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Brief Contents
vii
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Table of Contents
1-2 The Art of Economic Analysis 7 3-2a The Evolution of the Firm 49 | 3-2b Types of Firms 50 |
3-2c Cooperatives 52 | 3-2d Not-for-Profit Organizations 53 |
1-2a Rational Self-Interest 7 | 1-2b Choice Requires Time and Case Study: User-Generated Products 53 | 3-2e Why Does
Information 8 | 1-2c Economic Analysis Is Marginal Analysis 8 | Household Production Still Exist? 54
1-2d Microeconomics and Macroeconomics 9
3-3 The Government 55
1-3 The Science of Economic Analysis 10
1-3a The Role of Theory 10 | 1-3b The Scientific Method 11 | 1-3c 3-3a The Role of Government 55 | 3-3b Government’s
Normative Versus Positive 12 | 1-3d Economists Tell Stories 13 Structure and Objectives 57 | 3-3c The Size and Growth of
| 1-3e Predicting Average Behavior 13 | 1-3f Some Pitfalls of Government 58 | 3-3d Sources of Government Revenue 59 |
Faulty Economic Analysis 13 | 1-3g If Economists Are So Smart, 3-3e Tax Principles and Tax Incidence 60
Why Aren’t They Rich? 14 | Case Study: College Major and 3-4 The Rest of the World 62
Annual Earnings 15
3-4a International Trade 62 | 3-4b Exchange Rates 62 | 3-4c
Appendix: Understanding Graphs 20 Trade Restrictions 63
Drawing Graphs 21 | The Slope of a Straight Line 22 | The Slope,
Units of Measurement, and Marginal Analysis 22 | The Slopes
of Curved Lines 23 | Line Shifts 25 | Appendix Questions 25 Chapter 4
Chapter 2 Demand, Supply, and Markets 66
Economic Tools and Economic Systems 26 4-1 Demand 67
2-1 Choice and Opportunity Cost 27 4-1a Law of Demand 67 | 4-1b Demand Schedule and Demand
Curve 69
2-1a Opportunity Cost 27 | Case Study: The Opportunity Cost
of College 28 | 2-1b Opportunity Cost Is Subjective 29 | 2-1c 4-2 What Shifts a Demand Curve? 70
Sunk Cost and Choice 30
4-2a Consumer Income 71 | 4-2b Prices of Other Goods 71 |
2-2 Comparative Advantage, Specialization, and Exchange 31 4-2c Consumer Expectations 72 | 4-2d Number or Composition
of Consumers 72 | 4-2e Consumer Tastes 72
2-2a The Law of Comparative Advantage 31 | 2-2b Absolute
Advantage Versus Comparative Advantage 31 | 2-2c 4-3 Supply 73
Specialization and Exchange 32 | 2-2d Division of Labor and
Gains From Specialization 33 4-3a Supply Schedule and Supply Curve 73
2-3 The Economy’s Production Possibilities 34 4-4 What Shifts a Supply Curve? 75
2-3a Efficiency and the Production Possibilities Frontier, or 4-4a State of Technology and Know-How 75 | 4-4b Resource
PPF 34 | 2-3b Inefficient and Unattainable Production 35 | 2-3c Prices 75 | 4-4c Prices of Other Goods 76 | 4-4d Producer
The Shape of the PPF 35 | 2-3d What Can Shift the PPF? 36 | Expectations 76 | 4-4e Number of Producers in the
2-3e What We Learn From the PPF 39 Market 77
2-4 Economic Systems 39 4-5 Demand and Supply Create a Market 77
2-4a Three Questions Every Economic System Must Answer 39
| 2-4b Pure Capitalism 40 | 2-4c Pure Command System 41 | 4-5a Markets 77 | 4-5b Market Equilibrium 78
2-4d Mixed and Transitional Economies 42 | 2-4e Economies
Based on Custom or Religion | 43 ix
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x Contents
4-6 Changes in Equilibrium Price and Quantity 80 Appendix: National Income Accounts 134
4-6a Shifts of the Demand Curve 80 | 4-6b Shifts of the Supply National Income 134 | Personal and Disposable Income 134 |
Curve 81 | 4-6c Simultaneous Shifts of Demand and Supply Summary of National Income Accounts 135 | Summary Income
Curves 82 Statement of the Economy 135 | Appendix Questions 136
4-7 Disequilibrium 84 Chapter 7
4-7a Price Floors 84 | 4-7b Price Ceilings 85 | Case Study: Rent Unemployment and Inflation 137
Ceilings in New York City 85
7-1 Unemployment: Its Measure and Sources 138
PA RT 2 F
undamentals of 7-1a Measuring Unemployment 139 | 7-1b Labor Force
Participation Rate 141 | 7-1c Unemployment Over Time 141
Macroeconomics | 7-1d Duration of Unemployment 141 | 7-1e Unemployment
Among Various Groups 142 | 7-1f Unemployment Varies Across
Chapter 5 Occupations and Regions 145 | 7-1g International Comparisons
Introduction to Macroeconomics 91 of Unemployment 145 | 7-1h Sources of Unemployment 146
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Contents xi
9-2 Nonincome Determinants of Consumption 192 11-2a Before the Great Depression 238 | 11-2b The Great
Depression and World War II 238 | 11-2c Automatic
9-2a Net Wealth 192 | 9-2b The Price Level 193 | 9-2c The
Stabilizers 239 | 11-2d From the Golden Age to Stagflation 240
Interest Rate 194 | 9-2d Consumer Expectations 194 | 9-2e The
Life-Cycle Model of Consumption and Saving 195 11-3 Limits on Fiscal Policy’s Effectiveness 241
9-3 Other Spending Components 196 11-3a Estimating the Natural Rate of Unemployment 241 | 11-3b
9-3a Investment 196 | Case Study: Investment Varies More Lags in Fiscal Policy 242 | 11-3c Discretionary Fiscal Policy and
Than Consumption 198 | 9-3b Government Purchases 199 | Permanent Income 242
9-3c Net Exports 200 11-4 Fiscal Policy from 1980 to 2007 243
9-4 Aggregate Expenditure and Income 200 11-4a Fiscal Policy During the 1980s 243 | 11-4b 1990 to 2007:
9-4a Components of Aggregate Expenditure 200 | 9-4b Real From Deficits to Surpluses Back to Deficits 243
GDP Demanded 201 | 9-4c What if Spending Exceeds Real
GDP? 202 | 9-4d What if Real GDP Exceeds Spending? 202 11-5 Fiscal Policy During and After the Great Recession 244
11-5a The Financial Crisis 245 | 11-5b President Obama’s
9-5 The Simple Spending Multiplier 203
Stimulus Package 245 | 11-5c Fiscal Policy Since 2007 246 |
9-5a An Increase in Spending 203 | 9-5b Using the Simple Case Study: Cash for Clunkers 248
Spending Multiplier 204
Appendix: Demand-Side Effects of Government
9-6 The Aggregate Demand Curve 205 Purchases and Net Taxes 252
9-6a A Higher Price Level 206 | 9-6b A Lower Price Level 206 |
Changes in Government Purchase 252 | Changes in Net Taxes
9-6c The Multiplier and Shifts in Aggregate Demand 208
252 | Summary 254 | Appendix Questions 255
Chapter 10
Aggregate Supply 212 Chapter 12
10-1 Aggregate Supply in the Short Run 213 Federal Budgets and Public Policy 256
10-1a Labor and Aggregate Supply 213 | 10-1b Potential Output 12-1 The Federal Budget Process 257
and the Natural Rate of Unemployment 214 | 10-1c What If the 12-1a Presidential and Congressional Roles 258 | 12-1b Problems
Actual Price Level Is Higher Than Expected? 215 | 10-1d Why With the Federal Budget Process 259 | 12-1c Possible Budget
Costs Rise When Output Exceeds Potential 215 | 10-1e What If Reforms 260
the Actual Price Level Is Lower Than Expected? 216 | 10-1f The
Short-Run Aggregate Supply Curve 217 12-2 Fiscal Impact of the Federal Budget 260
10-2 From the Short Run to the Long Run 218 12-2a The Rationale for Deficits 260 | 12-2b Budget Philosophies
10-2a Closing an Expansionary Gap 218 | 10-2b Closing a and Deficits 261 | 12-2c Federal Deficits Since the Birth of the
Recessionary Gap 220 Nation 261 | 12-2d Why Deficits Persist 263 | 12-2e Deficits,
Surpluses, Crowding Out, and Crowding In 263 | 12-2f The Twin
10-3 Aggregate Supply in the Long Run 222 Deficits 264 | 12-2g A Short-Lived Budget Surplus Then More
10-3a Tracing Potential Output 222 | 10-3b Wage Flexibility and Deficits 264 | 12-2h The Relative Size of the Public Sector 267
Employment 223 | Case Study: U.S. Output Gaps and Wage
12-3 The National Debt in Perspective 268
Flexibility 224
12-3a Measuring the National Debt 268 | 12-3b International
10-4 Changes in Aggregate Supply 227 Perspective on Public Debt 270 | 12-3c Interest Payments on
10-4a What If Aggregate Supply Increases? 227 | 10-4b What If the National Debt 270
Aggregate Supply Decreases? 228 | 10-4c Hysteresis and the
Natural Rate of Unemployment 229 12-4 Federal Debt and the Economy 272
12-4a Are Persistent Deficits Sustainable? 272 | 12-4b The Debt
Ceiling and Debt Default 272 | 12-4c Who Bears the Burden of
PART 3 F
iscal and Monetary Policy the Debt? 273 | 12-4d Crowding Out and Capital Formation 274 |
12-4e The National Debt and Economic Growth 275 | Case Study:
Chapter 11 Reforming Social Security and Medicare 275
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xii Contents
13-2 Money and Banking 286 15-3 Money and Aggregate Demand in the Long Run 337
13-2a Early Banking 286 | 13-2b Bank Notes and Fiat Money 287 15-3a The Equation of Exchange 338 | 15-3b The Quantity
| 13-2c The Value of Money 287 | 13-2d When Money Performs Theory of Money 338 | 15-3c What Determines the Velocity of
Poorly 289 Money? 340 | 15-3d How Stable Is Velocity? 340
13-3 Financial Institutions in the United States 289 15-4 Targets for Monetary Policy 342
13-3a Commercial Banks and Thrifts 289 | 13-3b Birth of the 15-4a Contrasting Policies 342 | 15-4b Targets before 1982 343 |
Fed 290 | 13-3c Powers of the Federal Reserve System 290 15-4c Targets after 1982 344 | 15-4d Other Fed Responses to the
| 13-3d Banking Troubles During the Great Depression 291 | Financial Crisis 344 | 15-4e What about Inflation? 346 | 15-4f
13-3e Banks Lost Deposits When Inflation Increased 294 | 13-3f International Considerations 347
Banking Deregulation 294 | 13-3g Banks on the Ropes 295 |
13-3h Banks Recover 295
Chapter 16
13-4 Banking During and After the Great Recession Macro Policy Debate: Active or Passive? 350
of 2007–2009 297
16-1 Active Policy Versus Passive Policy 351
13-4a Subprime Mortgages and Mortgage-Backed
Securities 297 | 13-4b Bad Incentives Fueled the Financial Crisis 16-1a Closing a Recessionary Gap 351 | 16-1b Closing an
of 2008 298 | 13-4c The Troubled Asset Relief Program, or Expansionary Gap 353 | 16-1c Problems With Active Policy 354
TARP 299 | 13-4d The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 300 | 13-4e Top | 16-1d The Problem of Lags 355 | 16-1e A Review of Policy
Banks in America and the World 301 Perspectives 357 | 16-1f Active Policies, Passive Policies, and
Presidential Politics 357
Monetary Theory and Policy 327 17-2 Trade Restrictions and Welfare Loss 384
17-2a Consumer Surplus and Producer Surplus From Market
15-1 The Demand and Supply of Money 328 Exchange 384 | 17-2b Tariffs 385 | 17-2c Import Quotas 387
15-1a The Demand for Money 329 | 15-1b Money Demand | 17-2d Quotas in Practice 388 | 17-2e Tariffs and Quotas
and Interest Rates 329 | 15-1c The Supply of Money and the Compared 389 | 17-2f Other Trade Restrictions 389
Equilibrium Interest Rate 330
17-3 Efforts to Reduce Trade Barriers 390
15-2 Money and Aggregate Demand in the Short Run 332 17-3a Freer Trade by Multilateral Agreement 390 | 17-3b
15-2a Interest Rates and Investment 332 | 15-2b Adding the World Trade Organization 391 | Case Study: Doha Round and
Short-Run Aggregate Supply Curve 333 | 15-2c Recent History Round 391 | 17-3c Common Markets 392
of the Federal Funds Rate 335 | Case Study: Greater Fed
Transparency as a Policy Tool 336
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Contents xiii
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Preface
E
conomics has a short history but a long past. As a distinct discipline, economics
has been around for only a few hundred years, yet civilizations have confronted
the economic problem of scarce resources and unlimited wants for millennia.
Economics, the discipline, may be centuries old, but it’s new every day, with fresh evi-
dence that refines and extends economic theory. For example, what could be newer than
how technological change is reshaping the way we live? In this edition of Economics:
A Contemporary Introduction, I draw on more than three decades of teaching and
research to convey the vitality, timeliness, and relevance of economics.
Lead by Example
Remember the last time you were in unfamiliar parts and had to ask for directions?
Along with the directions came the standard comment, “You can’t miss it!” So how
come you missed it? Because the “landmark,” so obvious to locals, was invisible to you,
a stranger. Writing a principles textbook is much like giving directions. Familiarity is a
must, but that very familiarity can cloud the author’s ability to see the material through
the fresh eyes of a new student. One could revert to a tell-all approach, but that will
bury students in information. An alternative is to opt for the minimalist approach,
writing abstractly about good x and good y, units of labor and units of capital, or the
proverbial widget. But that shorthand turns economics into a foreign language.
Good directions rely on landmarks familiar to us all—a stoplight, a fork in the
road, a white picket fence. Likewise, a good textbook builds bridges from the familiar
to the new. That’s what I try to do—lead by example. By beginning with examples that
draw on common experience, I try to create graphic images that need little explanation,
thereby eliciting from the reader that light of recognition, that “Aha!” I believe that the
shortest distance between an economic principle and student comprehension is a lively
example. Examples should convey the point quickly and directly. Having to explain
an example is like having to explain a joke—the point gets lost. Throughout the book,
I try to provide just enough intuition and institutional detail to get the point across.
But my emphasis is on economic ideas, not economic jargon.
Students show up the first day of class with at least 17 years of experience with
economic choices, economic institutions, and economic events. Each grew up in a
household—the most important economic institution in a market economy. As con-
sumers, students become well acquainted with fast-food outlets, cineplexes, car deal-
erships, online retailers, and scores of stores at the mall. Most students have supplied
labor to the job market—more than half had jobs in high school. Students also have
interacted with government—they know about sales taxes, driver’s licenses, speed
limits, public schools, and laws about texting while driving. And students have a
growing familiarity with the rest of the world. Thus, students have abundant experi-
ence with economics. This rich lode of personal experience offers a perfect starting
point. Rather than try to create for students a new world of economics—a new way
of thinking, my approach is to build on student experience—on what Alfred Marshall
called “the ordinary business of life.” I frequently remind students how much they
already know.
xv
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xvi Preface
This book starts with what students bring to the party. For example, to explain
r esource substitution, rather than rely on abstract units of labor and capital, I begin with
washing a car, where the mix can vary from a drive-through car wash (much capital
and little labor) to a Saturday morning charity car wash (much labor and little capital).
Down-to-earth examples turn the abstract into the concrete to help students learn and re-
member. In this edition of Macroeconomics: A Contemporary Introduction, I add about
140 fresh examples to the exposition, bringing the total number of examples to about
300. Because instructors can cover only a portion of a textbook in the classroom, mate-
rial should be self-contained and self-explanatory. This gives instructors the flexibility to
emphasize in class topics of special interest.
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Preface xvii
rational self-interest. For example, a physician who owns a pharmacy prescribes more
medication than other physicians, and a physician who owns a nuclear scanner is seven
times more likely to prescribe such a scan.
Ch. 2: Economic Tools and Economic Systems I add seven fresh examples and report
on four new studies. I note that an economy’s productive capacity depends not only on the
state of technology but also on the level of know-how. Know-how can boost production
even if technology and resources are unchanged. By improved know-how, a steel mini-
mill, for example, doubled production with no change in technology or the work force.
The significance of know-how carries throughout this revision.
Ch. 3: Economic Decision Makers I add four fresh examples and report on three
new studies. Unlike other principles books, I discuss the role of cooperatives, such as
Sunkist, and the not-for-profit sector more generally, such as the Texas Medical Center,
which employs more than 100,000 people, exceeding employment at major corpora-
tions such as Apple, Google, and Chevron.
Ch. 4: Demand, Supply, and Markets I add eight fresh examples and report on two
new studies. In explaining the effect of a price change on quantity demanded, I note
that the more important the item is as a share of the consumer’s budget, the bigger the
income effect. That’s why, for example, consumers increase other purchases when the
price of gasoline plunges, as happened in 2015.
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xviii Preface
Ch. 8: Productivity and Growth I add eight fresh examples and report on 15 new
studies. As an example of technological progress, I note that putting an hour of video
online cost about $400 in the late 1990s but less than two cents today. To elevate
the importance of social capital, I move that discussion from the final chapter to this
chapter.
Ch. 9: Aggregate Demand I add three fresh examples and report on five new stud-
ies. I simplify the chapter title from “Aggregate Expenditure and Aggregate Demand,”
to “Aggregate Demand,” to reflect the content and match the title of the next chapter,
“Aggregate Supply.” I add “The Life-Cycle Hypothesis” as a new section and key term,
but include evidence from behavioral economics at odds with this hypothesis.
Ch. 10: Aggregate Supply I add two fresh examples and report on a new study.
“Hysteresis and the Natural Rate of Unemployment” is a new section, with hysteresis
as a key term.
Ch. 11: Fiscal Policy I add two fresh examples and report on four new studies.
“Fiscal Policy from 2007 to 2014” is a new section discussing the effects of federal
spending and deficits on jobs and economic growth. This section includes a new exhibit
showing deficit financing by year as a share of federal outlays by year. After the spike
in federal spending in 2009, that spending remained flat over the next five years even
in nominal dollars.
Ch. 12: Federal Budgets and Public Policy I add two fresh examples and report on
three new studies. I have a new subsection on federal budget sequestration and include
that as a key term.
Ch. 13: Money and the Financial System I add five fresh examples and report on
six new studies. An exhibit shows that China is now home to four of the world’s five
largest banks. While the United States may have some financial institutions considered
“too big to fail,” only one U.S. bank ranks among the world’s ten largest.
Ch. 14: Banking and the Money Supply I add three fresh examples and report on
two new studies. Two new pie charts now show consumer payment systems in 2013
and projected in 2018. In keeping with an emphasis on technological change, I add a
section entitled “Is Bitcoin Money?” examining this digital currency.
Ch. 15: Monetary Theory and Policy I add two fresh examples and report on a new
study. I say more about quantitative easing and about the Fed’s payment of interest on
bank reserves held at the Fed.
Ch. 16: Macro Policy Debate: Active or Passive I add three fresh examples and
report on three new studies. A new section discusses “Active Policies, Passive Policies,
and Presidential Politics.”
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Preface xix
Again, every effort is made to give students a feel for the numbers. For example, to
convey the importance of U.S. consumers in the world economy, I note that Americans
represent less than 5 percent of the world’s population but buy 38 percent of the diamond
jewelry sold worldwide. New or revised features in the international chapters include:
Ch. 17: International Trade I add 12 fresh examples and report on eight new studies.
People prefer having a choice of products, and international trade helps broaden that
choice. Yet another benefit of international trade is that trading partners are less likely to
go to war because war with trading partners would involve more economic loss. Bilateral
agreement, multilateral agreement, and common market are upgraded to key terms.
Ch. 18: International Finance I add three fresh examples and report on two new
studies. Foreigners find America an attractive place to invest because U.S. capital mar-
kets are the deepest and most liquid in the world. Fiscal problems in eurozone nations
such as Greece have taken some of the shine off the euro. I note that arbitrage opportu-
nities are short lived; most are available for less than a second. High-speed computers
act on such opportunities instantly.
Ch. 19: Economic Development I add 12 fresh examples and report on 18 new
studies. Education is valued more in some economies than in others. For example,
some teachers in Mexico can legally sell their tenured positions or pass them on to
their children.
Student-Friendly Features
In some principles textbooks, chapters are broken up by boxed material, qualifying foot-
notes, and other distractions that disrupt the flow of the material. Students aren’t sure
when or if they should read such segregated elements. But this book has a natural flow.
Each chapter opens with a few off-beat questions and then follows with a logical narra-
tive. Case studies appear in the natural sequence of the chapter. Students can thus read
each chapter from the opening questions to the conclusion and summary. I also adhere to
a “just-in-time” philosophy, introducing material just as it’s needed to build an argument.
Footnotes are used to cite sources, not to qualify or extend material in the text.
This edition is more visual than its predecessors, with more exhibits to reinforce key
findings. Exhibit titles convey the central points, and more exhibits now have summary
captions. Captions have been edited for clarity and brevity. The point is to make the exhib-
its more self-contained. Students learn more if concepts are presented both in words and
in exhibits.
Additional summary paragraphs have been added throughout each chapter; these sum-
maries begin with the bold-faced identifier “To Review.” As noted earlier, each section now
is followed by “Checkpoint” questions. Economic jargon has been reduced. Although the
number of terms defined in the margin has increased modestly, definitions have been pared
to make them clearer and less like entries from a dictionary. In short, economic principles
are now more transparent (a textbook should not be like some giant Easter egg hunt, where
it’s up to the student to figure out what the author is trying to say). Overall, the eleventh
edition is a cleaner presentation, a straighter shot into the student’s brain.
Color is used systematically within graphs, charts, and tables to ensure that stu-
dents can easily see what’s going on. Throughout the book, demand curves are blue
and supply curves are red. Color shading distinguishes key areas of many graphs, and
color identifies outcomes in others. For example, economic profit and welfare gains are
always shaded blue and economic loss and welfare losses are always shaded pink. In
short, color is more than mere eye candy—it is coordinated consistently and with fore-
thought to help students learn (a dyslexic student once told me she found the book’s
color guide quite helpful). Students benefit from these visual cues.
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
xx Preface
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Preface xxi
Microsoft PowerPoint Lecture Slides Lecture slides contain tables and graphs from
the textbook, and are intended to enhance lectures and help integrate technology into
the classroom.
Microsoft PowerPoint Figure Slides These PowerPoint slides contain key figures from
the text. Instructors who prefer to prepare their own lecture slides can use these figures
as an alternative to the text’s PowerPoint lecture slides.
The Teaching Economist Since 1990, I have edited The Teaching Economist,
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“sensationalize” economic concepts, useful resources on the Internet, economic
applications from
science fiction, recent research in teaching and learning,
and more generally, ways to teach just for the fun of it. A regular feature of
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colleagues from across the country. The latest issue—and back issues—of The
Teaching Economist are available online at cengage.com/economics/mceachern/
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includes an additional case study for each chapter followed by a Checkpoint question.
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xxii Preface
Acknowledgments
Many people contributed to this book’s development. I gratefully acknowledge the
insights, comments, and criticisms of those who have reviewed the book for this and
previous editions or provided feedback on particular points. Their remarks changed
my thinking on many points and improved the book.
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Preface xxiii
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xxiv Preface
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Preface xxv
I also thank the many contributions and comments from the group of instructors
who participated in the Online Survey of my book, or responded to our phone surveys:
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xxvi Preface
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The Art and Science
of Economic Analysis 1
• In what way are people who pound on vending machines relying on theory?
• Why are comic-strip and TV characters like those in FoxTrot, The Simpsons,
and Family Guy missing a finger on each hand? And where is Dilbert’s
mouth?
• Which college majors pay the most?
• Why is a good theory like a California Closet?
• What’s the big idea with economics?
• Finally, how can it be said that in economics “what goes around comes
around”?
These and other questions are answered in this chapter, which introduces the art
and science of economic analysis.
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Y
ou have been reading and hearing about economic issues for years—
unemployment, inflation, poverty, recessions, federal deficits, college tuition,
airfares, stock prices, computer prices, smartphone prices, gas prices. When
explanations of such issues go into any depth, your eyes may glaze over and you may tune
out, the same way you do when a weather forecaster tries to explain high-pressure fronts
colliding with moisture carried in from the coast.
What many people fail to realize is that economics is livelier than the dry accounts of-
fered by the news media. Economics is about making choices, and you make economic
choices every day—choices about whether to get a part-time job or focus on your studies,
live in a dorm or off campus, take a course in accounting or one in history, get married or
stay single, pack a lunch or buy a sandwich. You already know much more about economics
than you realize. You bring to the subject a rich personal experience, an experience that
will be tapped throughout the book to reinforce your understanding of the basic ideas.
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Chapter 1 The Art and Science of Economic Analysis 3
the definition, beginning with resources, then goods and services, and finally focus resources
on the heart of the matter—economic choice, which results from scarcity. The inputs, or factors of
production, used to produce
the goods and services that
1-1a Resources people want; consist of labor,
capital, natural resources, and
Resources are the inputs, or factors of production, used to produce the goods and ser- entrepreneurial ability
vices that people want. Goods and services are scarce because resources are scarce.
labor
Resources sort into four broad categories: labor, capital, natural resources, and en-
The physical and mental effort
trepreneurial ability. Labor is human effort, both physical and mental. Labor includes used to produce goods and
the effort of the cab driver and the brain surgeon. Labor itself comes from a more services
fundamental resource: time. Without time we can accomplish nothing. We allocate our
time to alternative uses: We can sell our time as labor, or we can spend our time doing capital
other things, like sleeping, eating, studying, playing sports, going online, attending class, The buildings, equipment, and
human skills used to produce
watching TV, or just relaxing with friends. goods and services
Capital includes all human creations used to produce goods and services. Economists
often distinguish between physical capital and human capital. Physical capital con- natural resources
sists of factories, tools, machines, computers, buildings, airports, highways, and other All gifts of nature used to
human creations used to produce goods and services. Physical capital includes the cab produce goods and services;
includes renewable and
driver’s taxi, the surgeon’s scalpel, and the building where your economics class meets exhaustible resources
(or, if you are taking this course online, your computer and online connectors). Human
capital consists of the knowledge and skill people acquire to increase their productivity, entrepreneurial ability
such as the cab driver’s knowledge of city streets, the surgeon’s knowledge of human The imagination required to
anatomy, and your knowledge of economics. develop a new product or
process, the skill needed to
Natural resources include all gifts of nature, such as bodies of water, trees, oil re-
organize production, and the
serves, minerals, even animals. Natural resources can be divided into renewable re- willingness to take the risk of
sources and exhaustible resources. A renewable resource can be drawn on indefinitely profit or loss
if used conservatively. Thus, timber is a renewable resource if felled trees are replaced to
entrepreneur
regrow a steady supply. The air and rivers are renewable resources if they are allowed
A profit-seeking decision
sufficient time to cleanse themselves of any pollutants. More generally, biological re- maker who starts with an idea,
sources such as fish, game, livestock, forests, rivers, groundwater, grasslands, and soil organizes an enterprise to
are renewable if managed properly. An exhaustible resource—such as oil or coal—does bring that idea to life, and
not renew itself and so is available in a limited amount. Once burned, each barrel of oil assumes the risk of the
or ton of coal is gone forever. The world’s oil and coal deposits are exhaustible. operation
A special kind of human skill called entrepreneurial ability is the talent required wages
to dream up a new product or find a better way to produce an existing one, organize Payment to resource owners
production, and assume the risk of profit or loss. This special skill comes from an en- for their labor
trepreneur. An entrepreneur is a profit-seeking decision maker who starts with an idea,
interest
organizes an enterprise to bring that idea to life, and then assumes the risk of operation.
Payment to resource owners
An entrepreneur pays resource owners for the opportunity to employ their resources in for the use of their capital
the firm. Every firm in the world today, such as Ford, Microsoft, Google, and Facebook,
began as an idea in the mind of an entrepreneur. rent
Resource owners are paid wages for their labor, interest for the use of their Payment to resource owners
capital, and rent for the use of their natural resources. Entrepreneurial ability is for the use of their natural
resources
rewarded by profit, which equals the revenue from items sold minus the cost of
the resources employed to make those items. Sometimes the entrepreneur suffers a profit
loss. Resource earnings are usually based on the time these resources are employed. Reward for entrepreneurial
Resource payments therefore have a time dimension, as in a wage of $10 per hour, ability; sales revenue minus
interest of 6 percent per year, rent of $600 per month, or profit of $10,000 per resource cost
year.
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4 Part 1 Introduction to Economics
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Chapter 1 The Art and Science of Economic Analysis 5
A few goods and services seem free because the amount available at a zero price
exceeds the amount people want. For example, air and seawater often seem free be-
cause we can breathe all the air we want and have all the seawater we can haul away.
Yet, despite the old saying “The best things in life are free,” most goods and services
are scarce, not free, and even those that appear to be free come with strings attached.
For example, clean air and clean seawater have become scarce. Goods and services
that are truly free are not the subject of economics. Without scarcity, there would be
no economic problem and no need for prices.
Sometimes we mistakenly think of certain goods as free because they involve no ap-
parent cost to us. Napkins seem to be free at Starbucks. Nobody stops you from taking
a fistful. Supplying napkins, however, costs the company millions each year and prices
reflect that cost. Some restaurants make special efforts to keep napkin use down—such
as packing them tightly into the dispenser or making you ask for them. And Starbucks
recently reduced the thickness of its napkins.
You may have heard the expression “There is no such thing as a free lunch.” There
is no free lunch because all goods and services involve a cost to someone. The lunch
may seem free to you, but it draws scarce resources away from the production of other
goods and services, and whoever provides a free lunch often expects something in re-
turn. A Russian proverb makes a similar point but with a bit more bite: “The only place
you find free cheese is in a mousetrap.” Albert Einstein once observed, “Sometimes one
pays the most for things one gets for nothing.”
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6 Part 1 Introduction to Economics
decision makers. The simple circular-flow model focuses on the primary interaction in
a market economy—that between households and firms. Exhibit 2 shows households
on the left and firms on the right; please take a look.
Households supply labor, capital, natural resources, and entrepreneurial ability to
firms through resource markets, shown in the lower portion of the exhibit. In return,
households demand goods and services from firms through product markets, shown
on the upper portion of the exhibit. Viewed from the business end, firms demand
labor, capital, natural resources, and entrepreneurial ability from households through
resource markets, and firms supply goods and services to households through product
markets.
The flows of resources and products are supported by the flows of income and
expenditure—that is, by the flow of money. So let’s add money. The demand and sup-
ply of resources come together in resource markets to determine what firms pay for
Product
markets
Go
s o ds
u ct Re
ve
d
an
nu
o
Pr
d
e e
se
r
rv
tu
ice
di
en
s
Exp
Households Firms
it
Lab entre
rof
,p
or,
nt
ca pren
re
pit
t,
co
es
In
r
te
al, eur
m in
es
tu e ,
na
es
rc
ia ral g u
l a re Wa so
bil so Re
ity urc
es, Resource
markets
Households earn income by supplying resources to resource markets, as as shown in the upper portion of the model. Households spend their in-
shown in the lower portion of the model. Firms demand these resources come to demand these goods and services. This spending flows through
to produce goods and services, which they supply to product markets, product markets as revenue to firms.
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Chapter 1 The Art and Science of Economic Analysis 7
CHECKPOINT
Identify and describe the movement of resources and products through the circular-
flow model.
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
That is, as I say, the most characteristic and the most significant
episode, as it is the most amazing, of the defence. Paris was not to
fall, was not even to be attacked. Attila was surfeited with destruction
and loot, he was forced now to concentrate his attention upon the
attack on the Visigoths of the south lest Rome and Aetius should
stand in his way and imperil his whole campaign. His plan must be to
defeat the Visigoths before he was forced to face Aetius coming up
out of Italy, and with this on his mind he set out from Metz with his
main army, passed through Toul and Rheims, which were gutted,
through Troyes and Sens, which he was in too great haste to
destroy, and over the Sologne, held then by his ally the King of the
Alans, Sangibanus, and marched directly upon Orleans. That march
represented the work of a whole month. He left Metz in the early
days of April, he arrived before Orleans in the early days of May.
Orleans stands upon the most northern point of the Loire, the
great river which divides Gaul east and west into a northern and a
southern country. It has been the point around which the destinies of
the Gauls have so often been decided—one has only to recall the
most famous instance of all, the deliverance under Joan of Arc—that
it is without surprise we see it fulfilling its rôle in the time of Attila
also. From time immemorial, before the beginning of history, it had
been an important commercial city, for it stood not only on one of the
greatest and most fruitful rivers of western Europe, but, as I have
said, upon the marches of the north and south, whose gate it was.
No one could pass without its leave, at least in safety. Anciently it
was known as Genabum and there had been planned and conceived
the great revolt which so nearly engulfed Julius Cæsar, who burnt it
to the ground. It stood then, as later when it rose again, upon the
northern bank of the river and was joined with the south by a great
bridge. The resurrection after that burning was not long delayed, but
it seems to have been less magnificent than might have been
expected and it certainly suffered much from war, so that in 272, in
the time of Aurelian, it was rebuilt with a wall about it, and for this
cause took the name of the Emperor. Times, however, were sadly
changed with the great city when Attila came into Gaul. Much
certainly was in ruin, the municipal government in full decadence or
transition and it was therefore with a dreadful fear in her heart that
Orleans watched the oncoming of the Huns. Nevertheless the city
put herself into a state of defence. The first direct assault upon her
was made by that Sangibanus, King of the Alans, and Attila’s ally,
who requested to be allowed to garrison it. Orleans refused and
closed her gates. At the same time she sent forth her bishop (and
this is as significant of the true state of affairs of government in Gaul
as the facts about Tongres, Rheims and Paris) into the south, still
Roman, to Arles to learn when Aetius might be expected in relief and
how far the Visigoths would move, not for their own defence only, but
against the common enemy.
Anianus, for such was the bishop’s name, thus appears as the
representative, the ambassador and the governor of the city. In
Arles, to his delight, he found not only a secure and even splendid
Roman government, but the great general himself, Aetius, who
received him with impress. Anianus urged the necessity of an
immediate assistance. He reckoned that it would be possible to hold
out till the middle of June, but no longer. Aetius heard him patiently
and promised that by then he would relieve the city. Anianus was not
too soon, he had scarce returned to Orleans when Attila began the
siege.
It will be asked, and with reason, why it was that Rome had waited
so long before interfering to defend her great western province
against this “wild beast”? Why had Aetius not marched out of Italy at
the head of his armies months before? why had he waited till all the
North was a ruin before he carried the eagles over the Alps and
confronted this savage and his hordes with the ordered ranks of the
army of civilisation? The answer may be found in the war we are
fighting to-day against a similar foe. The French failed to defend the
North against the modern Attila because they were too long
uncertain which way he would come and where he would strike
hardest. They could not be sure which was the decisive point of the
German attack. This it was that kept so great a proportion of their
armies in Alsace and upon that frontier. They credited the German
with more subtlety than he possessed. They failed to grasp the
gigantic simplicity of the Barbarian plan; the mighty hammer-stroke
that shattered Belgium and plunged in to destroy all the North of
France. They looked for something less blindly brutal and more wise.
They could not believe that the German would destroy his whole
case and outrage the moral consciousness of the world by violating
the neutrality of Belgium. They failed to comprehend the essential
stupidity of the Barbarian. They were wrong.
Aetius was wrong also, but with perhaps more excuse. He could
not make up his mind where the real attack of Attila upon the Empire
was to be delivered. What if the descent upon Gaul were but a feint
and Italy were the real objective, Lombardy the true battlefield?
There was this also; in Africa, Genseric, Attila’s ally, waited and
threatened to descend upon the coast. Aetius overrated the
intelligence of his enemy as much as did Joffre. Neither understood
the force which opposed him, which it was to be their business and
their glory to meet and to break.
Like Joffre, too, when Aetius at last found himself face to face with
the reality of the situation he must have dared only not to despair.
The successes of the Huns had decided the Visigoths to remain on
the defence within their own confines; they refused to attack.
Everywhere the Roman delay had discovered treason among the
tribes who should have been their allies against a common foe.
Aetius could only not despair. He addressed the Visigoths, though
perhaps with more right, much as we might address to-day the
Americans. “If we are beaten you will be the next to be destroyed;
while if you help us to win yours will be the glory.” The Visigoths
replied as America is doing to-day: “It is not our business; see you to
it.”
They were wrong, the victory of Rome was as necessary for the
future as our victory is to-day.
Much indeed was already achieved to that end by the mere
presence of Aetius in Gaul. Suddenly the whole country was
changed, everywhere the peoples sprang to arms, the noble and the
peasant, the bourgeois of the cities, the bond and the free. From
Armorica came an heroic company, the Ripuarian Franks and the
Salian Franks having seen the ruin of the Roman cities of the
country they had been permitted to occupy, the Burgundians also
returned to, if they had indeed ever left, their old allegiance. So
successful at last was the diplomacy of Rome that when even
Sangibanus appeared Aetius feigned to be ignorant of his treason.
The great general prepared with a good heart for the attack, but was
determined to do everything possible to mobilise the Visigoths with
his other forces. It was with this object that at last he sought the aid
of Avitus, the senator, a very great Gaulish nobleman who lived in
the city of Clermont, the chief town of the Auvergne.
In Avitus we have a figure which at once arrests our attention amid
all the welter of Barbarians of which even Gaul was full. In him we
see, and are assured, that the civilisation of Rome was still a living
thing in the West, that it had not been overwhelmed by savages or
lost in a mist of superstition. Avitus indeed seems to have stepped
suddenly out of the great Roman time, he reminds us of what we
have learned to expect a Roman noble of the time of Marcus
Aurelius, or for that matter of St. Ambrose, to be. In him we see one
we can greet as a brother; we should have been able to discuss with
him the decline of the Empire. A rich man, coming of a noble family
which for long had enjoyed the highest honour and the heaviest
official responsibility, a scholar, a connoisseur, above all a somewhat
bored patriot, he was also a soldier distinguished for his personal
courage. He had already in 439 been successful in arranging a
treaty for Rome with the Visigoths, and it was to him in this hour of
enormous peril that Aetius turned again. He found him in his
beautiful, peaceful and luxurious villa of Avitacum amid the foothills
of the mountains of Auvergne, living as so many of our great nobles
of the eighteenth century lived, half a farmer, half a scholar, wholly
epicurean and full of the most noble self-indulgence, surrounded by
his family, his son and daughter, and his friends, poets and scholars
and delightful women. His son Ecdicius was the heir both of his
wealth and his responsibilities, his daughter Papianella had married
Sidonius Apollinaris of Lyons, a man already famous as a poet and
coming of a distinguished Gallo-Roman family. It was this man who
in the moment of crisis appeared on behalf of civilisation at the
Visigoths’ Court—we could not have had a more noble
representative.
His mission was wholly successful; but the time spent in showing
the Visigoths where their interests lay was to cost Orleans dear. The
devoted city wholly surrounded and every day submitted to the
assaults and the clouds of arrows of the Huns, hearing no news of
any relief, was in despair. In vain the Bishop Anianus went in
procession through the streets, and even among the troops on the
ramparts, bearing the relics of his church; they called him traitor. Still
firm in his faith in God and in the promise of Aetius, daily he made
men climb the last high tower in expectation of deliverance. None
came, no sign of the armies of Aetius could be discerned. Day after
day the mighty roads southward lay in the sun white and empty of all
life. At last he sent by stealth a messenger to Aetius with this
message: “My son, if you come not to-day it will be too late.” That
messenger never returned. Anianus himself began to doubt and at
last heard counsels of surrender almost without a protest; indeed
consented himself to treat with the Huns. But Attila was beside
himself at the length of the resistance, he would grant no terms.
Nothing remained but death or worse than death.
Upon the following morning, the week having been full of thunder,
the first rude cavalry of the Huns began to enter the city through the
broken gates. The pillage and massacre and rape began, and, as to-
day in Belgium, we read with a certain order and system. Nothing
was spared, neither the houses of the citizens, nor their holy places,
neither age nor sex. It seemed as though all would perish in a vast
and systematic vandalism and murder.
Suddenly a cry rose over the noise of the butchery and
destruction. The Eagles! The Eagles! And over the mighty bridge
that spans the Loire thundered the cavalry of Rome, and the
tumultuous standards of the Goths. They came on; nothing might
stop them. Step by step they won the bridge head, they fought upon
the shore, in the water, through the gates. Street by street, fighting
every yard, the Imperial troops pushed on, the glistening eagles high
overhead. House by house, alley by alleyway was won and filled with
the dead; the Huns broke and fled, the horses stamped out their
faces in the byways, in the thoroughfares there was no going, the
Barbarian carrion was piled so high; Attila himself was afraid. He
sounded the retreat.
That famous and everlasting day was the 14th of June, for Aetius
had kept his word. Orleans had begun the deliverance of Gaul and of
the West.
VII
THE RETREAT OF ATTILA AND THE BATTLE OF
THE CATALAUNIAN PLAINS
The retreat of Attila from Orleans would seem to have been one of
the most terrible of which we have any record. The Gothic chronicler
Jornandes, writing a hundred years after the events he describes,
wholly or almost wholly at the mercy of a Gothic and so a Barbarian
legend, would seem, though poorly informed as to facts and details,
to be fully justified in the general impression he gives of the horror
and disaster which befell the Hunnish host. It is certain that Attila’s
withdrawal of his army must have been not only difficult but
impossible without disaster: too many and too brutal crimes had
been committed for the ruined population of northern Gaul to permit
it an easy passage in retreat. The devastated country could no
longer supply its needs, everywhere ruined men awaited revenge: it
can have been little less than a confused flight that Attila made with
his thousands towards the Rhine, with Aetius and Theodoric ever
upon his flanks.
Nor was he to escape without battle. The Imperial armies pressing
on behind him gained upon him daily, a sufficient comment upon his
state, and it was really in despair that he reached at last the city of
Troyes, more than a hundred miles from Orleans, an open city which
there might, he hoped, be time to loot, and so to restore to some
extent the confidence and the condition of his people. That he was
not able to loot Troyes is the best evidence we could have of the
energy of the Imperial pursuit; but here again we meet with one of
those almost incredible interpositions of the spiritual power that we
have already seen at Tongres, at Rheims, at Paris, and not least at
Orleans. It must have meant almost everything to Attila on his
hurried and harassed road north-east out of Gaul to be able to feed
and to rest his army at Troyes, where the great road by which he had
come crossed the Seine. That he was not able to do this was
doubtless due fundamentally to the pressure of Aetius upon his
flanks, but there was something more, we are told. Just as Anianus
of Orleans had by his prayers saved his city, so Lupus of Troyes
defended his town in the same way. He, the Bishop, and now
perhaps the governor, of Troyes went forth to Attila, faced and
outfaced him, and indeed so impressed and even terrified the
superstitious Barbarian that he left Troyes alone and passed on,
taking only the Bishop himself with him a prisoner in his train. “For,”
said he, mocking him even in his fear, “if I take a man so holy as you
with me I cannot fail of good luck even to the Rhine.”
Attila passed on; he had crossed the Seine; before him lay the
passage of the Aube, and it was here that the advance guard of the
Imperial armies first got into touch with their quarry. It was night.
Attila had left the Gepidae to hold the crossing, and it was they who
felt the first blows of Aetius whose advance guard was composed of
Franks; the fight endured all night and at dawn the passage was won
and some 15,000[12] dead and wounded lay upon the field. Attila had
crossed into Champagne, but the Imperial army was already at his
heels; he would have to fight. The battle which followed, one of the
most famous as it is one of the most important in the history of
Europe, whose future was there saved and decided, would seem to
have been fought all over that wide and bare country of Champagne
between the Aube and the Marne, and to have been finally focussed
about the great earthwork still called the Camp of Attila by Châlons;
it is known to history as the battle of the Catalaunian plains.
It may well be that the fight at the passage of the Aube had given
Attila time to reach that great earthwork, one of the most gigantic
and impressive things in Europe, which rises out of that lost and
barren country of Champagne like something not wholly the work of
man. There he halted; convinced at last that he could not escape
without battle, he encamped his army and made ready for the
conflict.
In this terrible and tragic place he held council, and superstitious
as ever in the supreme moment of his career, began to consult an
endless procession of soothsayers, augurs and prophets upon the
coming battle. From the entrails of birds, or the veins upon the bones
of sheep, or the dying gestures of some animal, his sorcerers at last
dared to proclaim to him his coming defeat, but to save their heads,
perhaps, they added that the general of his enemies would perish in
the conflict. It is sufficient witness to the genius of Aetius, to the fear
he inspired in the Hun, and should be a complete answer to his
enemies and traducers, that Attila, when he heard this, from despair
passed immediately to complete joy and contentment. If after all
Aetius defeated him at the price of his life, what might he not recover
when his great adversary was no more! He therefore made ready
with a cheerful heart for the conflict. Jornandes, whom we are bound
to follow, for he is our chief, if not quite our only authority for all this
vast onslaught of the Hun upon the Gaul, describes for us, though
far from clearly, the configuration and the development of the battle.
In following this writer, however, it is necessary to remember that he
was a Goth, and relied for the most part upon Gothic traditions; also,
above all, it is necessary not to abandon our common sense, protest
he never so insistently.
Jornandes tells us that Attila put off the fight as long as possible
and at last attacked, or so I read him, not without fear and
trepidation, about three o’clock in the afternoon, so that if fortune
went against him the oncoming of night might assist him to escape.
He then sketches the field. Between the two armies, if I read him
aright, was a rising ground which offered so much advantage to him
who should occupy it that both advanced towards it, the Huns
occupying it with their right and the Imperialists with their right,
composed of auxiliaries.
On the right wing of the Romans Theodoric and his Visigoths held
the field, on the left wing Aetius and the Romans; between them
holding the centre and himself held by Aetius and Theodoric was the
uncertain Alan Sangiban.
The Huns were differently arranged. In the midst, surrounded by
his hardest and best warriors, stood Attila considering as ever his
personal safety. His wings were wholly composed of auxiliaries,
among them being the Ostrogoths with their chiefs; the Gepidae with
their King; and Walamir the Ostrogoth; and Ardaric, King of the
Gepidae, whom Attila trusted and loved more than all others. The
rest, a crowd of kings and leaders of countless races, waited the
word of Attila. For Attila, king of all kings, was alone in command and
on him alone depended the battle.
The fight began, as Jornandes insists, with a struggle for the rising
ground between the two armies. The advantage in which seems to
have rested with the Visigoths, under Thorismund, who thrust back
the Huns in confusion. Upon this Attila drew off, and seeing his men
discouraged, seized this moment to harangue them, according to
Jornandes, somewhat as follows:
“After such victories over so many nations, after the whole world
has been almost conquered, I should think it ridiculous to rouse you
with words as though you did not know how to fight. I leave such
means to a new general, or to one dealing with raw soldiers. They
are not worthy of us. For what are you if not soldiers, and what are
you accustomed to if not to fight; and what then can be sweeter to
you than vengeance and that won by your own hand? Let us then go
forward joyfully to attack the enemy, since it is always the bravest
who attack. Break in sunder this alliance of nations which have
nothing in common but fear of us. Even before they have met you
fear has taught them to seek the higher ground and they are eager
for ramparts on these wide plains.
“We all know how feebly the Romans bear their weight of arms; it
is not at the first wound, but at the first dust of battle they lose heart.
While they are forming, before they have locked their shields into the
testudo, charge and strike, advance upon the Alans and press back
the Visigoths. Here it is we should look for speedy victory. If the
nerves are cut the members fail and a body cannot support itself
upright when the bones are dragged out of it. Lift up your hearts and
show your wonted courage, quit you like Huns and prove the valour
of your arms, let the wounded not rest till he has killed his enemy, let
him who remains untouched steep himself in slaughter. It is certain
that nothing can touch him who is fated to live, while he will die even
without war who will surely die. And wherefore should fortune have
made the Huns the vanquishers of so many nations if it were not to
prepare them for this supreme battle? Why should she have opened
to our ancestors a way through the marshes of Azov unknown till
then if it were not to bring us even to this field? The event does not
deceive me; here is the field to which so much good fortune has led
us, and this multitude brought together by chance will not look into
the eyes of the Huns. I myself will be the first to hurl my spear
against the enemy, and if any remain slothful when Attila fights, he is
but dead and should be buried.”
These words, says Jornandes, warmed the hearts of the Huns so
that they all rushed headlong into battle.
We know really nothing of the tremendous encounter which
followed, the result of which saved the Western world. It is true that
Jornandes gives us a long account of it, but we are ignorant how far
it is likely to be true, whence he got it, and how much was his own
invention. That the battle was immense, we know; Jornandes asserts
that it had no parallel and that it was such that, if unseen, no other
marvel in the world could make up for such a loss. He tells us that
there was a tradition that a stream that passed over the plain was
swollen with blood into a torrent: “they who drank of it in their thirst
drank murder.” It was by this stream, according to Jornandes, that
Theodoric, King of the Visigoths, was thrown from his horse and
trampled under foot and slain, and so fulfilled the prophecy which
Attila’s sorcerers had declared to him. The fall of the King appears
so to have enraged the Visigoths—and here we must go warily with
Jornandes—that they engaged the enemy more closely and almost
slew Attila himself in their fury. Indeed, it was their great charge
which flung him and his guard, the Hunnish centre, back into the
mighty earthwork which before them seemed but a frail barrier so
enormous was their rage. Night fell upon the foe beleaguered and
blockaded within that mighty defence.
In that night Thorismund, the son of Theodoric, was lost and found
again. Aetius, too, separated in the confusion of the night from his
armies, found himself, as Thorismund had done, among the
waggons of the enemy, but like Thorismund again found his way
back at last and spent the rest of the night among the Goths.
When day dawned, what a sight met the eyes of the allies. The
vast plains were strewn with the dying and the dead, 160,000 men
had fallen in that encounter, and within that terrible earthwork lay
what was left of the Huns, wounded and furious, trapped as Alfred
trapped Guthrum later upon the Wiltshire downs.
The battle had cost the Imperialists dear enough. Nor was their
loss all. The death of Theodoric brought with it a greater anxiety and
eventually cost Aetius his Gothic allies. A council of war was called.
It was determined there to hold Attila and starve him within his
earthwork. In the meantime search was made for the body of
Theodoric. After a long time this was found, “where the dead lay
thickest,” and was borne out of the sight of the enemy, the Goths
“lifting their harsh voices in a wild lament.” It is to be supposed that
there Theodoric was buried. And it is probable that the bones and
swords and golden ornaments and jewels which were found near the
village of Pouan by the Aube in 1842 may well have been the
remains of Theodoric and his funeral, for the fight doubtless raged
over a great territory, and it is certain that the king would be buried
out of sight of the foe. On the other hand, these bones may have
belonged to a Frankish chief who had fallen in the fight for the
passage of the Aube.
But it is in his account of the events that followed the burial of
Theodoric that we most doubt our guide Jornandes. He declares that
Thorismund, Theodoric’s son and successor, wished to attack the
Hun and avenge his father’s death; but that he consulted Aetius as
the chief commander, who “fearing if the Huns were destroyed, the
Goths might still more hardly oppress the Empire, advised him to
return to Toulouse and make sure of his kingdom lest his brothers
should seize it. This advice Thorismund followed without seeing the
duplicity of Aetius.” Such an explanation of the treason of the Goths
was doubtless accepted by the Gothic traditions and especially
comfortable to Jornandes. It is incredible, because any observer
could see that Attila was not so badly beaten that he was not a far
greater danger to the Empire than ever the Visigoths could be. To let
him escape, and that is what the departure of Thorismund meant,
was treason, not to the Goths, but to the Empire. It served the cause
not of Aetius but of Thorismund, not of Rome but of the Goths,
whose loyalty was never above suspicion and whose slow adhesion
to the Imperial cause had been the talk of Gaul and the scandal of
every chancellery.
But Aetius could not have been much astonished by the desertion,
and it was no less, of Thorismund. Rome was used to the instability
of her Barbarian allies who if they really could have been depended
upon, if they had really possessed the quality of decision, and known
their own minds would no longer have been Barbarians. It was Attila
who was amazed. He had given himself up for lost when looking out
from that dark earthwork at dawn he saw the Visigothic camp empty
and deserted, and at the sight “his soul returned into his body.”
Without a moment’s hesitation, broken as he was, he began a retreat
that Aetius was not able to prevent or to turn into a rout, which he
could only ensure and emphasise. Upon that long march to the
Rhine all the roads were strewn with the Hunnish sick and wounded
and dead, but the main army, what was left of the half-million that
had made the invasion, escaped back into the forests of Germany.
Gaul was saved, and with Gaul the future of the West and of
civilisation. But Attila was not destroyed.
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Jornandes, R. Get., 41. According to the Abbe Dubos the
“XC millibus” which appears in the text of Jornandes is the
mistake of a copyist for “XV millibus.”
VIII
ATTILA’S ATTACK UPON AND RETREAT FROM
ITALY