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0-13-416997-
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Contents
Special Features xii The Indus Region 32
Prefacexiii China34
About the Authors xix The Americas 34
Summary: Traits of Early Cities 35
Part I Understanding the City Crete and Greece 37
Its Evolution Rome37

1 Exploring the City  1

Decline: The Middle Ages
Revival: Medieval and
39

Why Study the City? 1 Renaissance Cities 39

Deciding What is “Urban” 3 The Rise of Modern Cities 42
The Urban Transformation 4 Case Study: London—The History
Urbanization as a Process 6 of a World City 43
Levels of Urbanization 6 Beginnings: 55 b.c.e.–1066 c.e.44
Urbanism as a Way of Life 9 The Medieval City: 1066–1550 45
The Complexity of the City: Various The World City Emerges: 1550–1800 46
Perspectives10 Industrialization and
The City in History 10 Colonization: 1800–1900 47
The Emergence of Urban Sociology 12 The Modern Era: 1900 to the Present 48
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Geography and Spatial Perspectives 12
Internet Activities
Critical Urban Theory: The City
and Capitalism 13
Urban Places and Behavior 14 3 Development of North
International Comparisons: The City American Cities  53
and Culture 15
The Colonial Era, 1600–1800 54
The Anatomy of Modern North
Characteristics of Colonial Cities 54
American Cities 18
The City-Instigated Revolutionary War 55
The City in Global Perspective  20
Growth and Expansion, 1800–1870 55
The Quality of City Life  20
The Beginnings of Industrialization 56
Discussion Questions • Internet Activity
Urban–Rural/North–South Tensions 58

2 Evolution of the The Era of the Great Metropolis, 1870–1950

Technological Advance
58
59
World’s Cities  23
Suburbs and the Gilded Age 59
Urban Origins 23 The Great Migration 60
Archaeology: Digging the Early City 24 Politics and Problems 61
The First Permanent Settlements 24 The Quality of Life in the New Metropolis 61
The City Emerges 25 Today’s North American Cities 62
City-States and Urban Empires 28 Decentralization62
Mesopotamia and North Africa 28 The Sunbelt Expansion 66
vii
viii Contents

The Evolution of Megaregions 68 Urban Decline and Anti-Sprawl Planning 112

Northeast Megaregion Assets 69 Portland Today 114
Sunbelt Problems 70 Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Internet Activities
The Postindustrial City 70
Deterioration and Regeneration 71
The Future 72 Part II 
Disciplinary
The Human Cost of Economic Perspectives
Restructuring73
Case Study: New York—The “Big Apple” 74 5 Urban Sociology
The Colonial Era 75 Classic and Modern Statements 117
Growth and Expansion 76
The European Tradition, 1846–1921 117
The Great Metropolis Emerges 76
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: From
New York Today 79
Barbarism to Civilization 119
Economic Resiliency 79
Ferdinand Tönnies: From
Upgrading the City 80
Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft120
Changing Population 81
Emile Durkheim: Mechanical and
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions • Organic Solidarity 122
Internet Activities
Georg Simmel: The Mental
Life of the Metropolis 123
4 Today’s Cities and Suburbs 85 Max Weber: The Historical and
Comparative Study of Cities 126
Urban and Suburban Sprawl 85
The European Tradition: An Evaluation 128
What Is Sprawl? 86
Urban Sociology in North America,
Why Do We Have Sprawl? 86
1915–1970129
Consequences of Sprawl 88
Robert Park: Sociology at the
Smart Growth 92 University of Chicago 130
Land Purchases 93 Louis Wirth: Urban Theory 133
Urban Growth Boundaries 94 Herbert Gans: The Urban Mosaic 136
Revitalizing Existing Cities and Towns 94 Wirth and Gans: A Comparison 136
Transit-Oriented Approaches 96 Claude Fischer and Subcultural Theory 138
Greening Our Cities 98 Classic Theories and Modern Research 139
Exurbs98 Tolerance in the City 139
The New Cities 99 Impersonality in the City 139
Characteristics and Commonalities 100 Density and Urban Pathology 142
Types of New Cities 100 Urban Malaise 143
Evolving Middle-Class Centers 104 New Directions in Urban Sociology 144
Three New City Variations 104 Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Gated Communities 107 Internet Activities
Types of Gated Communities 108
A Sense of Community 109 6 Spatial Perspectives
Common-Interest Developments  110 Making Sense of Space  147
Case Study: Portland, Oregon 111 Urban Geography 148
The Physical Setting 111 The Location of Cities 149
History112 Why Cities Are Where They Are 151
 Contents ix

The Shape of the City

The Radiocentric City
155
156
8 The Context of Cities
The Urban Experience  199
The Gridiron City 157
Urban Ecology 158 The Physical Environment 199
Concentric Zones 159 The Image of the City 200
Sectors160 Cognitive Mapping 203
Multiple Nuclei 162 The Social Environment: Gesellschaft 205
Limitations163 The Pedestrian: Watching Your Step 205
A World of Strangers 208
The Economics of Land Use 164
The City as Gesellschaft: A Reassessment 210
Central Place Theory 164
The Social Environment: Gemeinschaft 211
General Pattern of Land Use 166
Urban Networks 211
Limitations167
Identifying with the City 215
Social Area Analysis and Mapping 167
The City as Gemeinschaft: A Reassessment 217
GIS Mapping 168
The Texture of the City 217
Limitations169
Humanizing the City 221
The Los Angeles School: Postmodernism 169
Social Movements and City Life 222
Building Blocks 170
Suburban Life 223
Main Arguments 170
The Stereotypes 223
Limitations171
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
The Physical Environment 224
Internet Activities The Social Environment 225
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •

7 Critical Urban Theory

Internet Activities

174
The City and Capitalism 
9 Comparative Urbanism
Urban Political Economy 175 The City and Culture  228
Redefining the Study of Cities 176
The City and the Countryside 228
Urban Areas as Themed Environments 177
Interdependencies229
The Baltimore Study 178
Urban Dominance 230
Updating Marx 179
The City and Civilization 233
Logan and Molotch: Urban Growth
Machines180 The “Soul” of the City 234
The City as the Center of Civilization 235
Evolution of a Global Economy 182
The Civic Culture of the City 236
Deindustrialization182
The City and Societal Culture 237
Economic Restructuring 182
World-Systems Analysis 183 Case Study: Ming Beijing 237
Physical Structure 237
Scott: City-Regions and the Global Economy 187
Symbolism239
The Nested City 188
Case Study: Hellenic Athens 241
Critical Urban Theory: Four Principles 188
The Preclassical Period 241
The Urbanization of Poverty 191
The Golden Age 241
The Developing World 191
Behind the Glory 243
The Developed World 193
Ming Beijing and Athens: A Comparison 244
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Internet Activities The Culture of Capitalism and the City 244
x Contents

The Capitalist City 246 Ethnic Enclaves and Ethnic Identity 289
The Industrial Revolution 246 Ethnic Change 290
Urban Life as Economics 247 Racial and Ethnic Minorities 292
Assets and Debits 249 Blacks293
Case Study: Communist–Capitalist Beijing 249 Asians and Pacific Islanders 297
Urban Life as Politics 250 Hispanics301
Economic Reform and Environmental Issues 251 Muslims304
A Rising Consumerism 252 Native Peoples 304
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions • Women and Urban Life 306
Internet Activities
Work307
Urban Space 308
Part III 
The Structure of The Public Sphere 309
the City Case Study: Chicago, “City of the
Big Shoulders” 309
10 Stratification and Social Class Early Chicago 310
Urban and Suburban Lifestyles  256 The Burning and Rebuilding
of Chicago 311
Social Stratification 257
Jane Addams and Hull House 312
Social Class Distinctions 257
Immigrant Aid 312
Income Distribution Nationwide 261
Social Activism 312
Incomes Within and Outside Cities 262
Early Feminism 313
Wealth and Net Worth 262
Chicago in the Early Twentieth Century 313
Poverty Nationwide 263
The Postwar Period 314
Poverty Within and Outside Cities 263
The Chicago Machine 314
A Cautionary Note 265
Ordered Segmentation 315
Urban Social Class Diversity 266
Chicago Today 316
Upper-Class Urban Neighborhoods 266
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Middle-Class Urban Neighborhoods 268 Internet Activities
Working-Class Urban Neighborhoods 272
Mixed-Income Urban Neighborhoods 275 12 Housing, Education, Crime
Low-Income Urban Neighborhoods 277 Confronting Urban Problems  320
The Homeless 278
Housing: A Place to Live 320
Suburban Social Class Diversity 279
Adequate Housing: Who Has It? 321
Upper-Income Suburbs 279
Housing Problems: A Brief History 321
Middle-Income Suburbs 280
Public Housing 322
Working-Class Suburbs 281
Deterioration and Abandonment
Suburban Cosmopolitan Centers 281 in the Inner City 325
Minority Suburbs 281 The Great Recession and Foreclosures 326
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
The Inner City Today: A Revival? 326
Internet Activities
The New Urbanism 329

11 Race, Ethnicity, and Gender HOPE VI Program 331

Education: The Urban Challenge 333
Urban Diversity  288
Meeting the “No Child Left
Cities and Immigrants  288 Behind” Challenge 333
 Contents xi

Magnet Schools 335 Garden Cities 384

School Vouchers 336 The “City Beautiful” Movement 384
Charter Schools 337 The New Towns Movement 385
Crime: Perception and Reality 337 British New Towns 385
Public Perception of Crime 338 New Towns Worldwide 386
Explaining High-Crime Areas 341 New Towns in North America 388
Effects of Crime on Everyday Life 343 What Makes New Towns
What Is the Solution?  343 Succeed or Fail? 391
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions • Twentieth-Century Large-Scale Visions 392
Internet Activities The Radiant City 392
Broadacre City 393
Part IV Global Urban The Arcology 393
Try-2004394
Developments Utopia’s Limitations 394
13 Global Urbanization  348 Twentieth-Century Small-Scale Visions 394
Sidewalks and Neighborhoods 395
African Cities  349
Squares and Parks 395
Early Cities  350
Placemaking397
European Dominance  351
Festival Marketplaces 400
Modern Cities  352
The Future of Cities 401
Asian Cities  354
Possibilities402
China  354
Limitations403
India  357
Case Study: Toronto, Ontario 404
Japan359
The Physical Setting 404
Southeast Asia  360
History405
Latin American Cities  363
Creation of a Metropolitan Government 405
European Dominance  367
Two Phases of Urban Planning 406
Modern Cities  367
Toronto Today 407
Middle Eastern Cities  369 Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Early Islamic Cities  369 Internet Activities
Modern Cities  371
Common Problems  374
Glossary  413
Spiraling Populations  374
Quality of Life  375 References  419
Environment  375 Photo Credits   439
Shantytowns  376
European Cities  376 Index  441
Summary • Conclusion • Discussion Questions •
Internet Activities

14 Urban Planning
Past, Present, and Future  382
Past Visions 382
Why Plan? 383
Special Features
URBAN LIVING The Crazy-Quilt Pattern of New York, 1890 77
A Long Walk Through My Neighborhood 16 Working-Class Manchester, 1844 118
All New York’s a Stage 75 Our Town: The Spirit of Gemeinschaft122
Urban Apathy: Ignored Violent Attacks 125 New Orleans: Paying the Price for
Its Location 152
The Shame of the Cities: Who’s to Blame? 131
Break-of-Bulk in Two Cities 155
How City Dwellers Cope—and Cope Well 144
Miami’s Little Havana 168
India: A Different Kind of Poverty 193
Memories of an Older City in the New 206
Latin American “Street Children”:
Living on the Edge 194 The Personality of Cities 220
Learning to Cross the Street The Invasion of the City Slickers 232
All Over Again 208 The Industrial City: 1844 245
The Subway at Rush Hour 209 Pruitt–Igoe: Symbol of a Failed
Clothes Make the Man 210 National Solution 323
The Networks of Street-Corner Men 212 The Magnificent City of Tenochtitlán 364
Great Urban Rituals 216 The Islamic City 371
Mayor Fiorello La Guardia of New York 231 Toronto Plans Its Future 408
“Nothing but the Facts, Ma’am”
—Capitalist–Industrialist Consciousness 248 CITY SNAPSHOT
The “Philadelphia Gentlemen” 259 Denver, Colorado 106
Comparing Working-Class and Singapore189
Middle-Class Suburbs 282 Paris, France 218
Life in a Minority Suburb 284 London270
The Multicultural City and Food 292 St. Louis, Missouri 298
The Largest Slums in the World 377
URBAN TRENDS
CITYSCAPE “As American as Apple Pie” 87
San Francisco’s Massive Changes 7 Large Corporations Return to Cities 96
Daily Life in Catal Hüyük, 6000 b.c.e.27 The City and Civilization 234
Classical Rome: The Spectacle of Death 40 The New Urban Schools 336
The East End and West End of London 49 The Evolution of Primate Cities 363
The Northeast Megaregion (Megalopolis) 69 Jane Jacobs: Planning for Vitality 396

xii
Preface
S
ince the historic landmark year of 2008, a
steadily increasing majority of the planet’s
people are living in cities. Urban living is
rapidly becoming a widening norm for more and
more members of our species. Surely, no more
compelling reason exists for us to undertake the
study of cities and urban life.
The Basic Approach
This text is not the oldest in the field, but it is the
trendsetter, and often imitated by competing texts.
Our approach is multidisciplinary but funda-
mentally sociological. Readers will find here the
enduring contributions of the classical European
social thinkers, including Max Weber, Karl Marx,
Ferdinand Tönnies, Georg Simmel, and Emile
Durkheim, as well as those of early pioneers
in North America, including Robert Park and
Louis Wirth. Of course, many men and women
have stood on the shoulders of these giants and
extended our understanding. Thus, this text also
considers the ideas of a host of contemporary
urbanists, including Manuel Castells, Michael
Dear, Herbert Gans, Jane Jacobs, Henri Lefebvre,
Lyn Lofland, John Logan, Kevin Lynch, Harvey
Molotch, Allen Scott, Edward Soja, Michael Sorkin,
Richard Child Hill, and Kuniko Fujita.
Yet, as this string of well-known names sug-
gests, urban studies rests on research and theory
developed within many disciplines. Cities and
Urban Life, therefore, is truly a multidisciplinary
text that draws together the work of historians
(Chapter 2: “Evolution of the World’s Cities,”
and Chapter 3: “Development of North American
Cities”), sociologists (Chapter 4: “Today’s C ­ ities
and Suburbs,” Chapter 5: “Urban Sociology:
Classic and Modern Statements,” Chapter 10:
“Stratification and Social Class: Urban and
Suburban Lifestyles,” Chapter 11: “Race, Ethnic-
ity, and Gender: Urban Diversity,” and Chapter
12: “Housing, Education, Crime: Confronting
Urban Problems”), geographers and urban ecol-
ogists (Chapter 6: “Spatial Perspectives: Making
Sense of Space”), critical urban theorists work-
ing within various disciplines (Chapter 7: “Criti-
cal Urban Sociology: The City and Capitalism”),
social psychologists (Chapter 8: “The Context
of Cities”), anthropologists (Chapter 9: “Com-
parative Urbanism: The City and Culture,” and
Chapter 13: “Global Urbanization”), and archi-
tects as well as city planners (Chapter 14: “Urban
Planning: Past, Present, and Future”).
The Organization of this Text
Part I of the text, “Understanding the City: Its
Evolution,” introduces the main concepts and
themes that resonate throughout the book; sur-
veys the historical development of cities, not-
ing how urban life has often differed in striking
ways from the contemporary patterns we take
for granted (Chapters 2 and 3); and examines the
current trends of sprawl, edge cities, and gated
communities now shaping cities and suburbs
(Chapter 4). Part II, “Disciplinary Perspectives,”
highlights the various disciplinary orientations
that, together, have so advanced our under-
standing of cities (Chapters 5–9). Part III, “The
Structure of the City,” focuses on the social orga-
nization of today’s cities in North America, high-
lighting how urban living reflects the importance
of stratification and social class (Chapter 10) and
of race, ethnicity, and gender (Chapter 11), as well
as forcing us to confront vexing problems such
as housing, education, and crime (Chapter 12).
Part IV, “Global Urban Developments,” offers a
look at urbanization in the major world regions:
xiii
xiv Preface
Africa, Asian, Latin America, the Middle East,
and Europe (Chapter 13). It is in these first four
areas of the world that urbanization is now most
rapid, with cities reaching unprecedented size.
Finally, Chapter 14 examines the architectural,
social, and political dimensions of urban plan-
ning and discusses approaches to help cities
achieve their potential for improving everyone’s
lives.
Four Key Themes
This attempt to tell the urban story will lead us to
consider a wide range of issues and to confront
countless questions. Four main themes guide this
exploration, however, and it is useful to make
these explicit. Whatever else a student entering
the field of urban studies might learn, he or she
must pay attention to these themes:
1. Cities and urban life vary according to time and
place. Since the idea of the city first came to
our ancestors some 10,000 years ago, the
urban scene has been re-created time and
again, all around the world, in countless
ways. The authors—informed by their own
travels to some 70 of the world’s nations—
have labored to portray this remarkable
diversity throughout this text.
2. Cities ref lect and intensify society and culture.
Although cities vary in striking ways, every-
where, they stand as physical symbols of
human civilization. For example, nowhere do
we perceive the inward-looking world of the
Middle Ages better than in the walled cities
of that era. Similarly, modern U.S. cities are
powerful statements about the contemporary
forces of industrial capitalism.
3. Cities reveal the best and the worst about the
human condition. Another way to “read” cit-
ies is as testimony to the achievements and
failings of a way of life. Thus, while New
York boasts some spectacular architecture,
exciting public parks, vital art galleries,
and vibrant concert halls, it also forces us to
confront chronic prejudice and wrenching
poverty.
4. Cities offer the promise—but not always the real-
ity—of a better life. Since at least the time of the
ancient Greeks, people have recognized that
the city holds the promise of living “the good
life.” Yet all urban places fall short of this
ideal in some ways, and in many of today’s
cities, people are struggling valiantly simply
to survive. The great promise of urban liv-
ing, coupled with the daunting problems of
actual cities, provokes us to ask how we can
intentionally and thoughtfully make urban
places better. Although we are realistic about
the problems, we remain optimistic about the
possibilities.
Special Features of the Text
Two special features warrant the attention of
readers.
Boxes Each chapter contains several boxed
inserts. These boxes are of four kinds. Urban
Trends boxes depict a pattern, either past or
present, shaping people’s way of life. Urban Liv-
ing boxes provide a picture of the city “at street
level”—that is, a close-up look at how people
really live. City Snapshot boxes offer a brief profile
of a city as an illustration of a main point in that
particular chapter. Finally, Cityscape boxes present
a literary account or scholarly analysis of some
significant dimension of urban life.
Case Studies The text includes eight case stud-
ies that offer a broad sociohistorical look at major
cities in various regions of the world as they illus-
trate a chapter’s key points. The cities profiled in
these case studies are London (Chapter 2); New
York (Chapter 3); Portland, Oregon (­Chapter 4);
Ming Peking (Chapter 9); Hellenic Athens
(­C hapter 9); Communist–Capitalist Beijing
(Chapter 9); Chicago (Chapter 11); and Toronto,
Ontario (Chapter 14).

What’s New in the Seventh
Edition
This new edition reflects a number of changes. If
you want to know what the next edition of com-
peting texts will include, most likely it will be
from this list of a dozen changes that enhance Cit-
ies and Urban Life, seventh edition:
1. Thorough updating. Most important is the
­continuance of our policy to provide a thor-
ough updating in the text of all data and
information and to include the most recent
and relevant studies not only in sociology
but in many other related fields as well. Of
the more than 725 reference sources, about
four-fifths are from the twenty-first century;
the remainder are mostly classic studies.
No competing text even comes close!
2. The newest data from multiple sources. The latest
data from Asian, Canadian, European, and
U.S. government agencies and departments,
and the United Nations—as well as major
organizations such as the Pew Research
Center and the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development—have been
incorporated wherever practical, thus pro-
viding new demographic information about
changes to cities, suburbs, metropolitan and
non-metropolitan areas, and the growing
presence of minorities in all regions of the
country.
3. New boxed feature. City Snapshots offers a brief
profile of cities to illustrate chapter content.
In this edition are Denver (Chapter 4), Singa-
pore (Chapter 7), Paris (Chapter 8), London
(Chapter 10), and St. Louis (Chapter 11).
4. New section on nested city theory. Added to
Chapter 7 on critical urban theory is a section
on nested city theory, one of the more recent
concepts about the role of cities in the global
economy and how they are situated within
various systems—local, national, regional,
and global.
Preface xv
5. New section on HOPE VI program. This fed-
erally funded community revitalization
effort seeks to overcome past public housing
failures by embracing new urbanism con-
cepts to transform distressed poverty areas
(Chapter 12).
6. New feature articles. Two new Urban Living
features “A Long Walk Through My Neigh-
borhood” (Chapter 1) and “The Subway at
Rush Hour” (Chapter 8), and a new City-
scape feature, “Memories of an Old City
in the New” (Chapter 8), appear in this­
edition.
7. Chapter content reorganization. For greater
cohesiveness, the material on the econom-
ics of land use and central place theory has
been moved to Chapter 6 on spatial perspec-
tives. This change allows Chapter 7 to have a
tighter focus on critical urban theory.
8. Expanded coverage of world cities. In Chapter 13,
the material has been reordered and revised
to cover more than just the developing world.
New cities have been added (Cairo, Lagos,
Guangzhou, Tokyo, Mexico City, and Rio de
Janeiro), as has discussion about the lure and
shared commonalities of many European cit-
ies.
9. The Future of Cities. Chapter 14 contains both
a revision of material on urban planning in
the past and twentieth-century large-scale
and small-scale urban planning and devel-
opment. A new section on the future of cities
explains how current trends give us insight
into what will be the future of cities in growth
and development.
10. Updated case studies. The end-of-chapter
city case studies—as well as other in-text
city profiles, notably those of Cleveland
and Detroit—have been updated to reflect
changes in the last few years, the growing
Asian and Hispanic presence in cities, and
the renaissance of many older cities through
gentrification and tourism.
xvi Preface
11. Canadian content. The first urban text to
include the Canadian urban experience,
and still the most comprehensive about that
country’s cities, this edition incorporates
new demographics on that country, fur-
ther encouraging students to think beyond
national boundaries.
12. Discussion questions. New to this edition are
thought-provoking end-of-chapter discus-
sion questions, often pertaining to your area,
for in-class or at-home consideration.
13. Expanded Internet activities. Each chapter
­c ontains at least three links to interesting
websites relevant to chapter content, where
you’ll find photos, articles, or interactive
exercises.
14. Learning objectives. At the beginning of each
chapter, identification of special learning
objectives realized in the chapter enables
­students to focus on themes and key topics.
Supplements
Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank (ISBN
9780133882001) The Instructor’s Manual and
Test Bank has been prepared to assist teachers
in their efforts to prepare lectures and evaluate
student learning. For each chapter of the text,
the Instructor’s Manual offers different types of
resources, including detailed chapter summaries
and outlines, learning objectives, discussion ques-
tions, classroom activities, and much more.
Also included in this manual is a test bank
offering multiple-choice, true/false, fill-in-the-
blank, and/or essay questions for each chapter.
The Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank is avail-
able to adopters at www.pearsonhighered.com.
MyTest (ISBN 9780133882216) The Test
Bank is also available online through Pearson’s
computerized testing system, MyTest. MyTest
allows instructors to create their own personal-
ized exams, to edit any of the existing test ques-
tions, and to add new questions. Other special
features of this program include random gen-
eration of test questions, creation of alternative
versions of the same test, scrambling question
sequence, and test preview before printing.
Search and sort features allow you to locate ques-
tions quickly and to arrange them in whatever
order you prefer. The Test Bank can be accessed
from anywhere with a free MyTest user account.
There is no need to download a program or file
to your computer.
PowerPoint Presentation (ISBN
9780133882049) Lecture PowerPoints are
available for this text. The Lecture PowerPoint
slides outline each chapter to help you convey
sociological principles in a visual and excit-
ing way. They are available to adopters at www.
pearsonhighered.com.
E-Text and More
• Pearson e-text—An e-book version of Cities
and Urban Life, seventh edition, is included in
MySearchLab. Just like the printed text, stu-
dents can highlight and add their own notes
as they read their interactive text online.
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank the editorial team at
Pearson for their efforts in making this text a real-
ity. Particular thanks go to our past Pearson pub-
lishers: Nancy Roberts and Karen Hanson, for
their wonderful guidance and support for our
past editions. For this edition we likewise thank
Melissa Sacco, editorial project manager; Neeraj
Bhalla, production manager; and Abdul Khader
for picture research. We also are most appreciative
of the fine work by Saraswathi Muralidhar, p ­ roject
manager at Lumina Datamatics, Inc. in guiding
this new edition from its manuscript form to its
actual publication.
The authors also wish to acknowledge the
role played by James L. Spates, of Hobart and
William Smith Colleges, in a 1980s version of this
book, entitled The Sociology of Cities, coauthored

by Spates and Macionis. Although Vince Parrillo
and John Macionis have significantly revised
that effort at many levels, some elements of Jim’s
ideas still remain.
For their efforts reviewing part or all of the
manuscript and generously sharing their ideas
with us, we gratefully acknowledge the review-
ers for this edition and previous ones: [add new
reviewers’s names] Brian Sahd, Hunter ­College;
Robert L. Boyd, Mississippi State U ­ niversity;
Ivan Chompalov, Edinboro U ­ niversity; P
­ atrick
­D onnelly, University of Dayton; M ­ atthew
Green, University of Arizona; Richard S.
Muller, M­ onmouth University; Lee L. Williams,
­Edinboro University; Daniel J. Monti, Jr., Boston
University; Stephanie Moller, University of North
Carolina at Charlotte; Robert J. S. Ross, Clark
University; Mark Abrahamson, University of
Preface xvii
Connecticut; Robert L. Boyd, Mississippi State
University; Jerome Krase, Brooklyn College; Leo
Pinard, California Polytechnic State University–
San Luis Obispo; David Prok, Baldwin Wallace
College; James D. Tasa, Eric Community College–
North; Ronald S. Edari, University of Wisconsin;
and Daniel J. Monti, Boston University.
John J. Macionis
Kenyon College Gambier, Ohio 43022
E-mail: macionis@kenyon.edu
http://www.TheSociologyPage.com
Vincent N. Parrillo
William Paterson University, Wayne,
New Jersey 07470
E-mail: parrillov@wpunj.edu
http://www.vinceparrillo.com
This page intentionally left blank
About the Authors
John J. Macionis (pronounced “ma-SHOW-nis”)
has been in the classroom teaching sociology
for more than forty years. John earned a bache-
lor ’s degree from Cornell University, majoring
in sociology, and then completed a doctorate in
sociology from the University of Pennsylvania.
His publications are wide-ranging, focusing
on community life in the United States, inter-
personal intimacy in families, effective teaching,
humor, new information technology, and the
importance of global education. Macionis is the
author of Sociology and Society: The Basics, and
Social Problems, the most popular text in the field.
He collaborates on international editions of his
texts, including Sociology: Canadian Edition; Soci-
ety: The Basics, Canadian Edition; and Sociology: A
Global Introduction. These texts are also available
in various foreign-language editions. For the lat-
est on all the Macionis textbooks, as well as infor-
mation about how sociology can encourage social
change, visit the author ’s personal Web site:
http://www.macionis.com or http://www.The-
SociologyPage.com.
John Macionis has been professor and distin-
guished scholar of sociology at Kenyon College
in Gambier, Ohio, where he recently retired after
Vincent N. Parrillo was born and raised in Pat-
erson, New Jersey, which is the locale of three of
four award-winning PBS documentaries that he
wrote, narrated, and produced. His bachelor ’s
degree in business administration from Seton
Hall University, master’s in English from Mont-
clair State University, and doctorate in sociology
from Rutgers University offer insight into his
diversified accomplishments.
His publications include two historical nov-
els, Guardians of the Gate (2011) and Defenders of
thirty-five years. In 2002, the American Socio-
logical Association presented Macionis with the
Award for Distinguished Contributions to Teach-
ing, citing his innovative use of global material
and teaching technology in his textbooks.
Professor Macionis has been active in aca-
demic programs in other countries, having trav-
eled to some fifty nations. He writes, “I am an
ambitious traveler, eager to learn and, through
the texts, to share much of what I discover with
students, many of whom know little about the
rest of the world. For me, traveling and writing
are all dimensions of teaching. First, and fore-
most, I am a teacher—a passion for teaching ani-
mates everything I do.”
In his free time, Macionis enjoys tennis,
swimming, hiking, and playing oldies rock-and-
roll. He is as an environmental activist in the
Lake George region of New York’s Adirondack
Mountains, where he works with a number of
organizations, including the Lake George Land
Conservancy, serving as president of the board of
directors.
Professor Macionis welcomes (and responds
to) comments and suggestions about his texts.
Send him an e-mail to macionis@kenyon.edu.
Freedom (2016); Understanding Race and Ethnic
Relations, 5th ed. (2016); Strangers to These Shores,
11th ed. (2014); Diversity in America, 4th ed. (2012);
Contemporary Social Problems, 6th ed. (2005); and
Millennium Haze (2000). He is general editor of
the two-volume interdisciplinary Encyclopedia of
Social Problems (Sage, 2008). Some of his writings
have been published in nine languages.
Vince Parrillo is professor and graduate
director of sociology at the William Paterson
University of New Jersey, where he also serves
xix
xx About the Authors
as director of the Paterson Metropolitan Region
Research Center. Twice his university has hon-
ored him with its Award for Excellence in Cre-
ative Expression and Scholarship. His current
field research on Hizmet schools has taken him
to Albania, Bosnia, Canada, Kazakhstan, Poland
and Romania.
Professor Parrillo is also a Fulbright Scholar
and Senior Fulbright Specialist. A visiting profes-
sor at the University of Liege and University of
Pisa, he has given a great many presentations in
Asia, Canada, and Europe, under sponsorship of
the U.S. Department of State. A keynote speaker
at international conferences in Belgium, Czech
Republic, Germany, Italy, Poland, Romania, and
South Korea, he has also conferred with national
leaders in Canada, Czech Republic, Germany,
Norway, Poland, Romania, and Sweden on issues
relating to immigration. In addition, he has con-
ducted numerous diversity training sessions
for NCOs and senior officers at various military
bases at the invitation of the U.S. Department of
Defense.
A past vice president of the Eastern Socio-
logical Society, he was its Robin M. Williams, Jr.
Distinguished Lecturer in 2006. His interest in
theater has led him directing many community
theater productions and professionally as co-­
lyricist of Hamlet: The Rock Opera, which has been
performed in New York City, Bratislava, Prague,
Seoul, and Tokyo.
Professor Parrillo invites and encourages
readers to e-mail him (parrillov@wpunj.edu) and
promises to reply.
Chapter 1
Exploring the City
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
1.1 Recognize how most people are
captivated by cities
1.2 Examine the four criteria for defining
an urban area
1.3a Investigate the factors that lead to
urban growth and development
1.3b Evaluate the characteristics of the
urban way of life
1.4 Describe the ecological process
of invasion–succession as seen in
emerging cities
Let us go then, you and I,
When the evening is spread out against
the sky
Like a patient etherised upon a table;
Let us go, through certain half-deserted streets,
The muttering retreats
Of restless nights in one-night cheap hotels
And sawdust restaurants with oyster-shells:
Streets that follow like a tedious argument
Of insidious intent
To lead you to an overwhelming question . . .
Oh, do not ask, “What is it?”
Let us go and make our visit.
T. S. Eliot, “The Love Song of
J. Alfred Prufrock”
1.5 Enumerate the population
percentage change of the 30 largest
U.S. cities
1.6 Explain how the urban situation
is desperate in most cities of the
developing world
1.7 Express the role played by cities in the
progress of human civilization
1.1: Why Study the
City?
1.1 Recognize how most people are
captivated by cities
Cities! Most of us share poet T. S. Eliot’s fasci-
nation with urban places—settings of intense
­excitement, great mystery, and striking human
diversity. Like the poet, most of us probably
agree that cities (London was the object of Eliot’s
interest) are places we would love to visit—but
many of us wouldn’t want to live there! Even so,
little compares with the ­excitement of visiting
major cities, whether they are near or far away.
1
2 Chapter 1
When we go into the city, we often find block
after block of shops selling all kinds of things we
never find at home. On the streets we pass by
every imaginable sort of person—the old and the
young, the rich and the poor, the up and com-
ing as well as the down and out. People say that
virtually anything can and does happen in big
cities—and it doesn’t take long to realize that
they’re right!
Across North America, more than four
out of five of us live in urban places, and even
more of us build our lives around cities. We are
born in cities (or near them), grow up in or near
one (probably in a suburb), go to a college in
or near a city (maybe one some distance away
from our hometowns), and eventually settle
down in or near a city that becomes “home.”
For most of us, no matter where we live, much
of our favorite e­ ntertainment—including clubs,
musical or sports events, and theater—is city
based. We might as well admit it: We are a
nation of city folks, and the urban way of life
is our norm. To study the city, therefore, is to
study ourselves.
Yet the city is more than what our personal
experiences reveal. A dynamic entity unto itself,
the city is the most powerful drawing card in
human history. The share of the world’s popu-
lation ­living in cities rose from just 9 percent in
1900 to 30 ­percent in 1950 and then climbed to
52 p­ ercent in 2011. If present trends continue,
by 2050 cities will be home to 66 percent of all
humans on the planet (United Nations Popula-
tion Division 2014).
The city is thus the setting for all aspects of
the human drama: the highest learning collid-
ing with the grossest ignorance, unimaginable
wealth contrasted with the most abject ­poverty.
Historically, most people drawn to the city
sought to realize their hopes of a higher stan-
dard of living and often succeeded—but will
this continue to be true in the new megacities,
such as Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, Cairo, New
Delhi, and Tokyo? (See the world map preced-
ing this chapter to locate these and other prom-
inent cities.) Such places are adding millions of
new residents so rapidly that they cannot pro-
vide basic services (water, housing, and elec-
tricity) to many of their people. Unless checked
soon, such growth may intensify poverty and
suffering for billions, not to mention ecological
disasters unparalleled in history. To study the
city, therefore, is also to study a uniquely pow-
erful form of human settlement: a physical and
social environment with the potential for both
satisfying and frustrating the entire spectrum of
human needs.
An important theme of this book is that cit-
ies do not exist entirely by themselves. They are
an inseparable part of their larger societies. For
centuries, the city has been the heart, the life-
blood, of various civilizations—the center of eco-
nomic, political, and artistic events. In cities, we
find both the triumphs and the tragedies of the
human story. For example, we associate Hellenic
Athens, Renaissance Florence, and Elizabethan
London with great achievements of the human
spirit, while we link classical Rome and Nazi
Berlin with savage human degradation. In each
case, a cultural setting helped shape the city’s
character: During the fourth century b.c.e.,1 the
Greeks raised Athens to a pinnacle of human
­a ccomplishment, while the rise of Nazism in
­Germany after World War I led to Berlin’s infa-
mous decadence.
The connection between the city and a
broader culture is no less evident today. In its cit-
ies exists much of what is great about the United
States: intellectual excellence, political freedom,
1
The authors use the designation b.c.e. (“before the
common era”) in place of b.c. (“before Christ”) in recog-
nition of the religious pluralism of most societies today.
Similarly, we use c.e. (“common era”) in place of a.d.
(Anno Domini, “in the year of our lord”).

and artistic vitality. Of course, these same cit-
ies also exhibit this country’s greatest failings,
including grinding poverty and sometimes—­
savage crimes. To study the city, then, is also to
examine the society in which it exists. The impact
of economics can be as significant as that of cul-
ture, particularly in today’s global economy,
so we must also examine closely the forces of
globalization in shaping a city’s structure and
well-being.
Understanding the city, therefore, is crucial
in comprehending modern existence. But how we
choose to study the city is also important. The city
is a complex reality that yields few easy answers.
If we look only at the facts of urban life, we will
surely miss its dynamic soul. The city will appear
dull and lifeless—a collection of concrete build-
ings, bureaucracies, and unemployment rates.
But if we also ask the “how” questions, which
link these factual elements to human lives, the
city springs to life as a set of vital, dynamic forces.
In studying the city, then, we must not ask
merely “What is it?” We must, as Eliot suggests
in his poem, “go and make our visit.” We must
probe beyond the descriptions and the statistics
to the broader and deeper reality of urban life.
This book will help you do just that.
­cluster is the U.S. Census Bureau term for adja-
1.2: Deciding What is
“Urban”
1.2 Examine the four criteria for defining an
urban area
Urban seems like a simple enough concept to
grasp, but it actually has many interpretations.
Derived from the Latin word urbanus—meaning
characteristic of, or pertaining to, the city—urban
essentially holds that same association to most
people.
Complicating that understanding, however,
are the varying criteria for defining an urban area
Exploring the City 3
that exist among the nearly 200 countries with
urban populations. These criteria include admin-
istrative function (a national or regional capital),
­economic characteristics (more than half the resi-
dents in nonagricultural occupations), functional
nature (existence of paved streets, water supply,
sewerage, and electrical systems), and population
size or population density (the number of people
living within a square mile or kilometer). Both
administrative function and population size or
density—alone or in combination with other crite-
ria—are the two most common defining elements
for urban designation. Small countries or territo-
ries (Tokelau and Wallis and Futuna Islands) do
not use an urban definition at all, while others
(Anguilla, Bermuda, Cayman Islands, Gibraltar,
Hong Kong, Macao, Monaco, Nauru, Singapore,
Sint Maarten, and the Vatican) identify their
entire populations as urban.
Canada and the United States use population
density to identify an urban area, without regard
to local boundaries. In Canada, an urban area
must contain more than 400 people per square
kilometer, with a total population exceeding 1,000
­people. The United States defines an urban area
as adjoining census blocks with a population
density of 1,000 persons per square mile, which
is equivalent to the Canadian standard. Urban
cent urban areas with populations ranging from
2,500 to 49,999 that extend across city, county, or
state boundaries. Sometimes social scientists use
the term conurbation to refer to these intercon-
nected areas of continuous built-up development.
(The Census Bureau defines places of less than
2,500 persons as rural.)
Such differences worldwide make cross-­
national comparisons difficult. For example, the
lower-range limit for population of an urban
area ranges from 200 in Iceland to 10,000 in Spain
(United Nations Department of Economic and
Social Affairs 2013:103). A universal standard—
say, a midpoint from these two extremes of 5,000
4 Chapter 1

inhabitants—would be inappropriate in pop-
ulous countries such as China or India, where
rural settlements—with no urban attributes at
all—could easily contain such large numbers.
Using each country’s own criteria, the United
Nations Population Division (2014) reported that
55 percent of the world’s population was urban.
Significant variations in the percentage of urban
populations by area: Africa, 40 percent; Asia,
47.5 percent; Europe, 73.4 percent; Latin America
and the Caribbean, 79.5 percent; and North
America, 81.5 percent. The lowest urban popu-
lation (9.5 percent) was in Trinidad and Tobago,
while the highest (100 percent) were in the 11
countries identified a few paragraphs earlier.
Worldwide projections show the percentage
of urban population increasing everywhere (see
Table 1–1). In fact, the world’s cities are growing
by about 360,000 people each year. This dramatic
pattern means that, as stated earlier, by 2050
two-thirds of the planet’s people will be urban
dwellers.
Distinct regional patterns, however, occur
within that urban growth. If we examine Table 1–1
for the percentages of growth between 1980 and
2014, we see that in the more industrialized areas
of the world—North America and Europe—
urban growth slowed considerably in recent
years. The area of greatest urban growth is now
in the developing world—Latin America, Africa,
the Middle East, and Asia (see Figure 1–1). In fact,
when we consult the figures on urban growth
rates by country, we find that the 10 countries
with the highest urban growth rates are all in
these four regions. Those with the lowest rates—
with the notable exceptions of Cuba, a few small
island nations, and Uruguay—are all in Europe,
North America, and Japan. Moreover, when we
scan a list of all the world’s nations ranked in
order of their urban growth rates, we must look
down through 87 countries before we encounter
a developed country—Ireland (UN Population
Division 2014).
1.3: The Urban
Transformation
1.3a Investigate the factors that lead to urban
growth and development
1.3b Evaluate the characteristics of the urban
way of life
If any one thing should astound us, it is how
popular cities have become throughout the
world. As a human invention, cities are scarcely

Table 1–1 Percentage of Urban Population in Major Areas of the World

Area 1980 2015 2040
Africa 26.7 40.4 51.5
Asia 27.1 44.4 60.0
Europe 67.3 72.7 79.9
Latin America and 64.3 78.8 85.1
Caribbean
North America 73.9 82.0 87.3
Oceania 71.3 70.7 72.0
World 39.3 54.0 63.2
More-developed regions 70.2 78.3 83.5
Less-developed regions 29.4 49.0 59.8
Source: From World Urbanization Prospects, 2014 Revision. Copyright © 2014 by the United Nations, Population Division. Reprinted
with permission.
 Exploring the City 5

Figure 1–1 Percentage of Population in Urban Areas, 2014 and 2050

Source: Based on data from World Urbanization Prospects, 2014 Revision.

2015

80 and over
60–79
40–59
20–39
Less than 20 2050

10,000 years old, but as the centuries have
passed, they have become much larger and far
more numerous. For example, in 1950 there
were 75 cities with 1 million or more residents,
but by 2025 there may be 546, seven times the
number three generations earlier (UN Popu-
lation Division 2014). The increase in world
population alone cannot explain this phenome-
non. Once people become aware of the advan-
tages of cities—protection, increased material
standard of living, a more stimulating mental
and social life—they don’t want to live any-
where else. Because this urban growth and
development can occur in different ways and on
6 Chapter 1
several levels, however, we need to know some
basic concepts about these processes and their
consequences if we are to understand fully what
is happening.
1.3.1: Urbanization as
a Process
The changes resulting from people moving into
cities and other densely populated areas are
what we mean by urbanization. This process of
increased population concentration can be delib-
erate and planned, such as in Brazil’s capital,
Brasilia, which came into existence in 1960. It
can also be spontaneous and unplanned, as the
rapid urban growth occurring in many develop-
ing countries. However it occurs, urbanization
transforms land use from rural to urban economic
activities—and often the land itself, from a porous
surface absorbing rainfall, to a nonporous one of
asphalt and concrete. In addition, this progression
in greater population density transforms many
patterns of social life, altering the social struc-
ture and social organization of that area. As we
will discuss shortly, these changes include a more
complex division of labor and social stratification,
the growth of subcultures, and more formal social
controls.
An example of urbanization is the massive
changes that San Francisco experienced. Today,
it is a thoroughly modern U.S. city, famed for its
hills, cable cars, fog, and natural beauty. Visitors
often note its relaxed lifestyle and easygoing,
pleasant atmosphere. Except during rush hour,
people typically stroll along the streets, unlike
midtown Manhattan or central London, where a
fast-paced, push-and-shove walking style is more
common.
Such was not always the case, however. The
changes to San Francisco since its early exis-
tence have been profound, as historical doc-
uments attest. One such document is Richard
Henry Dana’s Two Years Before the Mast (2013,
originally published in 1862), one of the
greatest of ­nineteenth-century seagoing journals,
a part of which you can read in the Cityscape
box.2
What happened to San Francisco between
Dana’s two visits was gold, discovered in 1849.
Almost overnight, the sleepy little village of Yerba
Buena, the nearest port for outfitting the Sierra
Nevada mines, was transformed into a feverish
city. Not for another 70 years would what others
would call a sophisticated, “laid-back” San Fran-
cisco begin to appear.
1.3.2: Levels of Urbanization
Ever-expanding urbanization necessitates the use
of other terms and concepts to understand fully
the complexity and scale of human organization
and interaction. Although we will explore these
topics more fully in subsequent chapters, here is a
brief introduction to them:
Metropolitan Area A large population
center and adjacent communities, with a high
degree of economic and social integration, con-
stitute a metropolitan area. Also known as an
urban agglomeration, such a region typically has
a large city (100,000 residents or more) as a hub
extending its sphere of influence into the sur-
rounding communities. These communities may
not be urban in character themselves, but they
link closely with that city through transportation
(roads and public transit), employment (commut-
ers), media (city newspapers and radio and TV
stations), and leisure activities (clubbing, dining,
entertainment, and professional sports).
Micropolitan Area Another geographic
entity is a micropolitan area, which has an urban
core of at least 10,000 residents but less than
50,000. Like a metropolitan area, it consists of the
county containing the core urban area and any
adjacent counties with a high degree of social
2
Various kinds of boxes are included in each chapter to
illustrate key points and themes. When you encounter
a reference to a particular box, take a minute or two to
read it before going on with the chapter.

and economic integration with that urban core, as
measured by commuting there to work.
Megaregion When two or more metro-
politan areas expand so that they intermingle
Cityscape
San Francisco’s Massive Changes
Shipping from New York, Richard Henry Dana first vis-
ited San Francisco, then called Yerba Buena (“good
herbs”), in 1835. Here is what he saw:
[Near the] mouth of the bay . . . is a high point
on which the [Presidio Mexican military outpost] is
built. Behind this point is the little harbor, or bight,
called Yerba Buena, in which trading vessels
anchor, and, near it, the Mission of Delores. There
was no other habitation on this side of the Bay,
except a shanty of rough boards put up by a man
named Richardson, who was doing a little trading
between the vessels and the Indians. . . . We
came to anchor near the mouth of the bay, under
a high and beautifully sloping hill, upon which
herds of hundreds and hundreds of red deer, and
the stag, with his high branching of antlers, were
bounding about, looking at us for a moment, and
then starting off, affrighted at the noises we made
at seeing the variety of their beautiful attitudes
and motion.
That was not the San Francisco of the next century
nor does it much resemble this description of Dana’s,
written in 1859 after a second visit:
We bore round the point toward the old anchoring
ground of hide ships, and there, covering the sand
hills and the valleys, stretching from the water’s
edge to the base of the great hills, and from the
old Presidio to the Mission, flickering all over with
lamps of its streets and houses, lay a city of one
hundred thousand inhabitants. . . . The dock
into which we drew, and the streets about it,
were densely crowded with express wagons and
hand-carts to take luggage, coaches and cabs
Exploring the City 7
with one another to form a continuous (or
almost c­ ontinuous) urban complex, we have a
­megaregion, the preferred term for what social
scientists previously called a megalopolis.
for passengers, and with men. . . . Through this
crowd I made my way, along the well-built and
well-lighted streets, as alive as by day, where boys
in high keyed voices were already crying the latest
New York papers; and between one and two
o’clock in the morning found myself comfortably
abed in a commodious room, in the Oriental
Hotel, which stood, as well as I could learn, on the
filled-up cove, and not far from the spot where we
used to beach our boats from the Alert.
When I awoke in the morning, and looked
from my windows over the city of San Francisco,
with its townhouses, towers, and steeples; its
courthouses, theaters, and hospitals; its daily
journals; its well-filled learned professions; its for-
tresses and light houses; its wharves and harbor,
with their thousand-ton clipper ships, more in
number than London or Liverpool sheltered that
day . . . when I looked across the bay to the east-
ward, and beheld a beautiful town on the fertile
wooded Shores of the Contra Costa [the area of
today’s Oakland and Berkeley] and steamers, large
and small, the ferryboats of the Contra Costa, and
capacious freighters and passenger-carriers to all
parts of the great bay and its horizon—when I saw
all these things, and reflected on what I once was
and saw here, and what now surrounded me, I
could scarcely keep my hold on reality at all, or the
genuineness of anything, and seemed to myself
like one who had moved in “worlds not realized.”
Source: Richard Henry Dana, Two Years Before the
Mast (Lanham, MD: Sheridan House, 2013), pp. 102,
105, 173–176.
8 Chapter 1

Table 1–2 Population of the World’s Largest Megacities in Millions

2015 2030

Rank Urban Agglomeration Population Rank Urban Agglomeration Population

1 Tokyo, Japan 38.0 1 Tokyo, Japan 37.2
2 Delhi, India 25.7 2 Delhi, India 36.1
3 Shanghai, China 23.7 3 Shanghai, China 30.8
4 São Paolo, Brazil 21.1 4 Mumbai, India 27.8
5 Mumbai, India 21.0 5 Beijing, China 27.7
6 Mexico City, Mexico 21.0 6 Dhaka, Bangladesh 27.4
7 Beijing, China 20.4 7 Karachi, Pakistan 24.8
8 Osaka, Japan 20.2 8 Cairo, Egypt 24.5
9 Cairo, Egypt 18.8 9 Lagos, Nigeria 24.2
10 New York–Newark, USA 18.6 10 Mexico City, Mexico 23.9
11 Dhaka, Bangladesh 17.6 11 São Paolo, Brazil 23.4
12 Karachi, Pakistan 16.6 12 Kinshasa, DR Congo 20.0
13 Buenos Aires, Argentina 15.2 13 Osaka, Japan 20.0
14 Kolkata, India 14.9 14 New York-Newark, USA 19.9
15 Istanbul, Turkey 14.2 15 Kolkata, India 19.1
16 Chongqing, China 13.3 16 Guangzhou, Guangdong, 17.8
China
17 Lagos, Nigeria 13.1 17 Chongqing, China 17.4
18 Manila, Philippines 13.0 18 Buenos Aires, Argentina 17.0
19 Rio de Janeiro, Argentina 12.9 19 Manila, Philippines 16.8
20 Guangzhou, Guangdong, 12.5 20 Istanbul, Turkey 16.7
China
21 Los Angeles–Long 12.3 21 Bangalore, India 14.8
Beach–Santa Ana, USA
22 Moscow, Russia 12.2 22 Tianjin, China 14.7
23 Kinshasa, DR Congo 11.6 23 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil 14.2
24 Tianjin, China 11.2 24 Chennai, India 13.9
25 Paris, France 10.8 25 Jakarta, Indonesia 13.8
26 Shenzhen, China 10.8 26 Los Angeles–Long 13.3
Beach–Santa Ana, USA
27 Jakarta, Indonesia 10.3 27 Lahore, Pakistan 13.0
28 London, England 10.3 28 Hyderabad, India 12.8
29 Bangalore, India 10.1 29 Shenzhen, China 12.7
30 Lima, Peru 12.2

Source: Based on data from World Urbanization Prospects, 2014 Revision.

This merged conglomeration typically ­contains (Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and
a population in the tens of millions, such as ­Washington, D.C.). China currently has 150 infra-
that along the Eastern Seaboard, although the structure projects underway to merge nine cities
cities therein retain their individual names by the Pearl River Delta into the world’s largest
 Exploring the City 9

megaregion with 42 million residents (Moore and Lifestyles are, of course, much more than
Foster 2011). matters of individual choice. They reflect social
class differences, often taking the form of social
Megacity A metropolitan area can constitute
inequality. Like most societies, the United States
its own megalopolis if the population within its
and Canada contain marked social stratification,
municipal boundary numbers at least 10 ­million
the hierarchical ranking of people in terms of
people. In the past 35 years, the number of meg-
valued resources. Wealth is certainly one import-
acities has rocketed from 10 in 1990 to 29 in 2014,
ant dimension of social stratification, and North
with an expected increase to 41 by 2030 (see
American cities often provide striking contrasts
Table 1–2). Today, 1 in 8 people worldwide live in
between well-heeled urbanites who have lives of
a megacity (UN Population Division 2014:13).
material comfort and others who must persevere
Global City Also called a world city, a global just to survive.
city occupies an influential position in the global Such differences are typically related to other
economic system, attracting worldwide invest- dimensions of social differences: race, ethnic-
ments and exercising considerable economic ity, and gender. Once ignored in the urban pub-
power worldwide. London, New York, Paris, lic sphere, women are now more likely to hold
and Tokyo are at the top of the hierarchy of cit- public office, at least in cities with populations of
ies because of their role in the world system of 25,000 or more (Wolbrecht, Beckwith, and Baldez
finance and trade (Abrahamson 2004; Sassen 2008). From both historical and contemporary
2005). World-systems analysis, an approach we viewpoints, however, women’s city experiences
will examine more closely in Chapter 7 on crit- have reflected the realities of gender, interwoven
ical urban theory, suggests that the economic with those of social class, race, and ethnicity. In
well-­being of most cities heavily depends on their a still-continuing historical pattern, North Ameri-
placement within this world hierarchy. can cities attract immigrants of different races and
ethnicities. On arrival, many find themselves at or
near the bottom of the urban hierarchy, but, with
1.3.3: Urbanism as a Way of Life time, many improve their situation. Others, how-
As implied earlier, the companion concept to ever, continue to suffer from a wide range of prob-
urbanization (population growth and concentra- lems associated with poverty and/or prejudice.
tion) is urbanism, the culture or way of life of city Social power—the ability to achieve one’s
dwellers. Besides changes in values, attitudes, goals and to shape events—is yet another
norms, and customs, we also include lifestyle important dimension of inequality. For those
patterns and behavioral adaptations influenced with ­considerable wealth, urban living is often
by one’s residential and/or work environment. the experience of shaping their own lives (and,
Often, these lifestyles coincide with different geo- indeed, the lives of others). By contrast, poorer
graphical districts of the city. In downtown areas, urbanites, often members of racial and ethnic
for example, we are likely to see well-dressed minorities, find that life in the city is a grim m ­ atter
businesspeople—many of whom live in apart- of trying to cope with seemingly overwhelming
ments. Older residential neighborhoods may pro- forces.
vide the sights, sounds, and even aromas of exotic Of course, none of these structural patterns
cultural diversity. Still other neighborhoods con- exists exclusively in cities. Social stratification is
tain the city’s poor, who struggle every day to as important in small towns in North Carolina
survive. In many suburban areas, single-­family as it is in Raleigh, the state capital; people per-
homes—replete with children and the ever-­ ceive racial distinctions as keenly in rural Ohio
present automobile—dominate. as they do in Columbus; and “power politics”
10 Chapter 1
is the name of the game in rural Wyoming, just
as it is in Cheyenne. Nevertheless, because these
­structural patterns shape our cities so strongly,
we can hardly ignore them.
On another level, however, cities intensify the
effects of class, race, ethnicity, gender, and power,
because they concentrate everything human in
a small space. If we look carefully, we can find
extreme contrasts in wealth and poverty and in
power and powerlessness that are nearly incom-
prehensible. A walk through the poor neighbor-
hoods of almost any major North American city
will reveal numerous examples of numbing pov-
erty. Indeed, poverty for millions continues as
only one of the significant problems that beset the
urban environment.
1.4: The Complexity
of the City
Various Perspectives
1.4 Describe the ecological process of
invasion–succession as seen in emerging
cities
The city may well be the most complex of all
human creations. As a result, it cannot be under-
stood using any single point of view. While this
book is fundamentally sociological in its orienta-
tion, it draws together insights, theories, and sta-
tistics from a wide variety of related disciplines,
including history, archaeology, psychology, geog-
raphy, economics, and political science. As we
now explain, all these perspectives are vital for
grasping the living entity that is the contempo-
rary city.
1.4.1: The City in History
Today, cities are so much a part of our lives that
they seem both natural and inevitable. You may
be surprised to learn, then, that in the larger pic-
ture of human history, cities are a rather new
idea. Although “modern” humans have existed
on the earth for about 200,000 years, cities began
to appear a scant 10,000 years ago. Moreover, it
wasn’t until the last 3,000 years that cities became
relatively numerous and inhabited by significant
numbers of people. And only in 2009 did we
reach the point at which more than half of the
world’s people were urbanites.
Thus, we can see the importance of studying
the city historically. Without the benefit of hind-
sight, we might easily fool ourselves into thinking
that cities, although perhaps smaller in the past,
were always more or less like those we know
today.
Luckily, our understanding of past cities
doesn’t rely only on historical documents, such as
Dana’s account of early San Francisco. In recent
years, urban archaeologists have made major
strides in the study of urban settings for which lit-
tle or no written material is available.
Abandoned cities, or cities rebuilt on ear-
lier foundations, still contain traces of their ear-
lier existence, providing clues for archaeologists
trained in the careful excavation and analysis
of artifacts. From such clues, archaeologists can
piece together a picture of how a city’s people
lived: how they built their houses and orga-
nized their families, what they thought import-
ant enough to portray in paintings, what level of
technology they employed, what they commonly
drank or ate. By unearthing many such clues,
archaeologists allow long-dead cities to spring
back to life in our minds.
One of the most important finds during
recent years was the 2001 carbon dating of Caral,
an ancient, sacred city of about 160 acres located
approximately 62 miles north of the Peruvian
capital of Lima. Imagine the excitement of dis-
covering that it was founded before 2600 b.c.e.—
pushing back the date for the first known urban
settlement in the Western Hemisphere by at least
1,000 years! This settlement predates the Incan
civilization by 4,000 years, but even more aston-
ishing is the impressive construction of its six

pyramids, which are a century older than the
pyramids of Giza in ancient Egypt. It appears
that other nearby sites may be even older, but
that Caral was the regional center for the approxi-
mately 10,000 people living in that area.
Archaeologists believe Caral contains the
most important pre-Columbian ruins discovered
since the 1911 discovery of Machu Picchu, also
in Peru but hundreds of miles to the south. The
Caral site is so old that it predates the ceramic
period, which explains why archaeologists did
not find any pottery shards. Caral’s importance
resides in its domestication of plants, especially
cotton but also beans, squashes, and guava. This
civilization knew how to use textiles and built
many residential structures around the pyramids.
Among the numerous artifacts discovered were
32 flutes made from pelican and animal bones,
engraved with the figures of birds and mon-
keys, thus revealing that although the inhabitants
lived by the Pacific coast, they were nevertheless
aware of the animals of the Amazon (Isbell and
­Silverman 2006).
Exploring the City 11
Archaeology also plays a role in ­contemporary
cities. Most cities exist on the rubble of their own
past. Take London, for example. Over the course
of its 2,000-year history, this city has risen some
30 feet, building on its own refuse. In 2007, digs
at the planned Olympics aquatic center in East
London revealed evidence of 6,000 years of
human activity, including Iron Age and Roman
settlements (Durrani 2012). At a six-month dig in
2013 at a construction site in the heart of modern
London, archaeologists uncovered some 10,000
artifacts from 47 c.e. to the fifth century, including
organic materials of wood, leather, and basketry
that experts say will transform their understand-
ing of the people of Roman London (Patel 2013).
Closer to home, archaeologists completed
an excavation on New York’s Wall Street in
1979–1980, uncovering artifacts from the original
Dutch settlement of 1625. In 1991, excavation for
a new federal building between Broadway and
Duane Street in Lower Manhattan unearthed
an ­eighteenth-century African American burial
ground. Through such finds, we continually learn
Built by the Incas in the
mid-fifteenth century,
Machu Picchu remained
hidden until 1911. Now
a tourist attraction
receiving 400,000 visitors
annually, it is one of the
world’s most impressive
archaeological sites.
It is a masterpiece of
urban planning, civil
engineering, architecture,
and stonemasonry, its
many buildings still intact
except for their thatch-
and-reed roofs.
12 Chapter 1
more about the past and how people lived in
those times.
Two chapters of this text tell about cit-
ies in human history. Chapter 2 reviews major
urban developments from the beginnings of cit-
ies some 10 millennia ago right up to the urban
events of this century. We will see that the urban
story is one of continuous and striking change.
­Chapter 3 highlights how cities have developed
in the United States and Canada. Here, too, you
will read about astonishing changes—changes
hinted at in Dana’s account of San Francisco. You
will read about the alterations of North American
urban life as cities grew from the small, isolated
colonial centers of the seventeenth century to
sprawling environments with populations often
reaching into multimillions. Then, in Chapter 4,
you will learn of recent urban trends shaping our
urban and suburban lifestyles: sprawl, edge cities,
gated communities, and common-interest devel-
opments (CIDs).
1.4.2: The Emergence of Urban
Sociology
One key goal of this book is to help you under-
stand how sociologists study the city. Although
historians have been looking at cities for centu-
ries, sociologists are more recent investigators. As
Chapter 5 explains, early sociologists in the late
nineteenth century lived during a period of dra-
matic urban upheaval, and naturally, they turned
their attention to cities. They tried to understand
just how the Industrial Revolution transformed
the small villages of Europe and North America
into huge, seemingly chaotic metropolises.
Many early sociologists shared a pessimistic
vision of the city. Their works portray the city as
a dangerous place where the traditional values of
social life—a sense of community and caring for
other people—were systematically torn apart.
Recent sociological research, however, shows that
many of these concerns about the destructive-
ness of urban living rested on faulty evidence.
Contemporary research reveals the city as a more
neutral phenomenon. Cities are neither good nor
bad in and of themselves; cultural forces at work
in a particular time and place push them in one
direction or the other. Thus, we come to under-
stand the horrors of nineteenth-century London
as primarily a product of massive industrial-
ization, not as a result of something inherently
urban.
1.4.3: Geography and Spatial
Perspectives
Why did people cluster together to form cities in
the first place? Aristotle, an ancient Greek philos-
opher, provided an early answer: People come
together in cities for security; they remain there
to live the good life. For the ancient Greeks, cit-
ies satisfied a need for security, because in an age
of few laws and fewer treaties, groups frequently
preyed on one another. For protection, people
came together in a single location, often a natural
fortification, such as the Acropolis in Aristotle’s
Athens. Where natural defenses were not avail-
able, people built walls. But a site could become
a city only with other geographical assets: water,
access to transportation routes, and the ability
to produce or import enough goods to meet the
population’s needs.
Once cities began, however, people made a
remarkable discovery. Mixing together in large
numbers not only gave them protection, it also
generated more profitable trade and stimulated
intellectual life as well. People began to hail the
city as offering the potential for what Aristotle
termed “the good life.”
The importance of a city’s physical location,
and of how people come to arrange themselves
within the urban area, led urbanists to develop
two related areas of study: (1) urban geography,
which focuses on the significance of the city’s loca-
tion and natural resources; and (2) urban ecology,
which analyzes how people spread out within an
urban area. Let’s illustrate each of these areas.

A city’s geographical location has a great
deal to do with how people live in that city. Take
the two largest U.S. cities, New York and Los
Angeles. Centered on Manhattan Island and sur-
rounded by rivers, New York City has a land base
of bedrock that is physically able to support tall
buildings. By contrast, Los Angeles stretches out
across a semi-arid basin over several fault lines
that, geologically speaking, make the building of
skyscrapers a shaky business indeed.
These different settings translate into very
different daily routines. For example, a half-hour
commute in New York may begin in the eleva-
tor, perhaps shared with another tenant. Possible
encounters with a doorman, a neighbor on the
street, and perhaps the news dealer on the cor-
ner precede a shared subway ride, then a stop at
Starbucks for a cup of coffee and a brief conver-
sation with the cashier, and then another eleva-
tor ride shared with fellow workers. In contrast
to this series of social interactions, the worker in
Los Angeles drives in the privacy of his or her car,
listening to the radio or a CD, moves along on the
freeway, and, if traffic moves easily, can quietly
get absorbed in thought. In other words, New
York City’s space brings people together, while
the Los Angeles environment separates them.
Geography is only one cause of the differing
social dynamics that distinguish cities. Various
categories of people stake out particular areas
within the city, and particular activities come to
dominate certain districts—and these categories
and activities can change over time. Such shifts
interest urban ecologists, who seek to under-
stand how people choose to locate and rearrange
themselves in urban space. One well-documented
ecological process is invasion–succession, by
which whole sections of a city change. A new
“high-tech” area may rather suddenly upstage
an old industrial district. Or perhaps, almost
overnight, the older district starts to look taw-
dry; secondhand stores, “gentlemen’s clubs,” and
pornographic bookstores replace the older, more
respectable businesses. Before long, income levels
Exploring the City 13
in the area drop and the few remaining original
businesses close their doors. Where once execu-
tives and working people trod the city sidewalks,
now one finds only prostitutes, drug dealers, and
petty criminals. With this succession, the pro-
cess of change is complete. Invasion–succession
may also occur in residential areas as new eth-
nic groups replace older groups in established
neighborhoods.
Many contemporary social scientists, how-
ever, no longer favor the ecological model.
Instead, they emphasize a critical urban theoret-
ical approach. Especially influencing urban stud-
ies today is postmodernism, which is primarily
a reaction against the assumption that rational,
objective efforts can explain reality with any cer-
tainty. Why do they say that? Postmodernists
insist that people have multiple interpretations
based on their individual, concrete experiences,
not on the abstract principles of “experts.” There-
fore, urban planning should still reflect traditional
visions, but only through expression of notions
of community, diversity, small-scale approaches,
restoration of the older urban fabric, and creation
of new spaces that use modern technologies and
materials (Dear 2001). Both these older and newer
studies of physical arrangements, spatial perspec-
tives, and the social dynamics for city life provide
the subject matter of Chapter 6.
1.4.4: Critical Urban Theory:
The City and Capitalism
Just as important as a city’s geographical set-
ting and its cultural framework is its ability to
generate trade—to be economically prosper-
ous. Throughout history, people have flocked
to the city for many reasons, most importantly,
their belief that there they would significantly
improve their standard of living. For example,
hope for a better life spurred millions upon mil-
lions of immigrants from rural and poor back-
grounds to come to the cities of Canada and the
United States during the late nineteenth and early
14 Chapter 1
twentieth centuries. These people, including
many of our great-­grandparents, settled in cities
across both nations to seek their fortunes.
Comparisons of medieval and contemporary
cities reveal the growing importance of the eco-
nomic function of cities over the centuries. In the
Middle Ages, although cities were already import-
ant centers of trade, other areas of life also were
thriving. All one has to do is look at the physical
layout of cities built during the Middle Ages—with
their central cathedral as the tallest b
­ uilding—to
see the importance of religion in people’s lives.
The Industrial Revolution, however, changed all
that. Cities became ever more important as cen-
ters of wealth. To meet the economic demands of
millions, skyscrapers in the new “central business
district” sprang up, rising far above the churches
that once dominated old city skylines.
Looking at the decline of manufacturing
in cities, the migration to the suburbs and the
­Sunbelt, the mushrooming cities in poor nations,
and a growing world economy, a new breed of
urban researchers concluded that natural pro-
cesses could not explain these changes and their
economic impact on cities. Instead, they argue,
decision making within political and economic
institutions, often thousands of miles away,
affects a city economically, politically, socially,
and even physically. Some, but not all, advocates
of critical urban theory are neo-Marxists. Regard-
less of their ideological orientation, they focus on
investment decisions and economic trends that
determine a city’s fortunes.
Recent analytical thinking in this area
includes postmodern theory, an emphasis on
fragmented and nontraditional elements. World-­
systems analysis—examining a city as one inter-
dependent part of the global whole—is another
prominent aspect of contemporary thinking. We
will look at all of these structural imperatives and
their ramifications on urban poverty in Chapter 7.
1.4.5: Urban Places and
Behavior
With about four-fifths of North Americans living
in cities, any student of cities needs to explore the
urban experience. How and why do cities stimu-
late us so much? Do cities change people in one
way or another?
The Church of Our
Lady before Tyn, with
its magnificent Gothic
steeples, dominates the
cityscape of Prague,
Czech Republic. The
Old Town retains many
medieval qualities:
visual domination by
the cathedral, no central
business district, narrow
streets, and buildings
with commercial
enterprises at street level
and residences on the
floors above.
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seemed charged: it simply legitimated them. A romantic adventure
on so classical a basis would assuredly hurt no one.
"I should like a walk very much," said Ludlow; "a walk with a halt
at the end of it."
"Well, if you will consent to a short halt at the beginning of it," said
Adela, "I will be with you in a very few minutes." When she returned
in her little hat and shawl, she found her friend seated on the
veranda steps. He arose and gave her a card.
"I have been requested, in your absence, to hand you this," he
said.
Adela read with some compunction the name of Mr. Madison
Perkins.
"Has he been here?" she asked. "Why didn't he come in?"
"I told him you were not at home. If it wasn't true then, it was
going to be true so soon that the interval was hardly worth taking
account of. He addressed himself to me, as I seemed from my
position to be quite at home here; but I confess he looked at me as if
he doubted my word. He hesitated as to whether he should confide
his name to me, or whether he should confide it in that shape to the
entry table. I think he wished to show me that he suspected my
veracity, for he was making rather grimly for the table when I, fearing
that once inside the house he might encounter the living truth,
informed him in the most good-humored tone possible that I would
take charge of his little tribute.
"I think, Mr. Ludlow, that you are a strangely unscrupulous man.
How did you know that Mr. Perkins's business was not urgent?"
"I didn't know it. But I knew it could be no more urgent than mine.
Depend upon it, Miss Moore, you have no case against me. I only
pretend to be a man; to have admitted that charming young
gentleman would have been heroic."
Adela was familiar with a sequestered spot, in the very heart of
the fields, as it seemed to her, to which she now proposed to
conduct her friend. The point was to select a goal neither too distant
nor too near, and to adopt a pace neither too rapid nor too slow. But
although Adela's happy valley was a good two miles away, and they
had measured the interval with the very minimum of speed, yet most
sudden seemed their arrival at the stile over which Adela was used
to strike into the meadows. Once on the road, she felt a precipitate
conviction that there could be no evil in an adventure so essentially
wholesome as that to which she had lent herself, and that there
could be no guile in a spirit so deeply sensitive to the sacred
influences of Nature, and to the melancholy aspect of incipient
Autumn as that of her companion. A man with an unaffected relish
for small children is a man to inspire young women with a generous
confidence; and so, in a lesser degree, a man with a genuine feeling
for the simple beauties of a common New England landscape may
not unreasonably be accepted by the daughters of the scene as a
person worthy of their esteem. Adela was a great observer of the
clouds, the trees and the streams, the sounds and colors, the
echoes and reflections native to her adopted home; and she
experienced an honest joy at the sight of Ludlow's keen appreciation
of these modest facts. His enjoyment of them, deep as it was,
however, had to struggle against that sensuous depression natural to
a man who has spent the Summer in a close and fetid laboratory in
the heart of a great city, and against a sensation of a less material
color—the feeling that Adela was a delightful girl. Still, naturally a
great talker, he celebrated his impressions in a generous flow of
good-humored eloquence. Adela resolved within herself that he was
decidedly a companion for the open air. He was a man to make use,
even to abuse, of the wide horizon and the high ceiling of Nature.
The freedom of his gestures, the sonority of his voice, the keenness
of his vision, the general vivacity of his manners, seemed to
necessitate and to justify a universal absence of barriers. They
crossed the stile, and waded through the long grass of several
successive meadows, until the ground began to rise, the stony
surfaces to crop through the turf, when, after a short ascent, they
reached a broad plateau, covered with boulders and shrubs, which
lost itself on one side in a short, steep cliff, whence fields and
marshes stretched down to the opposite river; and on the other, in
scattered clumps of pine and maple, which gradually thickened and
multiplied, until the horizon in that quarter was blue with a long line of
woods. Here was both sun and shade—the unobstructed sky, or the
whispering dome of a circle of pines. Adela led the way to a sunny
seat among the rocks, which commanded the course of the river,
and where a cluster of trees would lend an admonitory undertone to
their conversation.
Before long, however, its muffled eloquence became rather
importunate, and Adela remarked upon the essential melancholy of
the phenomenon.
"It has always seemed to me," rejoined Ludlow, "that the wind in
the pines expresses tolerably well man's sense of a coming change,
simply as a change."
"Perhaps it does," said Adela. "The pines are forever rustling, and
men are forever changing."
"Yes, but they can only be said to express it when there is some
one there to hear them; and more especially some one in whose life
a change is, to his own knowledge, going to take place. Then they
are quite prophetic. Don't you know Longfellow says so?"
"Yes, I know Longfellow says so. But you seem to speak from
your own feeling."
"I do."
"Is there a change pending in your life?"
"Yes, rather an important one."
"I believe that's what men say when they are going to be married,"
said Adela.
"I'm going to be divorced, rather. I'm going to Europe."
"Indeed! soon?"
"To-morrow," said Ludlow, after an instant's pause.
"Oh!" said Adela. "How I envy you!"
Ludlow, who sat looking over the cliff and tossing stones down
into the plain, observed a certain inequality in the tone of his
companion's two exclamations. The first was nature, the second art.
He turned his eyes upon her, but she had turned hers away upon the
distance. Then, for a moment, he retreated within himself and
thought. He rapidly surveyed his position. Here was he, Tom Ludlow,
a hard-headed son of toil, without fortune, without credit, without
antecedents, whose lot was cast exclusively with vulgar males, and
who had never had a mother, a sister nor a well-bred sweetheart to
pitch his voice for the feminine tympanum; who had seldom come
nearer an indubitable young lady than, in a favoring crowd, to
receive a mechanical "thank you" (as if he were a policeman), for
some ingeniously provoked service; here he found himself up to his
neck in a sudden pastoral with the most ladyish young woman in the
land. That it was in him to enjoy the society of such a woman
(provided, of course, she were not a fool), he very well knew; but he
had not yet suspected that it was possible for him (in the midst of
more serious cares) to obtain it. Was he now to infer that this final
gift was his—the gift of pleasing women who were worth the
pleasing? The inference was at least logical. He had made a good
impression. Why else should a modest and discerning girl have so
speedily granted him her favor? It was with a little thrill of satisfaction
that Ludlow reflected upon the directness of his course. "It all comes
back," he said to himself, "to my old theory, that a process can't be
too simple. I used no arts. In such an enterprise I shouldn't have
known where to begin. It was my ignorance of the regulation method
that served me. Women like a gentleman, of course; but they like a
man better." It was the little touch of nature he had discerned in
Adela's tone that had set him thinking; but as compared with the
frankness of his own attitude it betrayed after all no undue emotion.
Ludlow had accepted the fact of his adaptability to the idle mood of a
cultivated woman in a thoroughly rational spirit, and he was not now
tempted to exaggerate its bearings. He was not the man to be
intoxicated by success—this or any other. "If Miss Moore," he
pursued, "is so wise—or so foolish—as to like me half an hour for
what I am, she is welcome. Assuredly," he added, as he gazed at her
intelligent profile, "she will not like me for what I am not." It needs a
woman, however, far more intelligent than (thank heaven!) most
women are—more intelligent, certainly, than Adela was—to guard
her happiness against a strong man's consistent assumption of her
intelligence; and doubtless it was from a sense of this general truth,
as Ludlow still gazed, he felt an emotion of manly tenderness. "I
wouldn't offend her for the world," he thought. Just then, Adela,
conscious of his gaze, looked about; and before he knew it, Ludlow
had repeated aloud, "Miss Moore, I wouldn't offend you for the
world."
Adela glanced at him for a moment with a little flush that subsided
into a smile. "To what dreadful injury is that the prelude?" she asked.
"It's the prelude to nothing. It refers to the past—to any possible
displeasure I may have caused you."
"Your scruples are unnecessary, Mr. Ludlow. If you had given me
offence, I should not have left you to apologize for it. I should not
have left the matter to occur to you as you sat dreaming charitably in
the sun."
"What would you have done?"
"Done? nothing. You don't imagine I would have rebuked you—or
snubbed you—or answered you back, I take it. I would have left
undone—what, I can't tell you. Ask yourself what I have done. I'm
sure I hardly know myself," said Adela, with some intensity. "At all
events, here I am sitting with you in the fields, as if you were a friend
of years. Why do you speak of offence?" And Adela (an uncommon
accident with her) lost command of her voice, which trembled ever
so slightly. "What an odd thought! why should you offend me? Do I
invite it?" Her color had deepened again, and her eyes brightened.
She had forgotten herself, and before speaking had not, as was her
wont, sought counsel of that staunch conservative, her taste. She
had spoken from a full heart—a heart which had been filling rapidly
since the outset of their walk with a feeling almost passionate in its
quality, and which that little blast of prose which had brought her
Ludlow's announcement of his departure, had caused to overflow.
The reader may give this feeling such a name as he pleases. We will
content ourselves with saying that Adela had played with fire so
effectually that she had been scorched. The slight vehemence of the
speech just quoted had covered her sensation of pain.
 "You pull one up rather short, Miss Moore," said Ludlow. "A man
says the best he can."
Adela made no reply. For a moment she hung her head. Was she
to cry out because she was hurt? Was she to introduce her injured
soul as an impertinent third into the company? No! Here our
reserved and contemplative heroine is herself again. Her part was
still to be the perfect young lady. For our own part, we can imagine
no figure more bewitching than that of the perfect young lady under
these circumstances; and if Adela had been the most accomplished
coquette in the world she could not have assumed a more becoming
expression than the air of languid equanimity which now covered her
features. But having paid this generous homage to propriety, she felt
free to suffer. Raising her eyes from the ground, she abruptly
addressed her companion with this injunction:
"Mr. Ludlow," said she, "tell me something about yourself."
Ludlow burst into a laugh. "What shall I tell you?"
"Everything."
"Everything? Excuse me, I'm not such a fool. But do you know
that's a delicious request you make? I suppose I ought to blush and
hesitate; but I never yet blushed or hesitated in the right place."
"Very good. There is one fact. Continue. Begin at the beginning."
"Well, let me see. My name you know. I'm twenty-eight years old."
"That's the end," said Adela.
"But you don't want the history of my babyhood, I take it. I imagine
that I was a very big, noisy and ugly baby: what's called a 'splendid
infant.' My parents were poor, and, of course, honest. They belonged
to a very different set—or 'sphere', I suppose you call it—from any
you probably know. They were working people. My father was a
chemist in a small way, and I fancy my mother was not above using
her hands to turn a penny. But although I don't remember her, I am
sure she was a good, sound woman; I feel her occasionally in my
own sinews. I myself have been at work all my life, and a very good
worker I am, let me tell you. I'm not patient, as I imagine your brother
to be—although I have more patience than you might suppose—but
I'm plucky. If you think I'm over-egotistical, remember 'twas you
began it. I don't know whether I'm clever, and I don't much care; that
word is used only by unpractical people. But I'm clear-headed, and
inquisitive, and enthusiastic. That's as far as I can describe myself. I
don't know anything about my character. I simply suspect I'm a pretty
good fellow. I don't know whether I'm grave or gay, lively or severe. I
don't know whether I'm high-tempered or low-tempered. I don't
believe I'm 'high-toned.' I fancy I'm good-natured enough, inasmuch
as I'm not nervous. I should not be at all surprised to discover I was
prodigiously conceited; but I'm afraid the discovery wouldn't cut me
down, much. I'm desperately hard to snub, I know. Oh, you would
think me a great brute if you knew me. I should hesitate to say
whether I am of a loving turn. I know I'm desperately tired of a
number of persons who are very fond of me; I'm afraid I'm
ungrateful. Of course as a man speaking to a woman, there's
nothing for it but to say I'm selfish; but I hate to talk about such windy
abstractions. In the way of positive facts: I'm not educated. I know no
Greek and very little Latin. But I can honestly say that first and last I
have read a great many books—and, thank God, I have a memory!
And I have some tastes, too. I'm very fond of music. I have a good
old voice of my own: that I can't help knowing; and I'm not one to be
bullied about pictures. Is that enough? I'm conscious of an utter
inability to say anything to the point. To put myself in a nutshell, I
suppose I'm simply a working man; I have his virtues and I have his
defects. I'm a very common fellow."
"Do you call yourself a very common fellow because you really
believe yourself to be one, or because you are weakly tempted to
disfigure your rather flattering catalogue with a great final blot?"
"I'm sure I don't know. You show more subtlety in that one
question than I have shown in my whole string of affirmations. You
women are strong on asking witty questions. Seriously, I believe I am
a common fellow. I wouldn't make the admission to every one
though. But to you, Miss Moore, who sit there under your parasol as
impartial as the Muse of History, to you I own the truth. I'm no man of
genius. There is something I miss; some final distinction I lack; you
may call it what you please. Perhaps it's humility. Perhaps you can
find it in Ruskin, somewhere. Perhaps it's patience—perhaps it's
imagination. I'm vulgar, Miss Moore. I'm the vulgar son of vulgar
people. I use the word, of course, in its strictest sense. So much I
grant you at the outset, and then I walk ahead."
"Have you any sisters?"
"Not a sister; and no brothers, nor cousins, nor uncles, nor aunts."
"And you sail for Europe to-morrow?"
"To-morrow, at ten o'clock."
"To be away how long?"
"As long as I possibly can. Five years if possible."
"What do you expect to do in those five years?"
"Study."
"Nothing but study?"
"It will all come back to that, I fancy. I hope to enjoy myself
reasonably, and to look at the world as I go. But I must not waste
time; I'm growing old."
"Where are you going?"
"To Berlin. I wanted to get letters from your brother."
"Have you money? Are you well off?"
"Well off? Not I, no. I'm poor. I travel on a little money that has just
come to me from an unexpected quarter: an old debt owing my
father. It will take me to Germany and keep me for six months. After
that I shall work my way."
"Are you happy? Are you contented?"
"Just now I'm pretty comfortable, thank you."
"But will you be so when you get to Berlin?"
"I don't promise to be contented; but I'm pretty sure to be happy."
"Well!" said Adela, "I sincerely hope you may be."
 "Amen!" said Ludlow.
Of what more was said at this moment, no record may be given.
The reader has been put into possession of the key of our friends'
conversation; it is only needful to say that substantially upon this key,
it was prolonged for half an hour more. As the minutes elapsed,
Adela found herself drifting further and further away from her
anchorage. When at last she compelled herself to consult her watch,
and remind her companion that there remained but just time enough
for them to reach home, in anticipation of her brother's arrival, she
knew that she was rapidly floating seaward. As she descended the
hill at her companion's side, she felt herself suddenly thrilled by an
acute temptation. Her first instinct was to close her eyes upon it, in
the trust that when she opened them again it would have vanished;
but she found that it was not to be so uncompromisingly dismissed. It
importuned her so effectually, that before she had walked a mile
homeward, she had succumbed to it, or had at least given it the
pledge of that quickening of the heart which accompanies a bold
resolution. This little sacrifice allowed her no breath for idle words,
and she accordingly advanced with a bent and listening head.
Ludlow marched along, with no apparent diminution of his habitual
buoyancy of mien, talking as fast and as loud as at the outset. He
adventured a prophecy that Mr. Moore would not have returned, and
charged Adela with a humorous message of regrets. Adela had
begun by wondering whether the approach of their separation had
wrought within him any sentimental depression at all commensurate
with her own, with that which sealed her lips and weighed upon her
heart; and now she was debating as to whether his express
declaration that he felt "awfully blue" ought necessarily to remove
her doubts. Ludlow followed up this declaration with a very pretty
review of the morning, and a sober valedictory which, whether
intensely felt or not, struck Adela as at least nobly bare of flimsy
compliments. He might be a common fellow—but he was certainly a
very uncommon one. When they reached the garden gate, it was
with a fluttering heart that Adela scanned the premises for some
accidental sign of her brothers presence. She felt that there would be
an especial fitness in his not having returned. She led the way in.
The hall table was bare of his hat and overcoat. The only object it
displayed was Mr. Perkins's card, which Adela had deposited there
on her exit. All that was represented by that little white ticket seemed
a thousand miles away. Finally, Mr. Moore's absence from his study
was conclusive against his return.
As Adela went back thence into the drawing-room, she simply
shook her head at Ludlow, who was standing before the fire-place;
and as she did so, she caught her reflection in the mantel-glass.
"Verily," she said to herself, "I have travelled far." She had pretty well
unlearned the repose of the Veres of Vere. But she was to break with
it still more completely. It was with a singular hardihood that she
prepared to redeem the little pledge which had been extorted from
her on her way home. She felt that there was no trial to which her
generosity might now be called which she would not hail with
enthusiasm. Unfortunately, her generosity was not likely to be
challenged; although she nevertheless had the satisfaction of
assuring herself at this moment that, like the mercy of the Lord, it
was infinite. Should she satisfy herself of her friend's? or should she
leave it delightfully uncertain? These had been the terms of what has
been called her temptation, at the foot of the hill. But inasmuch as
Adela was by no means strictly engaged in the pursuit of pleasure,
and as the notion of a grain of suffering was by no means repugnant
to her, she had resolved to obtain possession of the one essential
fact of her case, even though she should be at heavy costs to
maintain it.
"Well, I have very little time," said Ludlow; "I must get my dinner
and pay my bill and drive to the train." And he put out his hand.
Adela gave him her own, and looked him full in the eyes. "You are
in a great hurry," said she.
"It's not I who am in a hurry. It's my confounded destiny. It's the
train and the steamer."
"If you really wished to stay you wouldn't be bullied by the train
and the steamer."
"Very true—very true. But do I really wish to stay?"
"That's the question. That's what I want to know."
 "You ask difficult questions, Miss Moore."
"I mean they shall be difficult."
"Then, of course, you are prepared to answer difficult ones."
"I don't know that that's of course, but I am."
"Well, then, do you wish me to stay? All I have to do is to throw
down my hat, sit down and fold my arms for twenty minutes. I lose
my train and my ship. I stay in America, instead of going to Europe."
"I have thought of all that."
"I don't mean to say it's a great deal. There are pleasures and
pleasures."
"Yes, and especially the former. It is a great deal."
"And you invite me to accept it?"
"No; I ought not to say that. What I ask of you is whether, if I
should so invite you, you would say 'yes.'"
"That makes the matter very easy for you, Miss Moore. What
attractions do you hold out?"
"I hold out nothing whatever, sir."
"I suppose that means a great deal."
"It means what it seems to mean."
"Well, you are certainly a most interesting woman, Miss Moore—a
charming woman."
"Why don't you call me 'fascinating' at once, and bid me good
morning?"
"I don't know but that I shall have to come to that. But I will give
you no answer that leaves you at an advantage. Ask me to stay—
command me to stay, if that suits you better—and I will see how it
sounds. Come, you must not trifle with a man." He still held Adela's
hand, and they had been looking frankly into each other's eyes. He
paused, waiting for an answer.
 "Good-by, Mr. Ludlow," said Adela. "God bless you!" And she was
about to withdraw her hand; but he held it.
"Are we friends?" said he.
Adela gave a little shrug of her shoulders. "Friends of three
hours."
Ludlow looked at her with some sternness. "Our parting could at
best hardly have been sweet," said he; "but why should you make it
bitter, Miss Moore?"
"If it's bitter, why should you try to change it?"
"Because I don't like bitter things."
Ludlow had caught a glimpse of the truth—that truth of which the
reader has had a glimpse—and he stood there at once thrilled and
annoyed. He had both a heart and a conscience. "It's not my fault,"
he cried to the latter; but he was unable to add, in all consistency,
that it was his misfortune. It would be very heroic, very poetic, very
chivalric, to lose his steamer, and he felt that he could do so for
sufficient cause—at the suggestion of a fact. But the motive here
was less than a fact—an idea; less than an idea—a fancy. "It's a very
pretty little romance as it is," he said to himself. "Why spoil it? She is
an admirable girl: to have learned that is enough for me." He raised
her hand to his lips, pressed them to it, dropped it, reached the door
and bounded out of the garden gate.
The day was ended.

IV

A MOST EXTRAORDINARY CASE

Late in the spring of the year 1865, just as the war had come to a
close, a young invalid officer lay in bed in one of the uppermost
chambers of one of the great New York hotels. His meditations were
interrupted by the entrance of a waiter, who handed him a card
superscribed Mrs. Samuel Mason, and bearing on its reverse the
following words in pencil: "Dear Colonel Mason, I have only just
heard of your being here, ill and alone. It's too dreadful. Do you
remember me? Will you see me? If you do, I think you will remember
me. I insist on coming up. M. M."
Mason was undressed, unshaven, weak, and feverish. His ugly
little hotel chamber was in a state of confusion which had not even
the merit of being picturesque. Mrs. Mason's card was at once a
puzzle and a heavenly intimation of comfort. But all that it
represented was so dim to the young man's enfeebled perception
that it took him some moments to collect his thoughts.
"It's a lady, sir," said the waiter, by way of assisting him.
"Is she young or old?" asked Mason.
"Well, sir, she's a little of both."
"I can't ask a lady to come up here," groaned the invalid.
"Upon my word, sir, you look beautiful," said the waiter. "They like
a sick man. And I see she's of your own name," continued Michael,
in whom constant service had bred great frankness of speech; "the
more shame to her for not coming before."
Colonel Mason concluded that, as the visit had been of Mrs.
Mason's own seeking, he would receive her without more ado. "If
she doesn't mind it, I'm sure I needn't," said the poor fellow, who
hadn't the strength to be over-punctilious. So in a very few moments
his visitor was ushered up to his bedside. He saw before him a
handsome, middle-aged blonde woman, stout of figure, and dressed
in the height of the fashion, who displayed no other embarrassment
than such as was easily explained by the loss of breath consequent
on the ascent of six flights of stairs.
"Do you remember me?" she asked, taking the young man's
hand.
 He lay back on his pillow, and looked at her. "You used to be my
aunt,—my aunt Maria," he said.
"I'm your aunt Maria still," she answered. "It's very good of you not
to have forgotten me."
"It's very good of you not to have forgotten me," said Mason, in a
tone which betrayed a deeper feeling than the wish to return a civil
speech.
"Dear me, you've had the war and a hundred dreadful things. I've
been living in Europe, you know. Since my return I've been living in
the country, in your uncle's old house on the river, of which the lease
had just expired when I came home. I came to town yesterday on
business, and accidentally heard of your condition and your
whereabouts. I knew you'd gone into the army, and I had been
wondering a dozen times what had become of you, and whether you
wouldn't turn up now that the war's at last over. Of course I didn't
lose a moment in coming to you. I'm so sorry for you." Mrs. Mason
looked about her for a seat. The chairs were encumbered with odds
and ends belonging to her nephew's wardrobe and to his equipment,
and with the remnants of his last repast. The good lady surveyed the
scene with the beautiful mute irony of compassion.
The young man lay watching her comely face in delicious
submission to whatever form of utterance this feeling might take.
"You're the first woman—to call a woman—I've seen in I don't know
how many months," he said, contrasting her appearance with that of
his room, and reading her thoughts.
"I should suppose so. I mean to be as good as a dozen." She
disembarrassed one of the chairs, and brought it to the bed. Then,
seating herself, she ungloved one of her hands, and laid it softly on
the young man's wrist. "What a great full-grown young fellow you've
become!" she pursued. "Now, tell me, are you very ill?"
"You must ask the doctor," said Mason. "I actually don't know. I'm
extremely uncomfortable, but I suppose it's partly my
circumstances."
 "I've no doubt it's more than half your circumstances. I've seen the
doctor. Mrs. Van Zandt is an old friend of mine; and when I come to
town, I always go to see her. It was from her I learned this morning
that you were here in this state. We had begun by rejoicing over the
new prospects of peace; and from that, of course, we had got to
lamenting the numbers of young men who are to enter upon it with
lost limbs and shattered health. It happened that Mrs. Van Zandt
mentioned several of her husband's patients as examples, and
yourself among the number. You were an excellent young man,
miserably sick, without family or friends, and with no asylum but a
suffocating little closet in a noisy hotel. You may imagine that I
pricked up my ears, and asked your baptismal name. Dr. Van Zandt
came in, and told me. Your name is luckily an uncommon one; it's
absurd to suppose that there could be two Ferdinand Masons. In
short, I felt that you were my husband's brother's child, and that at
last I too might have my little turn at hero-nursing. The little that the
Doctor knew of your history agreed with the little that I knew, though I
confess I was sorry to hear that you had never spoken of our
relationship. But why should you? At all events you've got to
acknowledge it now. I regret your not having said something about it
before, only because the Doctor might have brought us together a
month ago, and you would now have been well."
"It will take me more than a month to get well," said Mason,
feeling that, if Mrs. Mason was meaning to exert herself on his
behalf, she should know the real state of the case. "I never spoke of
you, because I had quite lost sight of you. I fancied you were still in
Europe; and indeed," he added, after a moment's hesitation, "I heard
that you had married again."
"Of course you did," said Mrs. Mason, placidly. "I used to hear it
once a month myself. But I had a much better right to fancy you
married. Thank Heaven, however, there's nothing of that sort
between us. We can each do as we please. I promise to cure you in
a month, in spite of yourself."
"What's your remedy?" asked the young man, with a smile very
courteous, considering how sceptical it was.
 "My first remedy is to take you out of this horrible hole. I talked it
all over with Dr. Van Zandt. He says you must get into the country.
Why, my dear boy, this is enough to kill you outright,—one Broadway
outside of your window and another outside of your door! Listen to
me. My house is directly on the river, and only two hours' journey by
rail. You know I've no children. My only companion is my niece,
Caroline Hofmann. You shall come and stay with us until you are as
strong as you need be,—if it takes a dozen years. You shall have
sweet, cool air, and proper food, and decent attendance, and the
devotion of a sensible woman. I shall not listen to a word of
objection. You shall do as you please, get up when you please, dine
when you please, go to bed when you please, and say what you
please. I shall ask nothing of you but to let yourself be very dearly
cared for. Do you remember how, when you were a boy at school,
after your father's death, you were taken with measles, and your
uncle had you brought to our own house? I helped to nurse you
myself, and I remember what nice manners you had in the very
midst of your measles. Your uncle was very fond of you; and if he
had had any considerable property of his own, I know he would have
remembered you in his will. But, of course, he couldn't leave away
his wife's money. What I wish to do for you is a very small part of
what he would have done, if he had only lived, and heard of your
gallantry and your sufferings. So it's settled. I shall go home this
afternoon. To-morrow morning I shall despatch my man-servant to
you with instructions. He's an Englishman. He thoroughly knows his
business, and he will put up your things, and save you every particle
of trouble. You've only to let yourself be dressed, and driven to the
train. I shall, of course, meet you at your journey's end. Now don't tell
me you're not strong enough."
"I feel stronger at this moment than I've felt in a dozen weeks,"
said Mason. "It's useless for me to attempt to thank you."
"Quite useless. I shouldn't listen to you. And I suppose," added
Mrs. Mason, looking over the bare walls and scanty furniture of the
room, "you pay a fabulous price for this bower of bliss. Do you need
money?"
The young man shook his head.
 "Very well then," resumed Mrs. Mason, conclusively, "from this
moment you're in my hands."
The young man lay speechless from the very fulness of his heart;
but he strove by the pressure of his fingers to give her some
assurance of his gratitude. His companion rose, and lingered beside
him, drawing on her glove, and smiling quietly with the look of a long-
baffled philanthropist who has at last discovered a subject of infinite
capacity. Poor Ferdinand's weary visage reflected her smile. Finally,
after the lapse of years, he too was being cared for. He let his head
sink into the pillow, and silently inhaled the perfume of her sober
elegance and her cordial good-nature. He felt like taking her dress in
his hand, and asking her not to leave him,—now that solitude would
be bitter. His eyes, I suppose, betrayed this touching apprehension,
—doubly touching in a war-wasted young officer. As she prepared to
bid him farewell, Mrs. Mason stooped, and kissed his forehead. He
listened to the rustle of her dress across the carpet, to the gentle
closing of the door, and to her retreating footsteps. And then, giving
way to his weakness, he put his hands to his face, and cried like a
homesick schoolboy. He had been reminded of the exquisite side of
life.
Matters went forward as Mrs. Mason had arranged them. At six
o'clock on the following evening Ferdinand found himself deposited
at one of the way stations of the Hudson River Railroad, exhausted
by his journey, and yet excited at the prospect of its drawing to a
close. Mrs. Mason was in waiting in a low basket-phaeton, with a
magazine of cushions and wrappings. Ferdinand transferred himself
to her side, and they drove rapidly homeward. Mrs. Mason's house
was a cottage of liberal make, with a circular lawn, a sinuous
avenue, and a well-grown plantation of shrubbery. As the phaeton
drew up before the porch, a young lady appeared in the doorway.
Mason will be forgiven if he considered himself presented ex officio,
as I may say, to this young lady. Before he really knew it, and in the
absence of the servant, who, under Mrs. Mason's directions, was
busy in the background with his trunk, he had availed himself of her
proffered arm, and had allowed her to assist him through the porch,
across the hall, and into the parlor, where she graciously consigned
him to a sofa which, for his especial use, she had caused to be
wheeled up before a fire kindled for his especial comfort. He was
unable, however, to take advantage of her good offices. Prudence
dictated that without further delay he should betake himself to his
room.
On the morning after his arrival he got up early, and made an
attempt to be present at breakfast; but his strength failed him, and he
was obliged to dress at his leisure, and content himself with a simple
transition from his bed to his arm-chair. The chamber assigned him
was designedly on the ground-floor, so that he was spared the
trouble of measuring his strength with the staircase,—a charming
room, brightly carpeted and upholstered, and marked by a certain
fastidious freshness which betrayed the uncontested dominion of
women. It had a broad high window, draped in chintz and crisp
muslin and opening upon the greensward of the lawn. At this
window, wrapped in his dressing-gown, and lost in the embrace of
the most unresisting of arm-chairs, he slowly discussed his simple
repast. Before long his hostess made her appearance on the lawn
outside the window. As this quarter of the house was covered with
warm sunshine, Mason ventured to open the window and talk to her,
while she stood out on the grass beneath her parasol.
"It's time to think of your physician," she said. "You shall choose
for yourself. The great physician here is Dr. Gregory, a gentleman of
the old school. We have had him but once, for my niece and I have
the health of a couple of dairy-maids. On that one occasion he—well,
he made a fool of himself. His practice is among the 'old families,'
and he only knows how to treat certain old-fashioned, obsolete
complaints. Anything brought about by the war would be quite out of
his range. And then he vacillates, and talks about his own maladies
à lui. And, to tell the truth, we had a little repartee which makes our
relations somewhat ambiguous."
"I see he would never do," said Mason, laughing. "But he's not
your only physician?"
"No: there is a young man, a newcomer, a Dr. Knight, whom I
don't know, but of whom I've heard very good things. I confess that I
have a prejudice in favor of the young men. Dr. Knight has a position
to establish, and I suppose he's likely to be especially attentive and
careful. I believe, moreover, that he's been an army surgeon."
"I knew a man of his name," said Mason. "I wonder if this is he.
His name was Horace Knight,—a light-haired, near-sighted man."
"I don't know," said Mrs. Mason; "perhaps Caroline knows." She
retreated a few steps, and called to an upper window: "Caroline,
what's Dr. Knight's first name?"
Mason listened to Miss Hofmann's answer,—"I haven't the least
idea."
"Is it Horace?"
"I don't know."
"Is he light or dark?"
"I've never seen him."
"Is he near-sighted?"
"How in the world should I know?"
"I fancy he's as good as any one," said Ferdinand. "With you, my
dear aunt, what does the doctor matter?"
Mrs. Mason accordingly sent for Dr. Knight, who, on arrival, turned
out to be her nephew's old acquaintance. Although the young men
had been united by no greater intimacy than the superficial
comradeship resulting from a winter in neighboring quarters, they
were very well pleased to come together again. Horace Knight was a
young man of good birth, good looks, good faculties, and good
intentions, who, after a three years' practice of surgery in the army,
had undertaken to push his fortune in Mrs. Mason's neighborhood.
His mother, a widow with a small income, had recently removed to
the country for economy, and her son had been unwilling to leave
her to live alone. The adjacent country, moreover, offered a
promising field for a man of energy,—a field well stocked with large
families of easy income and of those conservative habits which lead
people to make much of the cares of a physician. The local
practitioner had survived the glory of his prime, and was not,
perhaps, entirely guiltless of Mrs. Mason's charge, that he had not
kept up with the progress of the "new diseases." The world, in fact,
was getting too new for him, as well as for his old patients. He had
had money invested in the South,—precious sources of revenue,
which the war had swallowed up at a gulp; he had grown frightened
and nervous and querulous; he had lost his presence of mind and
his spectacles in several important conjunctures; he had been
repeatedly and distinctly fallible; a vague dissatisfaction pervaded
the breasts of his patrons; he was without competitors: in short,
fortune was propitious to Dr. Knight. Mason remembered the young
physician only as a good-humored, intelligent companion; but he
soon had reason to believe that his medical skill would leave nothing
to be desired. He arrived rapidly at a clear understanding of
Ferdinand's case; he asked intelligent questions, and gave simple
and definite instructions. The disorder was deeply seated and
virulent, but there was no apparent reason why unflinching care and
prudence should not subdue it.
"Your strength is very much reduced," he said, as he took his hat
and gloves to go; "but I should say you had an excellent constitution.
It seems to me, however,—if you will pardon me for saying so,—to
be partly your own fault that you have fallen so low. You have
opposed no resistance; you haven't cared to get well."
"I confess that I haven't,—particularly. But I don't see how you
should know it."
"Why it's obvious."
"Well, it was natural enough. Until Mrs. Mason discovered me, I
hadn't a friend in the world. I had become demoralized by solitude. I
had almost forgotten the difference between sickness and health. I
had nothing before my eyes to remind me in tangible form of that
great mass of common human interests for the sake of which—
under whatever name he may disguise the impulse—a man
continues in health and recovers from disease. I had forgotten that I
ever cared for books or ideas, or anything but the preservation of my
miserable carcass. My carcass had become quite too miserable to