainer Hill)
to play this demanding role even as she took on the role of Intendantin of
the BE, the operations manager of the company in charge of all business
and technical matters, a post she held until her death in 1971.21
In 1950, at the Kammerspiele in Munich, Brecht decided to test the
work he had done in 1949, directing the Zurich Mother Courage, Therese
21
Käthe Rülicke-Weiler describes Weigel’s role in detail in “Bertolt Brecht at the Berliner
Ensemble,” int. Matthias Braun, New Theatre Quarterly, Vol. 7, Issue 25, February 1991
(Cambridge University Press, 1991), 3. Brecht served as the artistic director. Intendantin is
the feminine form of the noun.
36 B. GELBER
Giehse.22 He used the model he had created with Ruth Berlau, the exten-
sive documentation he had insisted be kept on the premiere Berlin produc-
tion. He did not slavishly follow his original findings, especially as he had a
very different actress for his lead. Unlike her performance in Switzerland,
and on tour in Vienna, Giehse enacted a new Courage closer to Brecht’s
intentions than her previous playing of the part, contributing new business
and interpretations. He was very pleased with the results, noting, “The
moves based on the model are triumphant,” and of Giehse’s performance
he wrote, “giehse is quite admirable in the way she completely revamps the
moves she had used with such success in Zurich and vienna [sic].”23
Theaterarbeit included an even more glowing review from the Berliner
Ensemble. According to the authors, Giehse “showed how a great actor
can make use of the arrangement and theatrical material in a model pro-
duction to devise a unique and distinctive character.”24 The discoveries he
made in this production were applied to his update at the Berliner Ensemble
in 1951 with Ernst Busch as the Cook and Erwin Geschonneck as the
Chaplain and Helene Weigel and Angelika Hurwicz reprising their roles.
One of the most important additions was Courage’s penultimate line,
added in the Munich production: “I’ve got to get back in business.”25 This
was a verbal reminder that Courage had learned nothing from her experi-
ences, but would continue to seek to profit from the war.
With Mother Courage and Her Children, Brecht brought his company
to the attention of a world-wide audience, appearing at the Festival of
Dramatic Art in Paris in June 1954 and being awarded both Best Play and
Best Production. This recognition gave him some leverage with the East
German government, who preferred the style of Stanislavsky and the
Moscow Art Theatre promoted by the Soviet apparatchiks, and continu-
ally attacked Brecht’s work as “formalist.”26 This was in this same year the
company was able to finally move into their own building, the site of
Brecht’s first triumph, The Threepenny Opera in 1928, the Theater am
Schiffbauerdamm. They would no longer share a space with the Intendant
Wolfgang Langhoff at the Deutsches Theater.
22
For more on models and model books, see Chap. 9. Couragemodell 1949 was published
in 1958.
23
Brecht, Journals, 431.
24
BOP 206.
25
David Richard Jones, Great Directors at Work: Stanislavsky, Brecht, Kazan, Brook
(Berkley: University of California Press, 1986), 117.
26
The acclaim wasn’t universal, as the Soviet-led government in East Berlin objected to the
portrayal of an unheroic protagonist. This was a sign of political trouble to come.
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“Oh, don’t shout like a cheap skate,” answered Ned disgustedly.
“Go and fix yourself up, if you can, so I won’t be ashamed to go to
supper with you!”
Laurie glared, swallowed hard, and finally nodded. “Listen,” he
said slowly. “You don’t have to be seen with me if it offends your
delicate sensibilities. Get it? And, what’s more, I don’t want to be
seen with you. I’m particular, too, you big bluff. When you want to go
to supper, you go!”
Laurie grabbed wash-cloth and towel, strode across the room, and
slammed the door resoundingly behind him. Left alone, Ned
shrugged angrily. “Ugly-tempered brute,” he muttered.
When supper-time came he descended alone to the dining-hall.
Laurie had not returned to the room. Laurie arrived a few minutes
late, with Kewpie, and took the seat at Ned’s left in silence. He had
put talc powder over the abrasion on his cheek-bone, and at a little
distance it would not have been noticed. Nearer, however, the lump
was plainly visible and seemed to be still swelling. Ned caught a
glimpse of it from the corner of his eye, but his irritation still
continued, and he offered no comment.
After supper both boys returned to No. 16, although not together,
and for two hours occupied opposite sides of the table, and
crammed for their last examination, which was due at ten to-morrow.
Neither spoke once during the evening. At nine Laurie closed his
books and went out. Half an hour later Ned undressed and went to
bed. Sleep didn’t come readily, for there was to-day’s examination to
worry about, and to-morrow’s, too, for he hadn’t made much of that
two hours of preparation, he feared; and then there was this silly
quarrel with Laurie. He guessed he had been as much to blame as
his brother, but there was no sense in any one’s getting mad the way
Laurie had. When Laurie was ready to make friends, why, he’d be
ready, too, but that silly goop needn’t expect him to lick his shoes!
No, sir, if Laurie wanted to make up he could jolly well say so!
Sleep did come at last, and when he awoke it seemed hours later.
The room was in black darkness, but the squares of the wide open
windows were slightly grayer. What had awakened him he at first
didn’t know. Then his gaze caught a darker something against the
gray-black of the nearer casement opening, something that scuffled
on the stone ledge and grew larger as he wondered and watched.
He opened his mouth to speak, and then remembered that he and
Laurie were at outs. The form disappeared from sight, and footsteps
went softly across the boards, were muffled on the rug, and sounded
again by the door. The door was opened, and for a moment Ned
mentally pictured the boy peering anxiously out into the dim hall.
Then the door closed again, and after a short silence Laurie’s bed
creaked. To prove to the other that his return had not been made
unknown, Ned sat up in the blackness and thumped his pillow,
striving to express disapprobation in the thumps. Across the room
the faint stirrings ceased, and silence reigned again.
Ned smiled grimly. Laurie had probably thought that by being so
quiet he could get in without his brother’s knowing it, but he had
shown him! Then Ned’s satisfaction faded. What the dickens had
Laurie been doing out at this time of night? It must be twelve, or
even later! If he had been up to mischief—but of course he had; a
fellow didn’t climb into his room by the window unless he had
something to hide. Even being out after ten o’clock was a punishable
offense! Ned began to worry. Suppose some one had seen Laurie.
Why had Laurie gone to the door and listened unless he had
suspected some one of having seen him? The idiot! The chump! The
—
Over his head he heard a board creak. He listened. The sound
reached him again. In Elk Thurston’s room some one was up, too. Or
had he imagined it? All was quiet now. Was it possible that Laurie
and Elk had been settling their score? Surely not at this time of night.
And yet— From across the room came the unmistakable sounds of
deep and regular breathing. Laurie was asleep beyond a doubt! Ned
frowned disgustedly. Here he was worrying himself about a silly coot
that was fast asleep! He poked his head resolutely into his pillow. All
right! He guessed he could do that, too! And presently he did.
In the morning Ned waited for Laurie to break the ice, but Laurie
didn’t. Laurie went about his task of dressing in silence. There was a
sort of stern look in his face in place of the sullen expression of last
evening, and more than once Ned caught him looking across in an
oddly speculative way. The last time Ned caught him at it he began
to feel uneasy, and he wanted very much to ask what Laurie meant
by it. It was almost as if Laurie had caught him at something, instead
of its being just the other way about! But he was too stubborn to
speak first, and they went out of the room with the silence still
unbroken.
At breakfast, Mr. Brock, at whose table they sat, made the
disquieting announcement that Edward and Laurence Turner were
wanted at the Doctor’s study at 8:30. Involuntarily the gaze of the
two boys met swiftly. Each thought at once of examinations, although
further consideration told them that it was still too soon for any
shortcomings of theirs to reach the principal.
Although they had entered the dining-hall separately, now a
common uneasiness took them together to the Doctor’s, albeit in
silence. They were asked to be seated, which they accepted as a
favorable sign, but there was, nevertheless, something
unsympathetic in Dr. Hillman’s countenance. The latter swung
himself around in his chair and faced them, his head thrust forward a
little because of a near-sightedness not wholly corrected by his
spectacles. And then Laurie observed that the Doctor was gazing
intently at a point just under his left eye, and told himself that the
summons was explained. He was, though, still wondering why Ned
had been included in the party when the Doctor spoke.
“Laurence,” he asked, “how did you come by that contusion?”
Laurie hesitated, then answered, “I was having a—a little bout with
one of the fellows and he struck me, sir.”
“Who was the boy?”
“Thurston, sir.”
“Have you witnesses to prove that?”
“Yes, sir, several fellows were there. Pat—I mean Patton Browne,
and Proudtree and—”
“When did it take place, this—ah—bout?”
“Yesterday afternoon, about half-past five.”
The Doctor mused a minute. Then, “Which of you boys entered
your room by the window last night at about a quarter before twelve
o’clock?” he asked. The question was so unexpected that Laurie’s
mouth fell open widely. Then, as neither boy answered, the Doctor
continued: “Was it you, Laurence?”
“N-no, sir!” blurted Laurie.
Then, ere the words were well out, he wished them back, and in a
sudden panic he added, “I mean—”
But the Doctor had turned to Ned. “Was it you, Edward?” he
asked.
Ned’s gaze dropped from the Doctor’s, and for an instant he made
no reply. Then he raised his eyes again, and, “I’d rather not say, sir,”
he announced respectfully but firmly.
There followed another brief silence. Laurie was trying hard not to
look at Ned. The Doctor was thoughtfully rolling a pencil across the
big blotter under the palm of one hand. Ned watched him and
waited. Then the Doctor looked up again.
“You are, of course,” he said not unkindly, “privileged to refuse to
answer, Edward, but when you do there is but one construction to be
placed on your refusal. I presume that you did climb into your room
by a window last night. I confess that I don’t understand it, for this is
the first time since you came to us that your conduct has been
questioned. If you are shielding another—” his glance swept to
Laurie and away again—“you are doing wrong. Punishment that falls
on an innocent party fails of its purpose. I am, therefore, going to ask
you to reconsider, Edward. It will be better for every one if you
answer ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to my question.”
Ned returned the principal’s gaze straightly. “I’d rather not, sir,” he
replied.
“Very well, but I warn you that your offense is a very serious one
and that it calls for a drastic penalty. Were you alone in the—ah—
escapade?”
Ned looked puzzled. “Sir?” he asked.
“I asked you—But you need not answer that. I’ll put it another way.
There were two of you in the car according to an eye-witness. Who
was the other boy?”
“Car?” faltered Ned. “What car, sir?”
The Doctor frowned disapprovingly. “It is so futile, my boy,” he
said, “to act this way.” He turned to Laurie. “What do you know about
this, Laurence? You have said that you did not enter your room last
night by the window. At what time did you return to your room?
Where were you, for instance, at, say, a quarter to twelve?”
“I was in bed, sir.”
“What time did you go to bed?”
“About ten minutes past ten.”
“Where was Edward then?”
“In bed, sir, and asleep.”
“What? You are telling me the truth? Did you see him there?”
“Yes, sir.”
The Doctor frowned perplexedly. “Then you know nothing of any
one’s having entered your room by a window close to midnight?”
Laurie hesitated now. Then, “I went to sleep about ten minutes
after I got in bed, sir, and so I wouldn’t be likely—”
“Please answer my question,” interrupted the Doctor coldly.
“I’d rather not, sir,” said Laurie.
“One more question, then,” announced the inquisitor grimly. “Were
you in Mr. Wells’s automobile last evening when it collided with a
hydrant on Washington Street at approximately half-past eleven?”
“Why, no, sir! I didn’t know it had—had collided!”
Ned was looking rather white.
“You know nothing about the incident?”
“No, sir!”
“And you, Edward?”
“No, sir.”
“But, if you deny the automobile part of it, why not deny the rest? I
see, though. You knew that Mr. Cornish had seen you climbing in at
the window. I’m afraid you won’t get anywhere that way, Edward. Mr.
Wells’s car was taken from the front of the school last evening and
driven out Washington Street six blocks, where it was in collision with
a hydrant. It was abandoned there. A reliable witness states
positively that there were two persons in the car just before the
accident. About ten or twelve minutes later Mr. Cornish saw some
one climb up the Washington Street side of East Hall and disappear
through your window. Those are the facts, Edward. The evidence
against you is so far circumstantial, but you must acknowledge that
the incident of the car and that of your—of some one’s entrance into
your room by the window look to be more than a mere coincidence.
In other words, whoever entered your room at midnight was in the
stolen car a quarter of an hour before. That’s a fair and very natural
assumption. If I were you, I’d think the matter over carefully and see
me again before eight o’clock this evening, at which time it will come
before the faculty conference. And now, Laurence, let me have those
names once more.” He drew a scratch-pad to him and poised a
pencil. “You say Elkins Thurston struck you and that Proudtree,
Browne, and—who else was there?”
“Lew Cooper and Gordon Simkins were there when—right
afterward, sir, and I guess they saw it.”
“Thank you. That is all, then. I shall have to ask both of you to
remain in bounds until this matter is—ah—settled. Good morning.”
“But—but, Doctor, I’m—I’m on the baseball team, sir!” exclaimed
Laurie in almost horrified accents. “We play this afternoon!”
“I’m sorry, Laurence,” was the reply, “but until you are more frank
in your answers I shall have to consider you under suspicion, also.”
“Well,” said Laurie bitterly, when they were outside, “you certainly
have made a mess of things!”
“I!” exclaimed Ned incredulously, “I’ve made a mess of things?
What about you?”
“Me? What could I say?” countered Laurie hotly. “I did all I could!”
“All right,” said Ned wearily. “Let’s drop it. He won’t be able to pin
anything on you. You’ll get out of it all right.”
There was a trace of bitterness in Ned’s voice, and Laurie
scowled. “Well, he asked me so suddenly,” he muttered
apologetically, “I—I just said what came into my head. I’m sorry. I’d
have refused to answer if he hadn’t sprung it so quick.”
“It would have been rather more—rather less contemptible,”
answered Ned coldly.
Laurie flushed. “Thanks! I guess that’ll be about all from you, Ned.
When I want any more of your brotherly remarks I’ll let you know!”
He swung aside and left Ned to go on alone to No. 16.
The story of the purloining of the physical director’s blue roadster
was all over school by that time. Ned got the full details from Kewpie.
Mr. Wells had left the car in front of School Hall, as he very often did,
and was playing a game of chess with Mr. Pennington. Shortly after
half-past eleven he had looked for the car, had failed to find it, and
had hurried to the corner. There he had met a man coming down
Walnut Street who, when questioned, said that he had seen such a
car as Mr. Wells’s about five blocks east, where Washington and
Walnut Streets come together, not longer ago than five minutes.
There were two persons in it, and the car was not being driven more
than, possibly, twenty miles an hour. Mr. Wells had gone out Walnut
Street and found the car with one front wheel on the sidewalk, the
mud-guard on that side torn off, and the radiator stove in. There was
no one about. The car wasn’t very badly damaged, it was said, but
Mr. Wells was awfully mad about it. It was down in Plummer’s
Garage, and Ned could see it if he wanted to. Kewpie had seen it. It
looked fierce, but maybe it wouldn’t cost more than a hundred dollars
to fix it up again!
“Know who did it?” asked Ned.
“Me? I’ll say I don’t!” Kewpie laughed relievedly. “I guess it was
professional automobile thieves, all right, though. They were
probably heading for Windsor. That’s a dark corner up there, and I
guess they lost the road and turned too quick. They must have lost
their nerve, for Mr. Wells drove the car down to the garage and it
went all right, they say. Guess they thought it was done for and didn’t
try to see if it would still go. Sort of a joke on them, wasn’t it?”
“I suppose,” said Ned carelessly, “none of our fellows are
suspected?”
“Of course not. Why, it happened after half-past eleven! Say, you
haven’t—haven’t heard anything?” Kewpie’s eyes grew round with
excitement. “Say, Ned, what is it?” But Ned shook his head wearily.
“I know no more of the business than you do, Kewpie. Now beat it,
will you? I’ve got an exam at ten.”
CHAPTER XXIII
SUSPENDED
That had been a day of events, and it was not yet over. Attic
Society was giving its usual end-of-the-term blow-out that evening,
and both Ned and Laurie were invited. The affair began at eight, and
at half-past seven they were in No. 16 putting the finishing touches
to their toilets. Although it was a stag-party it called for best clothes
and polished shoes and carefully brushed hair, and Laurie was trying
hard to subdue a rebellious lock on the crown of his head when there
came a knock on the door. Both boys shouted “Come in!”
simultaneously. Then the door was opened, revealing Mr. Cornish,
the hall master, and a stranger. The boys grabbed for their coats,
Laurie dropping a military brush to the floor with a disconcerting
noise. Mr. Cornish ushered the stranger in but himself came no
further than the door-sill.
“Here is a gentleman to see you, Laurence,” said the instructor. “I
was quite certain you were in, and so I brought him up.”
Mr. Cornish smiled, nodded to the guest, who bowed impressively,
and departed, closing the door behind him.
“Very glad indeed—” began Laurie.
“Have a seat, won’t—” supplemented Ned.
“Thank you.” The stranger again bowed and seated himself,
placing a cane across his immaculately clad legs and balancing a
somewhat square derby hat perilously atop. “I begin by offering you
my apologies for this intrusion,” he continued.
“Not necessary,” mumbled Laurie, his gaze busy with the guest.
The latter appeared to be about fifty, was under rather than over
average height, and was very broad and thick and, like his derby,
rather square of contour. He even had a distinctly square face which
began very high up, because of the disappearance of what hair may
have adorned the front of his head at one time, and ended in an
auxiliary chin. He wore a very black mustache whose ends were
waxed to sharp points. His eyes were quite as black and almost as
sharp as his mustache. He looked foreign, and, indeed spoke with
more than a trace of accent, but he was evidently a gentleman, and
he impressed the boys very favorably.
“With your permission,” he continued, “I will introduce myself.” He
regarded Laurie. “I have the honor of addressing Mr. Laurie Turner?”
Laurie nodded. The guest carefully secured hat and stick, arose, and
bowed deeply. “I,” he announced then, “am Mr. Goupil.”
For an instant silence ensued. Then, “Mister—I beg your pardon,”
said Laurie, “but did you say Goupil?”
“Goupil,” confirmed the gentleman, bowing again and smiling very
nicely.
“You mean,” stammered Laurie, “the Mr. Goupil? Of Sioux City?
Miss Comfort’s Mr. Goupil?”
“Surely.”
“Why—why, then,” exclaimed Laurie, “I’m mighty glad to meet you,
sir.” He stepped forward with outstretched hand, and Mr. Goupil
enfolded it in a far more capacious one. “And this is my brother Ned.”
Mr. Goupil then shook hands with the amazed Ned. After that they all
sat down. Mr. Goupil arranged stick and hat with precision, cleared
his throat, and began:
“My dear sister-in-law has told me of your most kind efforts in her
behalf, and I have presented myself to make explanation and to add