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Brief Contents
Preface xvii
Author Bios xxv
CHAPTER 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology 1
CHAPTER 2 Critical Thinking in Cross-Cultural Psychology 30
CHAPTER 3 Methodology of Cross-Cultural Research 75
CHAPTER 4 Cognition: Sensation, Perception, and States of

Consciousness 104
CHAPTER 5 Intelligence 135
CHAPTER 6 Emotion 168
CHAPTER 7 Motivation and Behavior 195
CHAPTER 8 Human Development and Socialization 222
CHAPTER 9 Psychological Disorders 252
CHAPTER 10 Social Perception, Social Cognition, and Social

Interaction 287
CHAPTER 11 Personality and the Self 320
CHAPTER 12 Applied Cross-Cultural Psychology: Some Highlights 346
References 370
Author Index 411
Subject Index 419
This page intentionally left blank
Detailed Contents
Preface xvii
Author Bios xxv
CHAPTER 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology 1

What Is Cross-Cultural Psychology? 2
Basic Definitions 4
Culture 4
Society, Race, and Ethnicity 4
Knowledge in Cross-Cultural Psychology 8
Cultural Traditionalism 10
Empirical Examination of Culture 11
Collectivism and Individualism: Further Research 13
Cultural Syndromes 15
The Natural Science Approach 16
The Social Sciences Approach 18
The Humanities Approach 19
The Ecocultural Approach 20
The Cultural Mixtures Approach 21
The Integrative Approach: A Summary 22
Indigenous Psychology 24
Ethnocentrism 24
Multiculturalism 25
A Brief History of the Field 25
CHAPTER 2 Critical Thinking in Cross-Cultural Psychology 30

The Evaluative Bias of Language: To Describe Is to Prescribe 31
Antidotes 34
Differentiating Dichotomous Variables and Continuous Variables:
Black and White, or Shades of Gray? 35
Antidotes 37
The Similarity–Uniqueness Paradox: All Phenomena Are Both Similar
and Different 37
Antidotes 40
The Barnum Effect: One-Size-Fits-All Descriptions 41
Antidotes 42
x Detailed Contents
The Assimilation Bias: Viewing the World through Schema-Colored

Glasses 43
Antidotes 45
The Representativeness Bias: Fits and Misfits of Categorization 45
Antidotes 48
The Availability Bias: The Persuasive Power of Vivid Events 48
Antidotes 51
The Fundamental Attribution Error: Underestimating the Impact of
External Influences 51
Antidotes 54
The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: When Expectations Create Reality 54
Antidotes 56
Correlation Does Not Prove Causation: Confusing “What” with
“Why” 56
Antidotes 60
Bidirectional Causation and Multiple Causation: Causal Loops and
Compound Pathways 60
Bidirectional Causation 60
Multiple Causation 61
Antidotes 63
The Naturalistic Fallacy: Blurring the Line Between “Is” and
“Should” 63
Antidotes 67
The Belief Perseverance Effect: “Don’t Confuse Me with the
Facts!” 67
Antidotes 70
Conclusions: “To Metathink or Not to Metathink?” 70
CHAPTER 3 Methodology of Cross-Cultural Research 75

Goals of Cross-Cultural Research 76
Quantitative Research in Cross-Cultural Psychology 76
Quantitative Approach: Measurement Scales 77
Quantitative Approach: Looking for Links and Differences 78
Qualitative Approach in Cross-Cultural Psychology 79
Major Steps for Preparation of a Cross-Cultural Study 80
Sample Selection 81
Observation in Cross-Cultural Psychology 83
Survey Methods 84
Experimental Studies 86
Content Analysis 87
Focus Group Methodology 89
Meta-Analysis: Research of Research 89
Detailed Contents xi
A Hidden Obstacle of Cross-Cultural Studies: Test Translation 90

Comparing Two Phenomena: Some Important Principles 92
On Similarities and Differences: Some Critical Thinking
Applications 93
Cultural Dichotomies 94
There Are Fewer Differences Than One Might Think 94
There Are More Differences Than One Might Expect 95
Avoiding Bias of Generalizations 95
Know More about the Cultures You Examine 97
CHAPTER 4 Cognition: Sensation, Perception, and States of

Consciousness 104
Sensation and Perception: Basic Principles 105
How Culture Influences What We Perceive 106
How People Perceive Pictures 108
Perception of Depth 110
Are People Commonly Misled by Visual Illusions? 110
Some Cultural Patterns of Drawing 112
Perception of Color 112
Other Senses 115
Hearing 115
Taste 115
Smell 116
Touch and Pain 116
Perception of Time 118
Perception of the Beautiful 120
Perception of Music 121
Consciousness and Culture 122
Sleep and the Cultural Significance of Dreams 124
Beyond Altered States of Consciousness 128
CHAPTER 5 Intelligence 135

Defining Intelligence 135
Ethnic Differences in IQ Scores 139
Gender Differences in IQ Scores 140
Explaining Group Differences in Test Scores: Intelligence and
Intelligent Behavior 141
Do Biological Factors Contribute to Intelligence? 142
Incompatibility of Tests: Cultural Biases 143
A Word about “Cultural Literacy” 144
xii Detailed Contents
Environment and Intelligence 145

Socioeconomic Factors 146
The Family Factor 148
“Natural Selection” and IQ Scores 149
Cultural Values of Cognition 150
General Cognition: What Is “Underneath” Intelligence? 154
Classification 154
Sorting 154
Memory 155
Formal and Mathematical Reasoning 156
Creativity 156
Cognitive Skills, School Grades, and Educational Systems 157
Culture, Tests, and Motivation 159
IQ, Culture, and Social Justice 160
And in the End, Moral Values 162
CHAPTER 6 Emotion 168

When We Laugh We Are Happy: Similarities of Emotional
Experience 170
You Cannot Explain Pain If You Have Never Been Hurt: Differences in
Emotional Experience 172
Emotions: Different or Universal? 175
Physiological Arousal 176
The Meaning of Preceding Events 177
Emotion as an Evaluation 179
We Are Expected to Feel in a Particular Way 181
How People Assess Emotional Experience 182
Expression of Emotion 183
Emotion and Inclination to Act 186
Emotion and Judgment 187
When Emotions Signal a Challenge: Cross-Cultural Research on Stress
and Anxiety 188
When Emotion Hurts: Cross-Cultural Studies of Anger 189
Building Positive Emotions: Cross-Cultural Studies of Happiness 190
CHAPTER 7 Motivation and Behavior 195

A Glance into Evolution 196
Social Science: See the Society First 197
Drive and Arousal: Two Universal Mechanisms of Motivation 197
The Power of the Unconscious: Psychoanalysis 198
Humanistic Theories 199
Detailed Contents xiii
Learning and Motivation 202

A Carrot and a Beef Tongue: Hunger and Food
Preference 203
When Hunger Causes Distress: Eating Disorders 203
Victory and Harmony: Achievement Motivation 204
Aggressive Motivation and Violence 208
Culture and Sexuality 213
Sex and Sexuality: Some Cross-Cultural Similarities 217
CHAPTER 8 Human Development and Socialization 222

Development and Socialization 223
Quality of Life and the Child’s Development 223
Norms, Customs, and Child Care 224
Parental Values and Expectations 226
Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development 228
Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development 230
Stages of Moral Development According to Kohlberg 231
Developmental Stages 233
Life before Birth: Prenatal Period 234
First Steps: Infancy 236
Discovering the World: Childhood 239
Major Rehearsal: Adolescence 241
Adulthood 243
Late Adulthood 246
CHAPTER 9 Psychological Disorders 252

American Background: DSM-5 253
Two Views on Culture and Psychopathology 253
Central and Peripheral Symptoms: An Outcome of the Debate
between Universalists and Relativists 256
Cultural Syndromes 257
Anxiety Disorders 261
Depressive Disorders 262
Schizophrenia 266
Culture and Suicide 267
Personality Disorders 269
Is Substance Abuse Culturally Bound? 275
Psychodiagnostic Biases 277
Psychotherapy 278
Culture Match? 281
xiv Detailed Contents
CHAPTER 10 Social Perception, Social Cognition, and Social

Interaction 287
Attitudes and Values 288
Western and Non-Western Values 290
Striving for Consistency: The Cognitive Balance Theory 292
Avoiding Inconsistency: Cognitive Dissonance 293
Psychological Dogmatism 293
Social Attribution 294
Attribution of Success and Failure 295
Duty and Fairness in Individualist and Collectivist Cultures 296
Stereotypes and the Power of Generalizations 297
Universal Interaction 301
Direct Contacts and Body Language 304
Conformity 306
Is Conformity Universal across Cultures? 307
Following Orders 310
Social Influence 312
Feeling Good about Some Views 313
Is Social Loafing Universal? 314
CHAPTER 11 Personality and the Self 320

What Is Personality? 320
Locus of Control 321
The Autotelic Personality 324
On National Character 326
The Self 329
The Self and Sex-Related Categories 331
The Sexes and the Intersex 331
Traditional Cultural Views of the Sexes 332
Evolving Views of the Sexes 334
Gender as a Social Construct 334
Gender Roles 335
Traditional Views of Gender 336
Evolving Views of Gender 336
Sexual Orientation: Evolving Perceptions 338
Religious Identity 339
Seeing One’s Own Body 340
Detailed Contents xv
CHAPTER 12 Applied Cross-Cultural Psychology: Some Highlights 346

Health 347
Spirituality, Science, and Health 350
Holistic Treatment 354
Business Decisions 354
Working with Immigrants and Refugees 357
Human Rights 361
Education 362
Culture, Behavior, and the Law 363
Working and Serving Abroad 365
Religion: A Campus Context 366
Conclusion 368
References 370
Author Index 411
Subject Index 419
Preface
We cordially invite you to explore cross-cultural psychology of the twenty-first cen-

tury. Just over 15 years ago, when we were preparing the first edition of this book, it
was our modest hope that a number of students in North America would find it useful.
We certainly did not anticipate that the text would soon find a receptive audience not
only in the United States and Canada but also in the Netherlands, Russia, Indonesia,
China, Turkey, Germany, and many other countries around the globe. A special edi-
tion of the book was published in India. Then, our book was translated in China and
in Indonesia. Currently, we have the fortune of receiving numerous, frequent e-mails
from readers across five continents. The rapidly growing interest in cross-cultural psy-
chology is understandable. This field is new and exciting, fascinating in its content,
important in its applications, and challenging in its goals and aspirations. Yet it is
sometimes scarcely able to keep pace with the rapidly changing conditions of modern
times.
Look at the world around us. Previously invincible barriers—both literal and
metaphoric—that have separated people for hundreds, even thousands of years are
increasingly cracking, crumbling, and finally collapsing before our eyes. Within a rel-
atively brief period of history, the telephone, radio, television, motion pictures, and,
more recently, computers, e-mail, cell phones, the Internet, and social networks are
drastically altering our perceptions of time, space, culture, and one another. One key
click and, in an instant, you are virtually on the opposite side of the planet or even on
a different planet.
We travel and migrate from one place to another on a scale previously unknown—
even unimaginable—in human history. The United States alone naturalizes almost
800,000 new citizens every year. More than 1 million foreign students are currently
studying at different American universities and colleges. According to the Student
and Exchange Visitor Information System, the top ten countries sending these inter-
national students to America are China, India, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, Canada,
Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, Mexico, and Brazil. More countries are moving toward eco-
nomic and political unification. Hong Kong has been reunited with China since 1997.
From Northern Ireland to the Basque province in Spain, from Bosnia to El Salva-
dor, dozens of deadly ethnic, social, and religious conflicts have come to an end with
former enemies negotiating with one another. Millions of people learn about human
rights, recognize them, and practice mutual tolerance. People understand that they
share many common customs, ideas, and hopes. The world is indeed becoming a
smaller place.
Or is it? Are such optimistic beliefs devoid of factual foundation, resting more
on wishful thinking and hope than on empirical evidence? Are we guilty of commit-
ting a cognitive error, confusing what is with what ought to be? A pessimist could
contend that the basic differences between cultural groups are, and always will be,
irreconcilable. What appears to be “global civilization,” “cultural enlightenment,” or
“social evolution” is largely illusory. Beneath this perilously thin veneer lurks raw
xviii Preface
human nature: selfish, greedy, and violent. To be sure, some progress has occurred.
But many countries remain split and feuding along ethnic and religious lines. Interna-
tional terrorism poses an increasingly treacherous problem. Minority groups around
the world continue to be ostracized, threatened, and assaulted. Millions of people
belonging to these various ethnic and religious groups continue to be the target of sys-
tematic violence. Local politicians and military rulers in many countries reject pleas
addressing human rights in their countries and label these appeals cultural “expan-
sionism” of the liberal West. Rather than blending together, diverse groups perpetuate
tensions. Consider Syria, Libya, Sierra Leone, Timor, Sudan, Iraq, Kashmir, Afghani-
stan, Cyprus—is there any valid reason to believe that the list won’t continue to grow?
Can psychologists and other educated professionals make a difference in this global
but disunited world?
Even if the world is becoming smaller, what does this mean? To some indi-
viduals, “smaller” implies a sense of community, connectedness, and camaraderie.
Meanwhile to others, it is tantamount to being cramped, crowded, and confined.
To some, the phrase “we the people” calls for us to merge together. To others, we
are getting more disunited and intolerant of one another than ever. Who is right?
Who is wrong? Can we find a middle ground between these two views? Can we
use the psychological knowledge gained in one country to understand the people
in others?
In searching for answers to questions such as these, we discovered an enor-
mous body of theories, research, books, journal articles, and websites. Upon closer
examination, however, what emerged was not particularly encouraging or even
useful: lots of unsupported theories, lots of contradictory findings, lots of defen-
siveness and emotionally charged posturing, and lots of thinking that was a great
deal less than clear. How does one even begin to sort through all of it? Is there a
way to separate the proverbial wheat from the chaff? By what means can we make
informed decisions?
These are some of the questions that we, the authors, have been struggling with
for some time and, in a nutshell, largely what prompted us to write this book. The
story leading to our collaboration is worth noting in several respects. Although we
both are of a similar age and share a number of common characteristics (from career
choice to tastes in music), we grew up in very different worlds. The first author (Eric)
was born and raised in the city of Leningrad in the former Soviet Union, where he
obtained his first academic degrees before moving to California and then Virginia. He
is a professor, author, and coauthor of 15 books. The second author (David) is from
Southern California, where he received his formal education and training and where
he currently works as a psychology professor, licensed psychotherapist, author, and
researcher.
Thus, each of us brings a distinctly unique set of experiences and perceptions to
this project. We were struck by both the similarities and differences in our respective
backgrounds, and we sought to utilize these complementary contributions to their
maximum effect. In discussing our past, we discovered that as we were entering col-
lege, neither of us knew very much about cross-cultural psychology. By the time we
started graduate school (Eric at Leningrad State University and David at UCLA), our
interest had begun to grow. But the real fascination with cross-cultural psychology
emerged much later, specifically when each of us spent an extended period of time
teaching in the other’s home country. The appeal has never waned and continues to
this day.
Preface xix
Goals of This Book

We have endeavored to distill and synthesize the knowledge gained from our own
respective educational, research, training, and life experiences into a manageable set
of four primary goals:
1. To introduce the field of cross-cultural psychology to college students.

2. To review contemporary theories and research in cross-cultural psychology.
3. To provide the reader—both instructors and students—with a useful set of crit-
ical thinking tools with which to examine, analyze, and evaluate the field of
cross-cultural psychology in particular and education in general.
4. To assist current and future practitioners from a wide variety of fields and
services.
Intended Audiences
This book was designed with the following readers in mind:
• As a primary or supplementary text for courses on cross-cultural psychology,

multicultural psychology, cultural psychology, and cultural diversity
undergraduate for college students from a diverse array of majors (including
but not limited to psychology, sociology, anthropology, education, philosophy,
journalism, political science, etc.).
• As a supplementary text for cross-cultural psychology and multicultural
psychology classes for graduate students in areas such as counseling,
psychology, social work, education, law, journalism, nursing, business, and
public administration.
• Clinical psychologists, counselors, and social workers.
• Educators and other practitioners who work in contemporary multicultural
environments.
Contents
The book consists of 12 chapters. Chapter 1 reviews the key theories and approaches
in the field of cross-cultural psychology. Chapter 2 introduces principles of crit-
ical thinking and applies these tools directly to topics in cross-cultural psychology
by identifying common errors and providing useful antidotes. Chapter 3 presents
and explains research methods in cross-cultural psychology. Chapter 4 focuses on
cross-cultural aspects of sensation, perception, and states of consciousness. Chapter 5
is devoted to the interface of cross-cultural psychology and intelligence. Chapters 6
and 7 comprise cross-cultural analyses of emotion and motivation, respectively. Issues
related to human development and socialization are examined in Chapter 8. Chapter 9
focuses on the diagnosis, treatment, and explanation of psychological disorders from
cross-cultural perspectives. Chapter 10 highlights key issues of social perception and
interaction. Chapter 11 addresses cross-cultural accounts of personality, social cog-
nition, and the self. Finally, Chapter 12 identifies several applied problems of cross-
cultural psychology.
xx Preface
What Makes This Book Different?

Emphasis on Critical Thinking
We firmly believe that critical thinking is the most vital and indispensable compo-
nent of higher education and learning. Despite widespread consensus on this asser-
tion throughout the educational community, however, it has been our experience that
specific tools for critical thinking are rarely, if ever, provided to students during the
course of their schooling. In other words, people may be convinced of the value of
critical thinking, but they are left not knowing quite what to do about it. This book
seeks to remedy that dilemma.
We view critical thinking as a series of skills that can be successfully taught and
learned. As such, we provide the reader with specific strategies, methods, and tech-
niques (along with lots of practice) to achieve this goal. For purposes of this book,
each critical thinking principle (metathought) is illustrated primarily from the theory
and application of contemporary cross-cultural psychology. Keep in mind, however,
that these principles transcend the confines of any particular topic and can be utilized
not only in a diverse array of fields but also across cultures.
In one sense, we use critical thinking to teach cross-cultural psychology; in
another sense, we use cross-cultural psychology to teach critical thinking. This bidi-
rectional relationship underscores the interdependence between the content and the
process of thinking and learning.
Pedagogical Features to Enhance Learning

We have included a wide variety of pedagogical devices throughout the text.
• Exercises and Activities: More than 30 exercises are strategically placed

throughout the book. These can be utilized in any number of ways, including
classroom discussions, demonstrations, debates, individual or group take-home
assignments, term papers, and oral presentations. Boxes titled “Critical Thinking”
were designed explicitly to provide practice in developing critical thinking skills
as they relate to cross-cultural psychology. Every box contains a description
of an issue, case, or psychological study. Students are asked, for example, to
provide a critical evaluation of research methods, to identify multiple causes of
psychological phenomena, and to minimize stereotypical judgments.
• Figures, Tables, and Graphs appear throughout the book to distill, consolidate,
clarify, and expand on the information in the text. These are particularly useful
for those inclined toward “visual learning.”
• Chapter Summaries are available at the end of every chapter. Students report
that these are an especially helpful pedagogical tool for helping them study for
exams.
• “A Case in Point” Boxes: In some instances, vivid examples or stories are
best able to speak for themselves. A special feature in each chapter reviews
and illustrates a number of controversial issues in cross-cultural psychology,
displays cases and research findings, and introduces various opinions about
human behavior in different cultural contexts. These boxes offer practical
Preface xxi
illustrations of academic studies or theories in cross-cultural psychology. They

are especially helpful for generating class discussions.
• “Cross-Cultural Sensitivity” Boxes: These sections—featured in every
chapter—present some controversial remarks, statements, and actions that are
typically drawn from recent events. These cases underscore the importance of
empathy and critical thinking in interpersonal communications.
• Vignettes: Each chapter begins with a vignette, a description of a real-life case,
situation, or problem related to the chapter’s subject matter. The vignettes offer a
down-to-earth view of the main themes of the chapter and bring cross-cultural
theory closer to the student’s personal experiences.
• Quotations: Scores of quotations appear throughout the text. These are
intended to serve a number of functions, including the following: to provide
divergent points of view, to pique the reader’s interest and curiosity, to utilize
humor as a means of facilitating learning, and to induce critical thinking.
A sampling of sources includes Omar Khayyám, Confucius, Mohandas Gandhi,
Lao-tse, Albert Einstein, P. T. Barnum, Vladimir Nabokov, R. D. Laing, Jackie
Mason, Miguel de Cervantes, the Bible, and common folk proverbs from a
variety of cultures around the globe.
• Facebook: Follow this book on Facebook (search “cross-cultural psychology
textbook”), to discuss interesting, relevant, and current topics related to cross-
cultural psychology and to explore related career choices.
Focus on Applied Contemporary Problems

We have dedicated ourselves to making this text as useful, practical, and relevant as
possible. As a result, we made it a point to address a variety of applied contemporary
themes and to present cross-cultural analyses for a series of complex problems that
society faces today or is likely to face in both the near and distant future. Throughout,
we attempted to strike a balance between not making the book too theoretical (and
therefore not particularly useful in the real world) or too concrete (which would not
cultivate independent thinking).
Updates and Changes in the Sixth Edition

This edition of the book is updated with references to over 200 recent studies. In
particular, there is new research and theories on traditional and nontraditional cul-
tures, sex, gender, race, personality, religious beliefs, the self, sexual orientation, eth-
nic identity, ethnic stereotypes, immigration, intelligence, violence, stigma of mental
illness, DSM-5, physical abuse, mood disorders, cultural syndromes, schizophrenia,
cultural customs, evolutionary psychology, treatment of psychological disorders, and
acculturation.
The book includes new research data obtained on samples from South Korea,
the Netherlands, the United States, Belgium, Russia, several Arab countries, India,
China, Germany, Canada, Japan, the United Kingdom, Botswana, Brazil, Zimbabwe,
Finland, Iceland, Turkey, Austria, and Mexico. This research includes new data con-
cerning various immigrant groups, as well as Muslims, Christians, Asian Americans,
Native Americans, Arab Americans, Hispanic Americans, and African Americans.
xxii Preface
Chapters 1, 2, 7, 9, and 10 underwent the most significant rewriting and

improvement. Based on numerous comments from professors and students,
Chapter 1 now better identifies major theoretical approaches to cross-cultural psy-
chology. Chapter 2 has a much stronger emphasis on contemporary global events.
Chapter 7 contains a significantly expanded discussion of sexual orientation.
Chapter 9 was significantly updated to reflect the publication of the DSM-5. There is
an entirely new chapter (Chapter 11) on “Personality and the Self.” In this chapter, based
on reviewers’ suggestions, we provide an overview of contemporary views of personal-
ity, with particular emphasis on gender identity. In addition to these changes, several
new subtopics related to gender, sexual orientation, personality theories, identity, self-
perception, social and ethnic stereotypes, therapy, and applied problems have been
added throughout the book.
Throughout this new edition, we continue to strive to make our own values clear
and not to present our opinions as if they were “facts” or “truths.” We encourage debate
and even disagreement. But we also believe that despite all the ethnic, cultural, reli-
gious, racial, and national differences, people can (and in fact should) learn to become
more understanding, respectful, and tolerant of one another. Without appearing
unduly optimistic, we do have faith in the enormous potential power of knowledge,
reason, and compassion to help realize these goals.
It is obvious that cross-cultural psychology alone cannot solve the profound
problems facing the human race. However, this knowledge, coupled with goodwill
and informed action, can certainly foster a positive psychological climate that might
eventually generate mutually agreeable, useful solutions. We hope that our enthusiasm
about cross-cultural psychology and critical thinking is contagious and will serve to
enhance your own academic, professional, and personal growth.
Website
The website www.routledge.com/9781138668386 contains tools for classroom prepa-
ration and management for instructors and study materials for students. The instruc-
tor’s section includes a robust test bank that contains multiple choice, true and false,
short answer, and essay questions and answers for every chapter as well as a complete
set of tables and figures from the text. The student’s section includes chapter out-
lines, flashcards of key terms, and links to further resources and the authors’ Face-
book page, which features updates, commentaries, and discussions of topics related
to cross-cultural psychology.
Acknowledgments
No project of this magnitude could have been realized without the invaluable contri-
butions, assistance, and support of scores of individuals. We have benefited from the
insightful feedback and advice of colleagues and reviewers, from the diligent efforts of
research assistants, and from the patience and understanding of family members and
friends. In particular, we wish to acknowledge Lyndsay Brooks, Tamara Levy Eromo,
Elizabeth Laugeson, Maykami L. McClure, Briana Levy, Jacob Levy, Mary J. Tebbe,
Jonathan “JP” Perpich, Steve Nevil, Zorro Levy, Emma Levy, Dmitry Shiraev, Dennis
Shiraev, Nichole Shiraev, Alex Shiraev, Oh Em Tee, Thomas Szasz, Fuji Collis, Don
Preface xxiii
Kilburg Evangeline Wheeler, Alex Main, Susan Siaw, Gerald Boyd, Vladislav Zubok,
Elena Vitenberg, Anthony Galitsky, Diana Smith, Mary Jo Carnot, Beverly A. Farrow,
Bruno Bornet, Urszula Jakubowska, Yola Ghammashi, Buraq Amin, Alexandra Tyson,
Alicia Hooper, Janett Chavez, Jason Smith, Sondra Saterfield, Joseph Morris, Judith
Farell, Rita Chung, Michele Lewis, Fred Bemak, Sergei Samoilenko, Martijn Icks,
and Jane McHan. A special notice of thanks and appreciation goes to Sandy Sayah-
Pedram, whose extraordinary talents and remarkably wide range of contributions
were invaluable in the revision of this book.
We would also like to thank the reviewers who provided input on the revision
plan for the sixth edition: Steven L. Berman (University of North Florida), Graciela
Espinoza-Hernandez (University of North Carolina Wilmington), Lauren Mizock
(Fielding Graduate University), Mia Palmer (Mesa Community College), Douglas
Paton (University of Tasmania, Australia), and David B. Richards (Bridgewater State
University). We would also like to thank the reviewers of previous editions, includ-
ing Denis Sukhodolsky, Yale University; Sergei Tsytsarev, Hofstra University; Cheryl
Koopman, Stanford University; James Sidanius, Harvard University; William W.
Lambert, Cornell University; Elaine P. Adams, Houston Community College; Karen
L. Butler, Johnson C. Smith University; L. Kevin Chapman, University of Louisville;
Kevin Chun, University of San Francisco; Fuji Collins, Central Washington Univer-
sity; McLin Dawn, Jackson State University; Chandler Gilbert Community College;
G. William Hill, Kennesaw State University; Thomas Hodgson, SUNY-Empire State
College; Corrine Lim-Kessler, Monmouth College; Na’im Madyun, University of Min-
nesota Twin Cities; Alex Main, Murdoch University; Pamela Mulder, Marshall Univer-
sity; Jill Norvilitis, SUNY College at Buffalo; Belinda Ramos, B. James Starr, Howard
University; Yvonne Wells, Suffolk University; Evangeline Wheeler, Towson State Uni-
versity; and Leonard Wilhelm, Lakeland College for their insightful comments.
A special word of appreciation is due to the administrations, faculty, staff, and
students at our respective academic institutions, where we have consistently been pro-
vided with an abundance of encouragement, assistance, and validation. Thank you,
Debra Riegert, Senior Editor at Taylor & Francis for believing in us and in this project
from the start. We also would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the tremen-
dous support we received at virtually every stage of this project’s development from
our production team at Taylor & Francis, including Rachel Severinovsky and others,
as well as Sheri Sipka and the staff at Apex CoVantage. On a more personal note, we
wish to express our mutual feelings of thankfulness for our relationship to each other
as collaborators, colleagues, comrades, and friends. The journey continues . . .
Author Bios
Dr. Eric B. Shiraev is a professor, researcher, and author. He took his academic degrees
at St. Petersburg University in Russia and completed a postdoctoral program in the
United States at UCLA. He served at various positions at St. Petersburg University,
NVCC, Oregon State University, George Washington University, and George Mason
University. His research interests are diverse. He is an author, coauthor, and coeditor
of 12 books and numerous publications in the fields of global studies, history of sci-
ence, cross-cultural studies, and political psychology. In his publications, he develops
a distinct multidisciplinary approach to analyzing human behavior. Besides teach-
ing and scholarly work, Eric Shiraev writes opinion essays for the media around the
world. He resides near Washington, D.C. Visit his site: www.ericshiraev.com
Dr. David A. Levy has extensive experience as a teacher, therapist, writer, and
researcher. He is professor of psychology at Pepperdine University’s Graduate School
of Education and Psychology, where he has been teaching graduate courses since
1986. He received his BA degree in theater arts from UCLA, an MA degree in psy-
chology from Pepperdine University, a second MA degree in psychology from UCLA,
and his PhD in psychology from UCLA, where he specialized in social psychology,
with minors in psychological assessment and personality psychology. He served as
visiting professor of psychology in the Soviet Union, where he delivered lectures and
workshops in psychology and psychotherapy at Leningrad (now St. Petersburg) State
University, the Leningrad Academy of Science, and the Bekhterev Psychoneurological
Institute. He was honored as a Harriet and Charles Luckman Distinguished Teaching
Fellow at Pepperdine and was a recipient of the Shepard Ivory Franz Distinguished
Teaching Award and Charles F. Scott Fellowship at UCLA. Dr. Levy holds professional
licenses both in psychology and in marriage and family therapy. He has worked in a
wide range of private practice and inpatient psychiatric settings, he has supervised
clinical interns, and he has utilized his expertise in psychological testing (particularly
the MMPI) in forensic cases.
His numerous theoretical and empirical research studies have been published
in scientific journals and presented at professional conferences. His book, Tools of
Critical Thinking: Metathoughts for Psychology, garnered widespread acclaim in both
academic and clinical settings for its innovative approaches to improving think-
ing skills. Levy coauthored (with Eric Shiraev) Cross-Cultural Psychology: Critical
Thinking and Contemporary Applications, which became an internationally best-
selling textbook. Levy is the author of Family Therapy: History, Theory, and Practice,
which was the first textbook on the topic available to Russian readers. His Levy
Optimism-Pessimism Scale (LOPS) has been utilized internationally in a variety of
research contexts, and he is a member of the Board of Editors for the Journal of
Humanistic Psychology.
Levy is also the author of numerous satirical articles, including “The Emper-
or’s Postmodern Clothes: A Brief Guide to Deconstructing Academically Fash-
ionable Phrases for the Uninitiated,” “How to Be a Good Psychotherapy Patient,”
xxvi Author Bios
“Psychometric Infallibility Realized: The One-Size-Fits-All Psychological Profile,”

“Stinks and Instincts: An Empirical Investigation of Freud’s Excreta Theory,” and
“A Proposed Category for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM): Pervasive Labeling Disorder.”
As a media consultant, Levy has appeared on dozens of television and radio
broadcasts (including CNN, CBS, NBC, PBS, A&E, and E!), providing psychological
perspectives on current events and examining issues and trends in the mental health
fields. He has also worked as a professional director, producer, writer, and actor in
motion pictures, television, and stage. He received an Emmy nomination for Out-
standing Performance in a Network Television Series, and he was a guest star on the
television series “Cheers,” where he portrayed the leader of Frasier’s low self-esteem
group.
1 Understanding Cross-Cultural
Psychology
Remember that all things are only opinions and that it is in your power to think as
you please.
Marcus Aurelius (112–180 c.e.)—Roman emperor
and Stoic philosopher
The West can teach the East how to get a living, but the East must eventually be
asked to show the West how to live.
Tehyi Hsieh (1884–1972)—Chinese
educator and diplomat
N
OW THEY ACTUALLY saw the devastating consequences of the tsunami
right before their eyes. Two psychologists, Fred and Rita, had rushed imme-
diately to Thailand as soon as the reports about the tsunami reached America.
Both of these professionals had seen a lot in their careers, but what they witnessed
now was more than heartbreaking. The deadly impact of the wave was immediate. The
destruction afterward was indescribable. The human suffering seemed endless.
Natural disasters affect all of us, regardless of our nationality or ethnic affilia-
tion. Hurricanes, tornadoes, floods, earthquakes, and typhoons reap destruction and
havoc on our lives, inflicting immediate, acute, as well as long lasting psychological
impact. With this in mind, how are professionals to help people best overcome their
emotional pain?
Fred Bemak has tried to tackle this question for years. As a professor, he devel-
oped several therapeutic methods of psychological intervention to help victims of
large-scale disasters. These methods worked well in the laboratory, but their effec-
tiveness in the real world is more complex. Is such therapy helpful to the poor, who
are usually hardest hit by disasters? What about migrant Latino communities, Abo-
riginal peoples in Australia, and Native-American reservations? Do these methods
work in Africa and Southeast Asia? Bemak founded Counselors without Borders, a
nongovernmental organization focused on studying and alleviating suffering around
the world, and has worked with his wife, Rita Chung, for over 17 years to implement
various forms of psychological assistance to the victims of natural disasters. One of
their main concerns and challenges remains: Can research methods and psycholog-
ical interventions developed in one part of the world be effectively applied in other
cultures? We know that sociocultural factors impact the way people act, think, and
feel and that the same scientific study may yield different results in different groups.
What remains unanswered is how substantial these differences are. If these differences
are negligible, then regardless of where we are born and raised, human behavior and
psychological experience should be based on similar, universal mechanisms. If, on the
other hand, these differences are significant, then as scholars or researchers we need
2 Chapter 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology
to pay closer attention to differences that distinguish people from dissimilar back-
grounds. Psychology, as a field, cannot yet draw definitive conclusions regarding these
different perspectives because of myriad issues that remain unresolved with regard
to psychology as a field worldwide. A few of these issues are outlined in this chapter.
Most important, the current state of psychological research lacks diversity.
Research published in the United States has focused too narrowly on Americans, who
comprise less than 5 percent of the world’s population. A detailed analysis of peer-
reviewed publications in leading academic journals in psychology showed that more
than 90 percent of research samples came from a small group of countries represent-
ing only 12 percent of the world’s population (Henrich et al., 2010). Further, under-
graduate college students composed almost two-thirds of research samples from the
United States and more than three-quarters of samples in studies conducted in other
countries. Summarized succinctly, the present state of psychological research does not
adequately represent the global population (Arnett, 2008).
Further, English is the most acknowledged international language of psychol-
ogy. Scores of prominent journals appear in English and international conferences
use English as their official language. Researchers who have limited proficiency with
English consequently have diminished opportunity to promote their research and
hence enrich global psychological diversity. In addition to being limited by the use of
English, diversity in psychological research is limited by the most prominent psycho-
logical research historically having been developed in a relatively small selection of
countries: the United States, Canada, France, Germany, and a very short list of other
European nations. Scientists from these countries have made the most influential
contributions to psychology. However, there are no less noteworthy and outstand-
ing contributions from many other parts of the world—including China, Indonesia,
India, Japan, Russia, South Africa, Turkey, Iran, and Mexico, to name a few—which
go unacknowledged by a majority of professional psychologists (Shiraev, 2011).
Cross-cultural psychology attempts to resolve these issues by identifying and
exploring people’s similarities and differences, with the ultimate goal of uniting people
worldwide through mutual understanding, curiosity, and appreciation.
What Is Cross-Cultural Psychology?

Before reaching adulthood, most of us do not choose a place to live or a language to
speak. Growing up in cities, towns, and villages, or anywhere—near a snowy Boston
or in a humid Kinshasa—people learn how to understand events around them accord-
ing to the wishes of their parents, societal requirements, and traditions of their ances-
tors. The way people learn to relate to the world through feelings and ideas affects
what these individuals do. Their actions, in turn, have a bearing on their thoughts,
needs, and emotions.
Conditions in which people live vary from place to place. Human actions and
mental sets—formed and developed in various environments—may also fluctuate
from group to group. These kinds of differences (and, of course, similarities) are stud-
ied in cross-cultural psychology (Gudykunst & Bond, 1997). Cross-cultural psychol-
ogy is the critical and comparative study of cultural effects on human psychology.
Please notice two important elements of this definition. First, this is a comparative
field. Any study in cross-cultural psychology draws its conclusions from at least two
samples that represent at least two cultural groups. Second, because cross-cultural
psychology inherently involves comparisons, and the act of comparison requires a
Chapter 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology 3
particular set of critical skills, the study of cross-cultural psychology is inseparable

from critical thinking.
Cross-cultural psychology examines psychological diversity and the under-
lying reasons for such diversity. In particular, cross-cultural psychologists study—
again, from a comparative perspective—the links between cultural norms and
behavior and the ways in which particular human activities are influenced by differ-
ent, sometimes dissimilar social and cultural forces (Segall et al., 1990). For exam-
ple, consider the question suggested by the opening vignette to this chapter: Do
disaster survivors experience similar symptomatology across cultures (see Bemak &
Chung, 2008)? If they do, can a psychologist use an intervention aimed at treating
posttraumatic symptoms in the United States in other cultural environments such
as Sudan or Iran?
Cross-cultural psychology attempts not only to distinguish differences between
groups but also to establish psychological universals and phenomena common to all
people and groups (Berry et al., 1992; Lonner, 1980). (See Figure 1.1.) For example,
cross-cultural psychology attempts to identify commonalties with regard to the struc-
ture of human personality: relatively enduring patterns of thinking, feeling, and act-
ing. Such universal traits include neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience,
agreeableness, and conscientiousness (Costa & McCrae, 1997). These findings are
supported by several global studies (Schmitt et al., 2007).
How is cross-cultural psychology different from cultural psychology? First
and most important, cultural psychology seeks to discover meaningful links between
a culture and the psychology of individuals living in a particular culture (which is
defined later in the chapter). The primary belief of cultural psychology is that human
behavior is meaningful only when viewed in the sociocultural context in which it
occurs (Segall et al., 1999). For instance, a cultural psychologist may be interested in
describing how Buddhism affects both the behavior and attitudes of young couples in
FIGURE 1.1 Cultural Psychology versus Cross-Cultural Psychology
CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
Culture Individuals
CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
Culture Culture
A B
Thailand. Or a research scientist may be interested in investigating how fundamental

principles of Islam are incorporated into an individual’s consciousness and personality
traits (Monroe & Kreidie, 1997). Cultural psychology advocates the idea that behavior
and mental processes are essentially the products of an interaction between culture
and the individual.
Basic Definitions
Culture
Culture is simply how one lives and is connected to history by habit.
Le Roi Jones (1934–2014)—American writer and
civil rights advocate
Culture is not just an ornament; it is the expression of the nation’s character,

and at the same time it is a powerful instrument to mould character. The end
of culture is right living.
W. Somerset Maugham (1874–1965)—English
playwright and novelist
For the purpose of this book, we define culture as a set of attitudes, behaviors, and
symbols shared by a large group of people and usually communicated from one gen-
eration to the next. Attitudes include beliefs (political, ideological, religious, moral,
etc.), values, general knowledge (empirical and theoretical), opinions, superstitions,
and stereotypes. Behaviors include a wide variety of norms, roles, customs, tradi-
tions, habits, practices, and fashions. Symbols represent things or ideas, the meaning
of which is bestowed on them by people. A symbol may have the form of a material
object, a color, a sound, a slogan, a building, or anything else. People attach specific
meanings to specific symbols and pass them to the next generation, thus producing
cultural symbols. For example, a piece of land may mean little for a group of people
living a few miles away. The same land, nevertheless, may be a symbol of unity and
glory for the people living on this land (Brislin, 2000).
Cultures can be described as having both explicit and implicit characteristics.
Explicit characteristics are the set of observable acts regularly found in this culture.
These are overt customs, observable practices, and typical behavioral responses, such
as saying “Hello” to a stranger. Implicit characteristics refer to the organizing princi-
ples that are inferred to lie behind these regularities on the basis of consistent patterns
of explicit culture. For example, grammar that controls speech, hidden norms of bar-
gaining, or particular behavioral expectations in a particular situation may be viewed
as examples of implicit culture.
Please remember that no society is culturally homogeneous. No two cultures are
either entirely similar or entirely different.
Society, Race, and Ethnicity

Some people use terms such as “society,” “culture,” “nationality,” “race,” and “ethnicity”
interchangeably. However, these terms are different. A society is composed of people,
whereas a culture is a shared way of interaction that these people practice. How does
the term “culture” differ from “race,” “ethnicity,” and “nationality”?
Race is defined by most research specialists as a group of people distinguished

by certain similar and genetically transmitted physical characteristics. For example,
Rushton (1995) looks at each race as a more or less distinct combination of heritable
traits, morphological, behavioral, and physiological characteristics. As an illustration,
narrow nasal passages and a short distance between eye sockets mark the “Caucasian.”
Distinct cheekbones identify a “Mongoloid.” Nasal openings shaped like an upside-
down heart typify a “Negroid.” Levin (1995) suggests that the differences among the
races are also evolutionary. The Negroid race, according to this view, occurred first
in sub-Saharan Africa approximately 110,000 years ago and later evolved into the
Mongoloid and Caucasian races. In general terms, blacks (Africans, Negroid) are those
who have most of their ancestors from sub-Saharan Africa; whites (Europeans, Cauca-
soid) have most of their ancestors from Europe; and East Asians (Orientals, Mongol-
oid) have most of their ancestors from Pacific Rim countries. Of course, in referring to
population or racial group differences, we are discussing averages. These three groups
overlap substantially on almost all physical and psychological measures (Rushton &
Jensen, 2005). It is essential to note, however, the high or low frequency of occurrence
of such physical characteristics because most physical traits appear in all populations.
For example, some Germans have frizzy hair, and some Africans have red hair. There
are many dark-skinned European Americans and light-skinned African Americans.
To a contemporary biologist, “race” is a term used to describe a population that differs
in distinguishable physical qualities. Members of this population are capable of breed-
ing with members of other populations, but they generally do not. As a result, during
a period of relative isolation, some specific physical characteristics emerge and are
transmitted genetically. Geographical isolation was a race-creating factor in the past.
Today, however, political, cultural, or religious factors are far more important in the
explanations about the differences among races than are geographic factors.
Race can also be viewed as a social category. Because it indicates—first and
foremost—particular experiences shared by many people who happen to belong to a
category, it is called “race” (Gould, 1994, 1997; Langaney, 1988). Arthur Dole (1995),
for example, recommended abandoning the term “race” altogether and instead using
terms such as “continental origin” (African), “anthropological designation” (Cauca-
sian), and “colonial history” (Latino) to describe large categories of people. Because
race is a social construct, all racial differences may really reflect only the difference
between arbitrarily established categories (Brace, 2005).
Race remains an important element of people’s identification. For instance, in the
contemporary United States, the government, as well as many private organizations
and agencies, may ask anybody applying for a job in those organizations to identify his
or her race or origin, and there are formal guidelines for race identification (Table 1.1).
The government also asks people their race when taking a census (Table 1.2).
Although the term “Hispanic” has been officially used by the U.S. government
since 1980, it is generally not used in Latin America. Some believe the term “Latino” is
more appropriate. The argument is that the term “Hispanic” emphasizes the Spanish
heritage but not other origins (Comas-Diaz, 2001). To reach a compromise, some use
the term “Latino-Hispanic.”
In the United States, the term ethnicity usually indicates cultural heritage, the
experience shared by people who have a common ancestral origin, language, tradi-
tions, and often religion and geographic territory. As you can see from the Table 1.2.,
racial and ethnic minorities are expected to become 50 percent of the U.S. population
by 2050. A nation is defined as group of a people who share common geographical
origin, history, and language and are unified as a political entity—an independent
TABLE 1.1 Racial Categories in the United States
White includes people of European, Arab, and Central Asian origin.

Black includes people of African origin.
Native American includes people of American Indian, Eskimo, and Aleut origin.
Asian includes people of East Asian and Pacific Islander origin.
Hispanic includes people of South and Central American origin.
TABLE 1.2 U.S. Population in 2010 and 2050 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Estimates)
Race/origin 2010 Current % of Total 2050 % Estimates % Change from

Census Population Estimates of Total 2010 to 2050
Population
Total 308,700,000 100% 439,000,000 100% 0%

population
White, 223,600,000 72% 181,930,000 43.6% −28.4%
non-Hispanic
Black 38,900,000 13% 59,693,000 14.3% +1.3%
Hispanic-Latino 50,500,000 16% 119,044,000 28.6% +12.6%
Asian 14,700,000 4.8% 38,965,000 9.3% +4.5%
Source: Data based on U.S. Census Bureau (2010, 2015)
state recognized by other countries. For example, those who acquire the status of a
national of the United States (that is, become citizens) are either born in the United
States or obtain their national status through a naturalization process.
Religious affiliation indicates an individual’s acceptance of knowledge, beliefs,
and practices related to a particular faith. Europe, North America, and South Amer-
ica are predominantly Christian. Almost two-thirds of Muslims live in Asia. Since
the beginning of polling almost 70 years ago, about 95 percent of Americans consis-
tently report believing in God. However, the strength of their faith varies. Further,
about one-quarter of American adults have changed their religious affiliation since
childhood, and 25 percent of young adults under age 30 claim no affiliation with any
religious institution (Pew, 2008). Overall, there 78 percent of the U.S. population is
Christian. Every year, more people identify themselves as Buddhist or Muslim, though
these groups are relatively small: each is less than 1 percent of the total population.
Less than 2 percent identify themselves as Jewish. Atheists or agnostics account for
4 percent of the total population (for global estimations of major religious affiliations,
check the textbook’s website). Religious teachings have a relatively similar impact on
individuals, regardless of their religious affiliation, inspiring honesty, modesty, and/
or kindness within human beings. While scientific discoveries spread relatively fast
across the globe, culture and religion have the advantage of having deep psychological
roots, backed by ruling elites and the social institutions endorsing them.
There is a great deal of confusion in the way people across countries use the
terms “race,” “ethnicity,” “religious identity,” and “nationality.” Christian Arabs resid-
ing in Israel, for example, don’t call themselves Israeli Christian Arabs. Although they
are Israeli citizens, Arabs commonly see their Israeli identity as a civic or legal one, not
as cultural. On the other hand, for most of the Jewish population, Israeli citizenship
serves as both legal and cultural identity (Horenczyk & Munayer, 2007). What is often
labeled as “race” or “ethnicity” in the United States is termed “nationality” in other
countries.
A CASE IN POINT
Ethnicity and Nationality: How They Are Understood in the United States
(excerpted from Shiraev & Boyd, 2008)
There are different ethnic groups within most nations, and the United States is not an
exception. Similarly, there can be different national groups within any particular ethnic
group.
Same nationality, different ethnic groups: Martha and Martin are both U.S. citizens.
In terms of their nationality, they are both Americans. However, ethnically, Martha is
Brazilian because her parents emigrated from Brazil when she was a little girl and she
received her U.S. citizenship a few years ago. Martin is a seventh-generation New Yorker.
His ethnic roots are mixed: Irish, French, German, and Russian.
Same ethnic groups, different nationality: Hamed and Aziza are both Palestinian
exchange students living in New Jersey. Hamed’s parents live in Tel-Aviv, and both he
and his parents are Israeli citizens. Aziza is a Jordanian national and holds a Jordanian
passport.
CROSS-CULTURAL SENSITIVITY
Fairfax Hospital emergency room was busy as usual on a typical Saturday afternoon.
In nearly every emergency room the patient has little privacy, and whatever one says is
heard by anyone who happens to be around. A young doctor was busily examining newly
arrived patients, a usual routine to determine the seriousness of their symptoms. He just
finished questioning a woman—she was apparently in satisfactory condition—and was
about to move on to the next patient waiting nearby.
“Doctor, where did you go to school?” the woman asked.
“Wake Forest,” the doctor replied.
“And what’s your nationality?” the curious woman continued.
“I am American,” replied the doctor with a smile.
“No, no, what is your nationality?” insisted the lady, putting an emphasis on the last
word. “You look Chinese or Vietnamese to me.”
“Ma’am, I am American, I was born here. My parents came from China, but they are
U.S. nationals too. You can call me Chinese American.”
“Oh, I see,” concluded the lady loudly. “I knew I was right. You are Chinese!”
Some people still associate the word “American” with a particular “European” look
and “TV-anchor” accent. For some, it is hard to comprehend that the United States has
always been—and will continue to be—a multiethnic community. Skin color, name, and
hair texture do not automatically determine a person’s nationality or religion. “It’s really
not a big deal,” said the doctor to one of the authors who witnessed this conversation
and asked the doctor if he was offended by the woman’s comments. “For as long as
I live, I will always be correcting people’s remarks about my ethnicity. Some people do not
get it. They will never change.” We know that doctors are not supposed to make wrong
predictions. However, our hope is that this prediction will eventually prove to be incorrect
(or at least mostly incorrect).
We should not forget that human groups are constantly moving and mixing with
others. Some countries prohibit a person from changing his or her religious affiliation.
In contrast, in the United States cultural diversity is encouraged, and people have free-
dom to choose the group(s) with which they want to identify, with ethnic, religious,
or national identity becoming increasingly dynamic and a matter of individual choice.
Knowledge in Cross-Cultural Psychology

Knowledge is information that has a purpose or use. A fortune-teller is likely to explain
to you that a dream is a psychic window into your future. A scientist, however, would
likely explain the biological mechanisms of dreams, suggesting that they cannot be
counted on to reliably predict anything. Pursuing various goals, people have devel-
oped different kinds of psychological knowledge. At least four categories of knowledge
are recognized in psychology (Table 1.3).
The first category is scientific knowledge. This type of knowledge is derived
from the systematic observation, measurement, and evaluation of a wide range of psy-
chological phenomena. Observations are organized and generalized in the form of
scientific concepts and theories. A theory is a proposed explanation that helps us to
understand how and why events are related. Theories generate predictions or hypoth-
eses, which are then tested by various research methods, including experiments. Sci-
entific views in psychology change—as they should—based on new data. What was
considered scientific has varied through history and from country to country. Some
scientific theories have garnered academic respect during certain periods, only to be
replaced later by other theories. Phrenology is an illustration. At a certain point in
history, the link between bumps on the human skull and emotional and intellectual
abilities of a person was considered scientific. Today such ideas are widely rejected.
The second category of psychological knowledge is referred to as folk theories
and encompasses a collection of popular beliefs and assumptions. This “everyday psy-
chology” is formulated by the people for the people. Its assumptions vary from the
general (such as a belief in the ability of dreams to predict the future) to the very
specific (that a particular item of clothing will bring good luck). This type of knowl-
edge will sometimes lead individuals to believe that a replica or symbol of something
(like an idol or statue) is equivalent to the person or the thing itself (Johnson et al.,
2011). Along similar lines, the Hua in New Guinea hold a folk belief that food carries
a substance that transmits the essence and social status of the person who produces
TABLE 1.3 Four Types of Knowledge in Cross-Cultural Psychology
Type of Knowledge Sources of Knowledge
Scientific Knowledge accumulated as a result of scientific research of a wide

range of psychological phenomena.
Popular (or folk) Everyday assumptions ranging from commonly held beliefs to individual
opinions about psychological phenomena.
Ideological (value A stable set of beliefs about the world, the nature of good and evil, right
based) and wrong, and the purpose of human life—all based on a particular
organizing principal or central idea.
Legal Knowledge encapsulated in the law and detailed in official rules and
principles related to psychological functioning of individuals.
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have studied the progress of the analytical, as well as the
mechanical sciences. We are compelled to pause and look
backwards here; just as happened in the history of astronomy, when
we arrived at the brink of the great mechanical inductions of Newton,
and found that we must trace the history of Mechanics, before we
could proceed to mechanical Astronomy. The terms “force, attraction,
inertia, momentum,” sent us back into preceding centuries then, just
as the terms “composition” and “element” send us back now.
Nor is it to a small extent that we have thus to double back upon

our past advance. Next to Astronomy, Chemistry is one of the most
ancient of sciences;—the field of the earliest attempts of man to
command and understand nature. It has held men for centuries by a
kind of fascination; and innumerable and endless are the various
labors, the failures and successes, the speculations and
conclusions, the strange pretences and fantastical dreams, of those
who have pursued it. To exhibit all these, or give any account of
them, would be impossible; and for our design, it would not be
pertinent. To extract from the mass that which is to our purpose, is
difficult; but the attempt must be made. We must endeavor to
analyse the history of Chemistry, so far as it has tended towards the
establishment of general principles. We shall thus obtain a sight of
generalizations of a new kind, and shall prepare ourselves for others
of a higher order.
B O O K XIV.
T H E A N A LY T I C A L S C I E N C E .
HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY.
. . . . . . . Soon had his crew
Opened into the hill a spacious wound,
And digged out ribs of gold . . . .
Anon out of the earth a fabric huge
Rose like an exhalation, with the sound
Of dulcet symphonies and voices sweet,
Built like a temple.
Milton. Paradise Lost, i.
CHAPTER I.
Improvement of the Notion of Chemical Analysis, and Recognition of it as

the Spagiric Art.
T HE doctrine of “the four elements” is one of the oldest

monuments of man’s speculative nature; goes back, perhaps, to
times anterior to Greek philosophy; and as the doctrine of Aristotle
and Galen, reigned for fifteen hundred years over the Gentile,
Christian, and Mohammedan world. In medicine, taught as the
doctrine of the four “elementary qualities,” of which the human body
and all other substances are compounded, it had a very powerful
and extensive influence upon medical practice. But this doctrine
never led to any attempt actually to analyse bodies into their
supposed elements: for composition was inferred from the
resemblance of the qualities, not from the separate exhibition of the
ingredients; the supposed analysis was, in short, a decomposition of
the body into adjectives, not into substances.
This doctrine, therefore, may be considered as a negative state,

antecedent to the very beginning of chemistry; and some progress
beyond this mere negation was made, as soon as men began to
endeavor to compound and decompound substances by the use of
fire or mixture, however erroneous might be the opinions and
expectations which they combined with their attempts. Alchemy is a
step in chemistry, so far as it implies the recognition of the work of
the cupel and the retort, as the produce of analysis and synthesis.
How perplexed and perverted were the forms in which this
recognition was clothed,—how mixed up with mythical follies and
extravagancies, we have already seen; and the share which
Alchemy had in the formation of any sounder knowledge, is not such
as to justify any further notice of that pursuit.
The result of the attempts to analyse bodies by heat, mixture, and

the like processes, was the doctrine that the first principles of things
are three, not four; namely, salt, sulphur, and mercury; and that, of
these three, all things are compounded. In reality, the doctrine, as
thus stated, contained no truth which was of any value; for, though
the chemist could extract from most bodies portions which he called
salt, 262 and sulphur, and mercury, these names were given, rather
to save the hypothesis, than because the substances were really
those usually so called: and thus the supposed analyses proved
nothing, as Boyle justly urged against them. 1
1 Shaw’s Boyle. Skeptical Chymist, pp. 312, 313. &c.
The only real advance in chemical theory, therefore, which we can

ascribe to the school of the three principles, as compared with those
who held the ancient dogma of the four elements, is, the
acknowledgment of the changes produced by the chemist’s
operations, as being changes which were to be accounted for by the
union and separation of substantial elements, or, as they were
sometimes called, of hypostatical principles. The workmen of this
school acquired, no doubt, a considerable acquaintance with the
results of the kinds of processes which they pursued; they applied
their knowledge to the preparation of new medicines; and some of
them, as Paracelsus and Van Helmont, attained, in this way, to great
fame and distinction: but their merits, as regards theoretical
chemistry, consist only in a truer conception of the problem, and of
the mode of attempting its solution, than their predecessors had
entertained.
This step is well marked by a word which, about the time of which
we speak, was introduced to denote the chemist’s employment. It
was called the Spagiric art, (often misspelt Spagyric,) from two
Greek words, (σπάω, ἀγείρω,) which mean to separate parts, and to
unite them. These two processes, or in more modern language,
analysis and synthesis, constitute the whole business of the chemist.
We are not making a fanciful arrangement, therefore, when we mark
the recognition of this object as a step in the progress of chemistry. I
now proceed to consider the manner in which the conditions of this
analysis and synthesis were further developed.
CHAPTER II.
Doctrine of Acid and Alkali.—Sylvius.
A MONG the results of mixture observed by chemists, were many

instances in which two ingredients, each in itself pungent or
destructive, being put together, became mild and inoperative; each
263 counteracting and neutralizing the activity of the other. The
notion of such opposition and neutrality is applicable to a very wide
range of chemical processes. The person who appears first to have
steadily seized and generally applied this notion is Francis de la Boé
Sylvius; who was born in 1614, and practised medicine at
Amsterdam, with a success and reputation which gave great
currency to his opinions on that art. 2 His chemical theories were
propounded as subordinate to his medical doctrines; and from being
thus presented under a most important practical aspect, excited far
more attention than mere theoretical opinions on the composition of
bodies could have done. Sylvius is spoken of by historians of
science, as the founder of the iatro-chemical sect among physicians;
that is, the sect which considers the disorders in the human frame as
the effects of chemical relations of the fluids, and applies to them
modes of cure founded upon this doctrine. We have here to speak,
not of his physiological, but of his chemical views.
2 Sprengel. Geschichte der Arzneykunde, vol. iv. Thomson’s
History of Chemistry in the corresponding part is translated from
Sprengel.
The distinction of acid and alkaline bodies (acidum, lixivum) was

familiar before the time of Sylvius; but he framed a system, by
considering them both as eminently acrid and yet opposite, and by
applying this notion to the human frame. Thus 3 the lymph contains
an acid, the bile an alkaline salt. These two opposite acrid
substances, when they are brought together, neutralize each other
(infringunt), and are changed into an intermediate and milder
substance.
3 De Methodo Medendi, Amst. 1679. Lib. ii. cap. 28, sects. 8 and
53.
The progress of this doctrine, as a physiological one, is an

important part of the history of medical science in the seventeenth
century; but with that we are not here concerned. But as a chemical
doctrine, this notion of the opposition of acid and alkali, and of its
very general applicability, struck deep root, and has not been
eradicated up to our own time. Boyle, indeed, whose disposition led
him to suspect all generalities, expressed doubts with regard to this
view; 4 and argued that the supposition of acid and alkaline parts in
all bodies was precarious, their offices arbitrary, and the notion of
them unsettled. Indeed it was not difficult to show, that there was no
one certain criterion to which all supposed acids conformed. Yet the
general conception of such a combination as that of acid and alkali
was supposed to 264 be, served so well to express many chemical
facts, that it kept its ground. It is found, for instance, in Lemery’s
Chemistry, which was one of those in most general use before the
introduction of the phlogistic theory. In this work (which was
translated into English by Keill, in 1698) we find alkalies defined by
their effervescing with acids. 5 They were distinguished as the
mineral alkali (soda), the vegetable alkali (potassa), and the volatile
alkali (ammonia). Again, in Macquer’s Chemistry, which was long the
text-book in Europe during the reign of phlogiston, we find acids and
alkalies, and their union, in which they rob each other of their
characteristic properties, and form neutral salts, stated among the
leading principles of the science. 6
4 Shaw’s Boyle, iii. p. 432.
5 Lemery, p. 25.
6 Macquer, p. 19.
In truth, the mutual relation of acids to alkalies was the most

essential part of the knowledge which chemists possessed
concerning them. The importance of this relation arose from its being
the first distinct form in which the notion of chemical attraction or
affinity appeared. For the acrid or caustic character of acids and
alkalies is, in fact, a tendency to alter the bodies they touch, and thus
to alter themselves; and the neutral character of the compounds is
the absence of any such proclivity to change. Acids and alkalies
have a strong disposition to unite. They combine, often with
vehemence, and produce neutral salts; they exhibit, in short, a
prominent example of the chemical attraction, or affinity, by which
two ingredients are formed into a compound. The relation of acid and
base in a salt is, to this day, one of the main grounds of all
theoretical reasonings.
The more distinct development of the notion of such chemical

attraction, gradually made its way among the chemists of the latter
part of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century,
as we may see in the writings of Boyle, Newton, and their followers.
Beecher speaks of this attraction as a magnetism; but I do not know
that any writer in particular, can be pointed out as the person who
firmly established the general notion of chemical attraction.
But this idea of chemical attraction became both more clear and
more extensively applicable, when it assumed the form of the
doctrine of elective attractions, in which shape we must now speak
of it. 265
CHAPTER III.
Doctrine of Elective Attractions. Geoffroy. Bergman.
T HOUGH the chemical combinations of bodies had already been

referred to attraction, in a vague and general manner, it was
impossible to explain the changes that take place, without supposing
the attraction to be greater or less, according to the nature of the
body. Yet it was some time before the necessity of such a
supposition was clearly seen. In the history of the French Academy
for 1718 (published 1719), the writer of the introductory notice
(probably Fontenelle) says, “That a body which is united to another,
for example, a solvent which has penetrated a metal, should quit it to
go and unite itself with another which we present to it, is a thing of
which the possibility had never been guessed by the most subtle
philosophers, and of which the explanation even now is not easy.”
The doctrine had, in fact, been stated by Stahl, but the assertion just
quoted shows, at least, that it was not familiar. The principle,
however, is very clearly stated 7 in a memoir in the same volume, by
Geoffroy, a French physician of great talents and varied knowledge,
“We observe in chemistry,” he says, “certain relations amongst
different bodies, which cause them to unite. These relations have
their degrees and their laws. We observe their different degrees in
this;—that among different matters jumbled together, which have a
certain disposition to unite, we find that one of these substances
always unites constantly with a certain other, preferably to all the
rest.” He then states that those which unite by preference, have “plus
de rapport,” or, according to a phrase afterwards used, more affinity.
“And I have satisfied myself,” he adds, “that we may deduce, from
these observations, the following proposition, which is very
extensively true, though I cannot enunciate it as universal, not
having been able to examine all the possible combinations, to assure
myself that I should find no exception.” The proposition which he
states in this admirable spirit of philosophical caution, is this: “In all
cases where two substances, 266 which have any disposition to
combine, are united; if there approaches them a third, which has
more affinity with one of the two, this one unites with the third and
lets go the other.” He then states these affinities in the form of a
Table; placing a substance at the head of each column, and other
substances in succession below it, according to the order of their
affinities for the substance which stands at the head. He allows that
the separation is not always complete (an imperfection which he
ascribes to the glutinosity of fluids and other causes), but, with such
exceptions, he defends very resolutely and successfully his Table,
and the notions which it implies.
7 Mém. Acad. Par. 1718, p. 202.
The value of such a tabulation was immense at the time, and is

even still very great; it enabled the chemist to trace beforehand the
results of any operation; since, when the ingredients were given, he
could see which were the strongest of the affinities brought into play,
and, consequently, what compounds would be formed. Geoffroy
himself gave several good examples of this use of his table. It was
speedily adopted into works on chemistry. For instance, Macquer 8
places it at the end of his book; “taking it,” as he says, “to be of great
use at the end of an elementary tract, as it collects into one point of
view, the most essential and fundamental doctrines which are
dispersed through the work.”
8 Pref., p. 13.
The doctrine of Elective Attraction, as thus promulgated, contained
so large a mass of truth, that it was never seriously shaken, though it
required further development and correction. In particular the
celebrated work of Torbern Bergman, professor at Upsala, On
Elective Attractions, published in 1775, introduced into it material
improvements. Bergman observed, that not only the order of
attractions, but the sum of those attractions which had to form the
new compounds, must be taken account of, in order to judge of the
result. Thus, 9 if we have a combination of two elements, P, s,
(potassa and vitriolic acid), and another combination, L, m, (lime and
muriatic acid,) though s has a greater affinity for P than for L, yet the
sum of the attractions of P to m, and of L to s, is greater than that of
the original compounds, and therefore if the two combinations are
brought together, the new compounds, P, m, and L, s, are formed.
9 Elect. Attract., p. 19.
The Table of Elective Attractions, modified by Bergman in

pursuance of these views, and corrected according to the advanced
knowledge of the time, became still more important than before. The
next step 267 was to take into account the quantities of the elements
which combined; but this leads us into a new train of investigation,
which was, indeed, a natural sequel to the researches of Geoffroy
and Bergman.
In 1803, however, a chemist of great eminence, Berthollet,

published a work (Essai de Statique Chimique), the tendency of
which appeared to be to throw the subject back into the condition in
which it had been before Geoffroy. For Berthollet maintained that the
rules of chemical combination were not definite, and dependent on
the nature of the substances alone, but indefinite, depending on the
quantity present, and other circumstances. Proust answered him,
and as Berzelius says, 10 “Berthollet defended himself with an
acuteness which makes the reader hesitate in his judgment; but the
great mass of facts finally decided the point in favor of Proust.”
Before, however, we trace the result of these researches, we must
consider Chemistry as extending her inquiries to combustion as well
as mixture, to airs as well as fluids and solids, and to weight as well
as quality. These three steps we shall now briefly treat of.
10 Chem. t. iii. p. 23.
CHAPTER IV.
Doctrine of Acidification and Combustion.—Phlogistic Theory.
P UBLICATION of the Theory by Beccher and Stahl.—It will be

recollected that we are tracing the history of the progress only of
Chemistry, not of its errors;—that we are concerned with doctrines
only so far as they are true, and have remained part of the received
system of chemical truths. The Phlogistic Theory was deposed and
succeeded by the Theory of Oxygen. But this circumstance must not
lead us to overlook the really sound and permanent part of the
opinions which the founders of the phlogistic theory taught. They
brought together, as processes of the same kind, a number of
changes which at first appeared to have nothing in common; as
acidification, combustion, respiration. Now this classification is true;
and its importance remains undiminished, whatever are the
explanations which we adopt of the processes themselves.
The two chemists to whom are to be ascribed the merit of this

step, and the establishment of the phlogistic theory which they
connected 268 with it, are John Joachim Beccher and George Ernest
Stahl; the former of whom was professor at Mentz, and physician to
the Elector of Bavaria (born 1625, died 1682); the latter was
professor at Halle, and afterwards royal physician at Berlin (born
1660, died 1734). These two men, who thus contributed to a
common purpose, were very different from each other. The first was
a frank and ardent enthusiast in the pursuit of chemistry, who speaks
of himself and his employments with a communicativeness and
affection both amusing and engaging. The other was a teacher of
great talents and influence, but accused of haughtiness and
moroseness; a character which is well borne out by the manner in
which, in his writings, he anticipates an unfavorable reception, and
defies it. But it is right to add to this that he speaks of Beccher, his
predecessor, with an ungrudging acknowledgment of obligations to
him, and a vehement assertion of his merit as the founder of the true
system, which give a strong impression of Stahl’s justice and
magnanimity.
Beccher’s opinions were at first promulgated rather as a correction

than a refutation of the doctrine of the three principles, salt, sulphur,
and mercury. The main peculiarity of his views consists in the offices
which he ascribes to his sulphur, these being such as afterwards
induced Stahl to give the name of Phlogiston to this element.
Beccher had the sagacity to see that the reduction of metals to an
earthy form (calx), and the formation of sulphuric acid from sulphur,
are operations connected by a general analogy, as being alike
processes of combustion. Hence the metal was supposed to consist
of an earth, and of something which, in the process of combustion,
was separated from it; and, in like manner, sulphur was supposed to
consist of the sulphuric acid, which remained after its combustion,
and of the combustible part or true sulphur, which flew off in the
burning. Beccher insists very distinctly upon this difference between
his element sulphur and the “sulphur” of his Paracelsian
predecessors.
It must be considered as indicating great knowledge and talent in

Stahl, that he perceived so clearly what part of the views of Beccher
was of general truth and permanent value. Though he 11 everywhere
gives to Beccher the credit of the theoretical opinions which he
promulgates, (“Beccheriana sunt quæ profero,”) it seems certain that
he had the merit, not only of proving them more completely, and
applying them more widely than his forerunner, but also of
conceiving them 269 with a distinctness which Beccher did not attain.
In 1697, appeared Stahl’s Zymotechnia Fundamentalis (the Doctrine
of Fermentation), “simulque experimentum novum sulphur verum
arte producendi.” In this work (besides other tenets which the author
considered as very important), the opinion published by Beccher was
now maintained in a very distinct form;—namely, that the process of
forming sulphur from sulphuric acid, and of restoring the metals from
their calces, are analogous, and consist alike in the addition of some
combustible element, which Stahl termed phlogiston (φλογίστον,
combustible). The experiment most insisted on in the work now
spoken of, 12 was the formation of sulphur from sulphate of potass
(or of soda) by fusing the salt with an alkali, and throwing in coals to
supply phlogiston. This is the “experimentum novum.” Though Stahl
published an account of this process, he seems to have regretted his
openness. “He denies not,” he says, “that he should peradventure
have dissembled this experiment as the true foundation of the
Beccherian assertion concerning the nature of sulphur, if he had not
been provoked by the pretending arrogance of some of his
contemporaries.”
11 Stahl, Præf. ad Specim. Becch. 1703.
12 P. 117.
From this time, Stahl’s confidence in his theory may be traced

becoming more and more settled in his succeeding publications. It is
hardly necessary to observe here, that the explanations which his
theory gives are easily transformed into those which the more recent
theory supplies. According to modern views, the addition of oxygen
takes place in the formation of acids and of calces, and in
combustion, instead of the subtraction of phlogiston. The coal which
Stahl supposed to supply the combustible in his experiment, does in
fact absorb the liberated oxygen. In like manner, when an acid
corrodes a metal, and, according to existing theory, combines with
and oxidates it, Stahl supposed that the phlogiston separated from
the metal and combined with the acid. That the explanations of the
phlogistic theory are so generally capable of being translated into the
oxygen theory, merely by inverting the supposed transfer of the
combustible element, shows us how important a step towards the
modern doctrines the phlogistic theory really was.
The question, whether these processes were in fact addition or

subtraction, was decided by the balance, and belongs to a
succeeding period of the science. But we may observe, that both
Beccher and Stahl were aware of the increase of weight which
metals undergo in 270 calcination; although the time had not yet
arrived in which this fact was to be made one of the bases of the
theory.
It has been said, 13 that in the adoption of the phlogistic theory, that
is, in supposing the above-mentioned processes to be addition
rather than subtraction, “of two possible roads the wrong was
chosen, as if to prove the perversity of the human mind.” But we
must not forget how natural it was to suppose that some part of a
body was destroyed or removed by combustion; and we may
observe, that the merit of Beccher and Stahl did not consist in the
selection of one road or two, but in advancing so far as to reach this
point of separation. That, having done this, they went a little further
on the wrong line, was an error which detracted little from the merit
or value of the progress really made. It would be easy to show, from
the writings of phlogistic chemists, what important and extensive
truths their theory enabled them to express simply and clearly.

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Cross-Cultural Psychology: Critical

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Critical Thinking 12th Edition

CHAPTER 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology 1

CHAPTER 2 Critical Thinking in Cross-Cultural Psychology 30

CHAPTER 3 Methodology of Cross-Cultural Research 75

CHAPTER 4 Cognition: Sensation, Perception, and States of

CHAPTER 5 Intelligence 135

CHAPTER 6 Emotion 168

CHAPTER 7 Motivation and Behavior 195

CHAPTER 8 Human Development and Socialization 222

CHAPTER 9 Psychological Disorders 252

CHAPTER 10 Social Perception, Social Cognition, and Social

CHAPTER 11 Personality and the Self 320

CHAPTER 12 Applied Cross-Cultural Psychology: Some Highlights 346

CHAPTER 1 Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology 1

CHAPTER 2 Critical Thinking in Cross-Cultural Psychology 30

The Assimilation Bias: Viewing the World through Schema-Colored

CHAPTER 3 Methodology of Cross-Cultural Research 75

A Hidden Obstacle of Cross-Cultural Studies: Test Translation 90

CHAPTER 4 Cognition: Sensation, Perception, and States of

CHAPTER 5 Intelligence 135

Environment and Intelligence 145

CHAPTER 6 Emotion 168

CHAPTER 7 Motivation and Behavior 195

Learning and Motivation 202

CHAPTER 8 Human Development and Socialization 222

CHAPTER 9 Psychological Disorders 252

CHAPTER 10 Social Perception, Social Cognition, and Social

CHAPTER 11 Personality and the Self 320

CHAPTER 12 Applied Cross-Cultural Psychology: Some Highlights 346

We cordially invite you to explore cross-cultural psychology of the twenty-first cen-

Goals of This Book

1. To introduce the field of cross-cultural psychology to college students.

• As a primary or supplementary text for courses on cross-cultural psychology,

What Makes This Book Different?

Pedagogical Features to Enhance Learning

• Exercises and Activities: More than 30 exercises are strategically placed

illustrations of academic studies or theories in cross-cultural psychology. They

Focus on Applied Contemporary Problems

Updates and Changes in the Sixth Edition

Chapters 1, 2, 7, 9, and 10 underwent the most significant rewriting and

“Psychometric Infallibility Realized: The One-Size-Fits-All Psychological Profile,”

What Is Cross-Cultural Psychology?

particular set of critical skills, the study of cross-cultural psychology is inseparable

FIGURE 1.1 Cultural Psychology versus Cross-Cultural Psychology

Thailand. Or a research scientist may be interested in investigating how fundamental

Culture is not just an ornament; it is the expression of the nation’s character,

Society, Race, and Ethnicity

Race is defined by most research specialists as a group of people distinguished

TABLE 1.1 Racial Categories in the United States

White includes people of European, Arab, and Central Asian origin.

Race/origin 2010 Current % of Total 2050 % Estimates % Change from

Total 308,700,000 100% 439,000,000 100% 0%

Source: Data based on U.S. Census Bureau (2010, 2015)

Knowledge in Cross-Cultural Psychology