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Foreign Languages in
Advertising
Linguistic and Marketing Perspectives

Jos Hornikx · Frank van Meurs


Foreign Languages in Advertising
Jos Hornikx · Frank van Meurs

Foreign Languages
in Advertising
Linguistic and Marketing Perspectives
Jos Hornikx Frank van Meurs
Centre for Language Studies Centre for Language Studies
Radboud University Nijmegen Radboud University Nijmegen
Nijmegen, The Netherlands Nijmegen, The Netherlands

ISBN 978-3-030-31690-7 ISBN 978-3-030-31691-4 (eBook)


https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31691-4

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020


This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse
of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by
similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt
from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with
regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Alex Linch/shutterstock.com

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
We dedicate this book to our families:
to Greetje, Philip and Annette Hornikx
to Trees, Huub and Lisette van Meurs, Martijn, Guido and Suzanne Nuijt
Preface

The use of foreign languages in advertising is not a new phenomenon.


Fries (2007) classifies different ways in which foreign languages were
employed in news reports and advertisements in seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century English newspapers. He gives examples of book
titles in French and Latin in book advertisements and of Latin terms
in medical advertisements. Examples of Latin in such medical adver-
tisements include ‘that Famous Medicine, called Aqua-anti-torminalis’
in an ad published in the London Post in 1701 and ‘ELECTUARIUM
MIRABILE:Or, The Admirable Electuary’ in an ad published in The
London Daily Post and General Advertiser in 1741 (Fries, 1997, p. 61).
Fries (2007, p. 130) relates the use of Latin medical terms to their pres-
tige value: ‘Latin names for medicines were certainly more impressive
than their English equivalents and therefore are frequently used’. Percy
(2012, p. 199) observes that the prominent use of Latin and French in
advertisements for medicines and books can be seen as an indicator of
the ‘relatively elite status of eighteenth-century newspaper readers’.
This use of foreign languages in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies is not limited to ads in English newspapers. Similar examples
have been found in the Netherlands and Germany. Our search of the

vii
viii      Preface

Delpher online collection of Dutch newspapers published since 1618


(www.delpher.nl) yielded book advertisements with titles in Latin and
French in the seventeenth century. The first Latin book title appeared
on 4 September 1632, and the first French book title on 16 August
1642, both in Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c. Dutch ads for med-
icines also included Latin terms, such as ‘de alderbeste [the very best]
Ol.Vitrioli rectificati’ in an ad that appeared in the Oprechte Haerlemse
Courant in 1696 (Kranen, 2015, p. 21). Kranen (2015, p. 19) also
gives examples of Latin terms in an eighteenth-century German ad
for medicine published in the Dresdener Anzeiger in 1730: ‘Herr [Mr.]
Dr.Johann Benjamin Pomfels, Med.Pract. Balsamum Cordiale’.
A parody of medical advertisements by the English writer Joseph
Addison in 1712 suggests that the use of Latin was considered an intrin-
sic characteristic of the genre of medical advertisements at the time
(see Brownlees, 2017; Gotti, 2005). Addison describes advertisements
aiming to praise his own journal The Spectator. He describes that these
advertisements were modelled on advertisements in which patients
praise the doctors that have cured them and stresses that they were writ-
ten ‘the Stile and Phrase of the like Ingenious Compositions’ (as cited in
Gotti, 2005, p. 36). The first advertisement begins as follows:

Remedium efficax & universum; or, An Effectual Remedy adapted to all


Capacities; shewing how any Person may Cure himself of Ill-nature,
Pride, Party-Spleen, or any other Distemper incident to the Human
System, with an easie way to know when the Infection is upon him.
(Addison, 1712, as cited in Gotti, 2005, p. 36)

Aim
For more than fifteen years, we have been involved in research on for-
eign languages in advertising. Some of the aspects we have studied, such
as the relationship between the foreign language used and the type of
product advertised, the reasons for using foreign languages, and audi-
ence characteristics that may determine the success of the use of for-
eign languages, are similar to the issues raised in the descriptions and
Preface     ix

analyses of foreign languages in early advertising presented above: the


link between Latin and medical products, prestige value as a motivation
for using foreign languages, and the elite status of eighteenth-century
readers of newspapers.
In our research, we have been inspired by work in linguistics and
marketing. We often noticed that literature that was frequently cited in
one field was barely known in the other. As more and more researchers
have become interested in the topic of foreign languages in advertising,
we felt the need for a synthesis. With the current book, we aim to pres-
ent theoretical and empirical research from the humanities (i.e. linguis-
tics) and social sciences (i.e. marketing, advertising).
In this book, we regularly refer to real-life instances of the use and
effects of foreign languages in advertising. We hope these examples will
both enliven and strengthen the points of view presented. We wish to
stress that we do not have any commercial interest in and ties with any
of the brands, organizations, and products mentioned in this book.

Nijmegen, The Netherlands Jos Hornikx


Frank van Meurs

References
Brownlees, N. (2017). Contemporary observations on the attention value
and selling power of English print advertisements (1700–1760). In M.
Palander-Collin, M. Ratia, & I. Taavitsainen (Eds.), Diachronic develop-
ments in English news discourse (pp. 61–79). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Fries, U. (1997). Electuarium mirabile: Praise in 18th-century medical
advertisements. In J. Aarts, I. de Mönnink, & H. Wekker (Eds.), Studies
in English language and teaching: In honour of Flor Aarts (pp. 57–73).
Amsterdam: Rodopi.
Fries, U. (2007). Foreign words in early English newspapers. In U. Smit, S.
Dollinger, J. Hüttner, G. Kaltenböck, & U. Lutzky (Eds.), Tracing English
through time: Explorations in language variation (pp. 115–132). Vienna:
Braumüller.
x      Preface

Gotti, M. (2005). Advertising discourse in eighteenth-century English news-


papers. In J. Skaffari, M. Peikola, R. Carroll, R. Hiltunen, & B. Wårvik,
(Eds.), Opening windows on texts and discourses of the past (pp. 23–38).
Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Kranen, D. (2015). Advertenties van kwakzalvers en meesters in de Oprechte
Haerlemse Courant uit de periode 1656 tot 1733. Ede: D. Kranen.
Percy, C. (2012). Early advertising and newspapers as sources of sociolinguis-
tic investigation. In J. M. Hernández-Campoy & J. C. Conde-Silvestre
(Eds.), The handbook of historical sociolinguistics (pp. 191–210). Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell.
Acknowledgements

Our research has benefited from discussions with students at Radboud


University Nijmegen who took part in a class on ‘Foreign Languages
in Advertising’ or who wrote Bachelor’s or Master’s theses on this topic
under our supervision. We are also grateful to our fellow research-
ers of the research group Non-nativeness in Communication of the
Centre for Language Studies (CLS) at Radboud University Nijmegen.
Collaborating with them on papers and presentations has shaped our
thinking.
For this book, specifically, we would like to thank the following peo-
ple. We thank Alice Green and Cathy Scott (Palgrave) for their assis-
tance in producing the book. For their critical reading of one or more
chapters and their useful suggestions, we thank Marinel Gerritsen, Stef
Grondelaers, Berna Hendriks, Béryl Hilberink, Andreu van Hooft,
Ulrike Nederstigt, Brigitte Planken (all affiliated with CLS, Radboud
University Nijmegen), Thomas Aichner (Alfaisal University, Saudi
Arabia), Jake Beniflah (Center for Multicultural Science, USA), Otto
S. Lankhorst (Nijmegen), Mariet Raedts (University of Antwerp,
Belgium), and Dick Smakman (Leiden University, the Netherlands).
We are grateful to Noor Verhees, who provided detailed feedback

xi
xii      Acknowledgements

on most chapters as part of a research internship. We thank Thea


Olsthoorn for transcribing the German passage from Wustmann
(1891) referred to in Chapter 1. Finally, we thank Daniel O’Keefe and
Northwestern University (USA), to which he is affiliated, for providing
access to publications that we otherwise would not have been able to
retrieve.

Reference
Wustmann, G. (1891). Allerhand Sprachdummheiten: Kleine deutsche
Grammatik des Zweifelhaften, des Falschen und des Häßlichen; ein Hilfsbuch
für alle, die sich öffentlich der deutschen Sprache bedienen. Leipzig, Germany:
Grunow.
Contents

Part I Introduction and Theoretical Backgrounds

1 Introduction 3
1.1 Academic Interest in Foreign Languages in Advertising 4
1.2 Starting Point: Consumer Culture Positioning 12
1.3 Aims and Scope 17
References 19

2 Theoretical Perspectives 25
2.1 Defining Advertising and Foreign Languages 26
2.1.1 Advertising 26
2.1.2 Foreign Languages 27
2.2 Manifestations of Foreign Languages: Types
of Code-Switching 29
2.3 Languages in the Mind 32
2.3.1 Revised Hierarchical Model 32
2.3.2 Conceptual Feature Model 33
2.4 The Socio-Communicative Context of Foreign
Languages in Advertising 35

xiii
xiv      Contents

2.4.1 Markedness Model 35


2.4.2 Communication Accommodation Theory 38
2.4.3 Language Attitudes 40
2.4.4 National and Ethnic Stereotypes 42
2.5 Conclusion 44
References 45

Part II Foreign Language Strategies

3 Foreign Language Display 57


3.1 Foreign Language Display in Advertising Practice 58
3.2 The Country-of-Origin Effect 60
3.2.1 COO and Product Congruence 61
3.2.2 Ways of Expressing a COO 63
3.3 Foreign Language Display and Country of Origin 66
3.3.1 Early Research on Foreign Language Display 67
3.3.2 Linking Foreign Language Display
to the COO Effect 68
3.3.3 Foreign Language Display and Product
Congruence 70
3.4 Evoking Ethnocultural Associations 73
3.5 The Role of Comprehension 76
3.5.1 Psycholinguistic Perspective 77
3.5.2 Sociolinguistic Perspective 80
3.6 Curiosity, Attention, and Recall 82
3.6.1 Curiosity and Attention 83
3.6.2 Recall 85
3.7 Conclusion 87
References 87

4 English as a Global Language 95


4.1 English as a Special Case of Foreign Language Display 96
4.1.1 Globalness Associations 98
4.1.2 Globalness and Reach 101
4.2 Similarities Between English and Other Cases
of Foreign Language Display 103
Contents     xv

4.3 Use of English in Advertising 104


4.3.1 Global Use of English 105
4.3.2 Parts of the Ad Where English Is Used 108
4.3.3 The Role of Product Type and Origin 110
4.4 Consumer Perceptions of English in Advertising 112
4.4.1 Perceptions of Internationalness 112
4.4.2 Perceptions of Modernity 114
4.4.3 Perceptions of Success 115
4.5 Conclusion 116
References 117

5 Ethnic Language 123


5.1 Local Language and Ethnic Language 124
5.2 Ethnicity and Ethnic Adaptation 125
5.2.1 The Notion of Ethnicity 126
5.2.2 Ethnic Adaptation 127
5.2.3 Theoretical Accounts for Ethnic Adaptation 128
5.3 Research on Ethnic Language in Advertising 131
5.4 Spanish as Ethnic Language for Hispanics in the USA 133
5.4.1 Assumptions: Identity and Cultural Sensitivity 136
5.4.2 The Impact of Acculturation 137
5.4.3 The Impact of Other Moderators 144
5.4.4 Code-Switching Direction Effect 148
5.4.5 Word Associations 150
5.5 Conclusion 152
References 153

Part III Complexities and Conclusions

6 Extensions and Complexities 163


6.1 Extensions 164
6.1.1 Accents 164
6.1.2 Beyond Advertising: Packaging
and Linguistic Landscape 169
6.1.3 Effects Outside the Targeted Consumers 174
xvi      Contents

6.2 Complexities 177


6.2.1 Foreign Languages and Standardization-
Adaptation 177
6.2.2 Critical Views of Foreign Languages
in Advertising 180
6.3 Conclusion 184
References 185

7 Conclusions and Implications 193


7.1 Integration of Linguistic and Marketing Perspectives 194
7.1.1 Linguistic Insights Applied in Advertising
Studies 194
7.1.2 Different Perspectives on Shared Interests 195
7.2 Key Concepts for All Three Foreign Language
Strategies 199
7.3 Limitations of the Empirical Studies Discussed 205
7.4 Implications for Advertising Practice 207
References 209

References 215

Index 247
List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 The Conceptual Feature Model applied to ‘friend’ (English)


and ‘amigo’ (Spanish) (Adapted from Luna and Peracchio
[2002, p. 460]) 34
Fig. 4.1 Three dimensions of globalness associations with English
in advertising 99
Fig. 4.2 The expected functioning of English as foreign language
in advertising 102
Fig. 7.1 Three key concepts relevant to the evaluation of foreign
language strategies in advertising 203

xvii
List of Tables

Table 1.1 Disciplinary interest in foreign languages in advertising


at the end of the twentieth century (1980–1999) 8
Table 1.2 Research interests in foreign language in advertising
classified by consumer culture position strategy 15
Table 3.1 Examples of ethnic products (partly based on Usunier
and Cestre [2007]) 62
Table 3.2 Examples of foreign brand names for products owned
by German supermarkets and used in the Netherlands 72

xix
List of Boxes

Box 3.1 An ad with multiple COO markers (as reported in Grünert,
2006) 65
Box 3.2 Comprehension of foreign languages in advertising
in Germany 79
Box 4.1 What counts as English? 106
Box 5.1 150 years of English and Welsh in advertising in a US
newspaper (Bishop et al., 2005) 131
Box 5.2 Spanish in US ads targeted at Hispanics 134
Box 5.3 Sample items from the ARSMA-II scale
(items and numbering taken from Cuéllar et al., 1995) 139
Box 6.1 Engrish 181

xxi
Part I
Introduction and Theoretical Backgrounds

In Chapter 1, we describe the long-standing academic interest in foreign


languages in advertising and present consumer culture positioning strat-
egies as a framework for understanding the goals of foreign languages
in advertising. In Chapter 2, we present concepts, theories, and mod-
els that are relevant to understanding the use and effects of foreign lan-
guages in advertising.
1
Introduction

A picture shows two couples walking on the beach. They wear brightly
coloured summer outfits, they smile, and they wear sunglasses. The picture
appears in an advertisement for the Austrian brand of glasses and sunglasses
Silhouette. The text printed across the picture reads: ‘Relaxez vos yeux.
Profitez pleinement du soleil. La protection solaire intelligente par Silhouette’.
For a French-speaking audience, this text is perfectly comprehensible.
However, the ad appeared in a beauty magazine targeted at a Dutch-
speaking audience in the Netherlands. For this readership, the text is
likely to be difficult to understand. Why would Silhouette confront Dutch
readers interested in beauty and style with an ad that is fully in a language
they may not understand? And why would Silhouette use a French brand
name and slogan when it has an Austrian origin? A couple of years ago,
the French brand Citroën advertised its C3 car in the Netherlands with
the slogan ‘La vie est belle’. Although this utterance is arguably easier to
understand than the text in the Silhouette ad, car dealers reported that
some customers in the showroom were unable to translate it as ‘Life is
beautiful’.
These two cases raise a series of questions. What role does foreign lan-
guage comprehension play in advertising? How do consumers evaluate

© The Author(s) 2020 3


J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs, Foreign Languages in Advertising,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31691-4_1
4 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

foreign languages in advertisements? Why do brands use a foreign lan-


guage to communicate with their consumers? This book addresses these
and other questions about how and why brands use foreign languages in
advertising, and about how and why they can be effective in persuading
consumers. In order to do so, this book integrates insights from marketing
and advertising with theories, models, and empirical results from sociolin-
guistics, psycholinguistics, and communication studies. In this chapter, we
first take a step back in time and present a historical overview of academic
interest in foreign languages in advertising (Sect. 1.1). Observing a large
variation in topics in this historical overview, we then present a framework
that is able to accommodate this variation: consumer culture positioning
strategies (Sect. 1.2). This framework will be employed to structure the
core of this book, Part II, which discusses foreign languages in the light
of Foreign Consumer Culture Positioning (FCCP) (Chapter 3), Global
Consumer Culture Positioning (GCCP) (Chapter 4), and Local Con-
sumer Culture Positioning (LCCP) (Chapter 5). In Sect. 1.3, we discuss
the book’s aims and scope.

1.1 Academic Interest in Foreign Languages


in Advertising
Academics have long been interested in the phenomenon of foreign lan-
guages in advertising. Piller (2003) gives a succinct historical overview of
research in this domain. Identifying early work from the start of the twenti-
eth century (e.g. Pound, 1913, 1951; Wustmann, 1903), Piller points out
that the first publications dealt specifically with foreign loanwords. These
early publications seem to be both descriptive and normative. Among
other linguistic phenomena, they list and classify loanwords appearing in
advertising copy. As part of an interest in word-formation techniques in
trade names, Pound (1913), for instance, describes the use of the Spanish
suffix ‘o’ and the definite article ‘el ’ in US trade names such as ‘El Eggo’,
and ‘The Perfecto cigar’. George (2003), in his book on the twentieth-
century history of electric appliances in the USA, points out that Hotpoint
Electric Heating Company, which produced the El Eggo egg cooker, had a
larger range of electric products such as the El Perco coffee pot, and the El
1 Introduction 5

Comfo heating pad, all of which used the same Spanification strategy. In
addition to suggesting Spanishness, Strasser (1989, p.144) cites a writer
for the advertising weekly Printers’ Ink, who reports that the use of the
prefix ‘el’ in these brand names ‘is also suggestive of the word “electric”’.
Piller (2003) illustrates the normative, purist perspective of early work
by pointing out that Wustmann (1903) discusses foreign words as a cat-
egory of language use that he considers doubtful, wrong, or ugly in the
German language (and what people should use instead). Piller (2017)
remarks that the first edition of this book was published in 1891; in this
edition, Wustmann already commented on foreign language used by busi-
ness people. He argued that business people frequently use foreign words,
and that they expect them to be more prestigious than the corresponding
words in German:

Weniger zu verwundern ist der Massenverbrauch von Fremdwörtern bei den


Geschäftsleuten. Sie stecken natürlich infolge ihrer Halbbildung am tiefsten
in dem Wahne, daß ein Fremdwort stets vornehmer sei als das entsprechende
deutsche Wort. Weil auf sie selbst ein Fremdwort einen so gewaltigen Eindruck
macht, so meinen sie, es müsse diesen Eindruck auf alle Menschen machen. […]
Was denken sich eigentlich die Herren dabei? Denken sie sich überhaupt etwas
dabei? Wer ist der Dumme? der, auf den solche Anpreisungen berechnet sind?
oder der, der damit eine Wirkung zu erzielen hofft? Heikle Frage. (Wustmann,
1891, pp. 120–121)

Less surprising is the massive use of foreign words among business people.
Of course, owing to their semi-education, they most deeply stick to the
delusion that a foreign word is always more distinguished than the corre-
sponding German word. Because a foreign word makes such a tremendous
impression on themselves, they think it must make that impression on all
people. […] What are these gentlemen actually thinking? Are they think-
ing anyway? Who is the stupid one? The one at whom such promotions
are targeted? Or the one who hopes to achieve an effect with them? Tricky
question.

Piller (2003) observes that the focus on cataloguing foreign loanwords


continues until the 1980s, but that, in the meantime, an interest emerged
in studying these foreign words within advertising discourse. For instance,
6 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

Fink (1975) examined German participants’ understanding of English


words and phrases taken from advertisements in German magazines, such
as ‘Pause-Relax-System’, ‘Nice and easy’, and ‘Brush-on-Peel-off-Mask’,
and analysed how this understanding depended on the participants’ age
and educational background. In a follow-up study, Fink (1977) inves-
tigated German participants’ evaluations of English words and phrases,
partly taken from advertisements, by asking the participants to assess these
words and phrases on the basis of a list of associations, such as modern,
old-fashioned, useful, useless, interesting, and boring”.
Piller’s historical review ends with the work of Haarmann (1984, 1986),
who conducted pioneering research on the frequency with which foreign
languages are used in advertising, and on the relationship of foreign lan-
guages with the products advertised. He argued that foreign languages are
employed in product advertisements to associate the products with ethno-
cultural stereotypes of the speakers of the foreign languages. For instance,
he remarked that French was used for specific product categories such
as watches, handbags, and perfume to evoke associations such as elegance
and style. Haarmann’s work has had a large impact on subsequent research
on foreign languages in advertising and will be discussed in more detail in
Sect. 3.3.1 of this book.
In the 1980s, academics in other domains became more interested in
studying foreign languages in advertising, for instance researchers exam-
ining issues of globalization in the domain of business and advertising (for
reviews, see Agrawal, 1995; Theodosiou & Leonidou, 2003). As Piller’s
(2003) review does not include publications from these fields, we extended
her historical review until the year 2000. In doing so, our first aim was
to make an inventory of the academic disciplines interested in foreign
languages in advertising, and our second aim was to assess the concrete
research interests developed in these disciplines. In order to achieve these
two goals, we systematically retrieved journal publications from the Com-
munication Abstracts database, which contains both academic journals
from the broad field of linguistics (e.g. Applied Linguistics, Journal of Mul-
tilingual and Multicultural Development, Journal of Language and Social
Psychology) and from the broad field of marketing (e.g. Journal of Adver-
tising, Journal of Consumer Research, Journal of International Consumer
Marketing ). With the keywords ‘language’ and ‘advertising’ and year of
1 Introduction 7

publication between 1980 and 2000, we found 234 hits. These hits were
analysed one by one on their relevance for research on foreign languages in
advertising. We sought to increase the number of hits by using the snow-
ball method (i.e. novel hits found in hits retrieved from the database), and
by checking bibliographies of more recent overviews such as Beniflah and
Chatterjee (2015), Dublish (2001), Piller (2003), and Zou (2005).
A first observation from our review is that there is a wide academic
interest in foreign languages in advertising. While the interest in foreign
languages in advertising until the 1980s was mainly limited to researchers
in linguistics (as documented in Piller, 2003), the end of the twentieth
century has seen the study of the use and effects of foreign languages in
advertising in a range of different fields, including marketing and adver-
tising. The results of the database search are given in Table 1.1. We con-
sidered the journal that published a study (e.g. Journal of Multicultural
and Multilingual Development ) as a primary indicator for the discipline or
subdiscipline (multilingualism, in the case of the journal mentioned). This
is arguably a simplification, but it suffices for our purposes. While some
disciplines are closely related (e.g. ‘marketing’ and ‘consumer research’, or
‘international advertising’ and ‘advertising’), other disciplines are clearly
distinct (e.g. ‘marketing’ and ‘sociolinguistics’). The general picture that
emerges testifies to a multidisciplinary interest in the phenomenon.
In a next step, we analysed the topics of the studies mentioned in
Table 1.1 in order to determine the areas of interest of these studies. Six
different interest areas could be distinguished. In our discussion of each
of these areas below, we will highlight one study as a means of illustrating
the area of interest.
Frequency of occurrence of foreign languages in advertising —Both in lin-
guistics (e.g. Cheshire & Moser, 1994; Haarmann, 1989) and in market-
ing (e.g. Alden, Steenkamp, and Batra, 1999; Mueller, 1992), researchers
have been interested in documenting the frequency with which foreign
languages are used in advertising worldwide. Most studies have focused
on the use of English (e.g. Bhatia, 1992; Griffin, 1997), but a small num-
ber have taken a broader perspective looking at other foreign languages as
well. As an example, Sella (1993) investigated foreign language use in more
than 1200 advertisements retrieved from eight different Greek magazines.
She found that the majority of these advertisements contained languages
8 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

Table 1.1 Disciplinary interest in foreign languages in advertising at the end of


the twentieth century (1980–1999)
Discipline References
Linguistics
English studies Bhatia (1987, 1992), Griffin (1997), Masavisut,
Sukwiwat, and Wongmontha (1986), Takashi
(1990a, 1990b), and Takashi Wilkerson (1997)
General linguistics Martin (1998), Rash (1996), and Sella (1993)
Multilingualism Cheshire and Moser (1994) and Piller (2000)
Sociolinguistics Haarmann (1984, 1986, 1989)
Marketing
Advertising Duncan and Ramaprasad (1995), Harris, Sturm,
Klassen, and Bechtold (1986), Hernandez and
Newman (1992), Mueller (1992), Roslow and
Nicholls (1996), and Yin (1999)
Business research Foster, Sullivan, and Perea (1989) and Ueltschy
and Krampf (1997)
Communication research Snyder, Willenborg, and Watt (1991) and Takashi
(1992)
Consumer research Koslow, Shamdasani, and Touchstone (1994),
Leclerc, Schmitt, and Dubé-Rioux (1989), and
Luna and Peracchio (1999)
International advertising Chan (1990), Cutler, Javalgi, and White (1995),
Domzal, Hunt, and Kernan (1995), Head (1988),
and Ray, Ryder, and Scott (1991)
Management Nicholls and Roslow (1999) and Ueltschy and
Ryans (1997)
Marketing Alden et al. (1999), Belk and Pollay (1985), Harris,
Garner-Earl, Sprick, and Carroll (1994), Leclerc,
Schmitt, and Dubé (1994), Neelankavil,
Mummalaneni, and Sessions (1995), Petrof
(1990), and Thakor and Pacheco (1997)

other than Greek, mainly English but also other foreign languages such as
French and Italian.
Effects of foreign languages in advertising —A number of studies have
sought to determine the effects that foreign languages in advertising have
on the audience, for instance on the attitude towards foreign language use
(e.g. Rash, 1996), the attitude towards the ad (e.g. Ueltschy & Ryans,
1997), and the comprehension of the foreign expression (e.g. Foster et al.,
1989; Rash, 1996). Petrof (1990) examined various different measures of
effectiveness of the use of foreign languages. His American participants
1 Introduction 9

viewed an advertisement in English or French and responded to questions


about their attitude towards the ad, their purchase intention, and their
recall of elements of the ad (including the brand and the main message).
On attitude and recall, the French foreign-language ad outperformed the
ad in participants’ native language, English.
Foreign language use as an element of advertising standardization—From
a marketing perspective, researchers have been interested in analysing for-
eign language use as one of the indicators of standardization of advertise-
ments worldwide (e.g. Belk & Pollay, 1985; Duncan & Ramaprasad, 1995;
Snyder et al., 1991; Yin, 1999). Other indicators include cultural sym-
bols, appeals, and people (e.g. actors, sports stars). Standardization means
that advertising execution strategies intended for one national audience
are also used for a different national audience. Most of the studies in
this interest area have taken the perspective of Westernization, in which
Western advertising execution strategies (e.g. Caucasian models and the
English language) are applied in advertising in non-Western countries.
Mueller (1992) examined different such strategies in over 200 ads taken
from Japanese magazines. When it comes to language use, she found that
English was used in about 80% of the ads. English was the most fre-
quently used indicator of Westernization. In comparison, for instance,
in all Japanese ads figuring a model about 20% of these models were
Caucasian.
Connections of foreign languages with products, countries, and charac-
teristics—A small group of researchers has theorized on the relationship
between the use of foreign languages on the one hand, and the prod-
uct type and its national origin on the other. As mentioned earlier in
this chapter, Haarmann (1984, 1986) was probably the first to discuss
this relationship in his study on the occurrence of Western languages in
Japanese advertising for different kinds of products. Apparently indepen-
dently from Haarmann, Head (1988), Ray et al. (1991), and Domzal et al.
(1995) also observed that foreign languages seem to be used for specific
products because these languages have connotations that are relevant to
the product. Ray et al. (1991), for instance, remark that both the German
and the Japanese language are associated with engineering quality, which
is an essential characteristic for products such as cars. They see in this
association a likely explanation for why businesses use foreign languages,
10 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

for instance, why Mazda used ‘Kansei ’ and Volkswagen ‘Fahrvergnügen’


in their product advertisements.
Foreign branding —After an early mention of the use of foreign lan-
guages in brand names (e.g. Pound, 1913), foreign branding has con-
tinued to attract researchers’ attention, from Harris et al. (1986), who
analysed advertising language, to Takashi Wilkerson (1997), who studied
the formation of bilingual English–Japanese brand names. The effects of
foreign branding were studied in Leclerc et al. (1989, 1994), and Thakor
and Pacheco (1997). The classic study in this domain is Leclerc et al.
(1994), who investigated the impact of foreign branding on measures such
as attitude towards the brand and attitude towards the ad. The starting
point of this study was the notion that foreign languages seem to connect
with characteristics of the country where the language is typically spoken
(e.g. France—hedonism, USA—utilitarianism). In particular, Leclerc et al.
(1994) examined French foreign branding for American participants and
demonstrated that French brand names lead to better evaluations when
they promote hedonistic products (e.g. nail polish) rather than utilitarian
products (e.g. petrol).
English versus Spanish for U.S. Hispanics—The large number of Spanish-
speaking residents in the USA has prompted researchers to investigate with
which language advertisers can best approach Hispanic consumers (e.g.
Foster et al., 1989; Hernandez & Newman, 1992; Ueltschy & Krampf,
1997; Ueltschy & Ryans, 1997). Important areas of interest have been the
comprehension of Spanish versus English, attitudes towards and recall of
these two languages, and the role of acculturation. As an example, Koslow
et al. (1994) were interested in the degree of perceived cultural sensitivity
of the advertiser of four types of ads: all-English, predominantly English,
predominantly Spanish, all-Spanish. The results of their study indicate
that Hispanics perceived the advertiser to be more culturally sensitive
when the advertisers used Spanish than when they used only English.
The six areas of interest identified in studies from 1980 to 2000 on
foreign languages in advertising show some overlap. For instance, studies
on foreign branding are related to studies that discuss the connection of for-
eign languages with products, countries, and characteristics. Foreign branding
studies have often taken as their starting point that brand names in a for-
eign language can be potentially effective if they connect with a country
1 Introduction 11

that is relevant to the product advertised. Another example is that studies


into the use of foreign languages as an element of advertising standardiza-
tion all employ content analyses and therefore automatically could be seen
as a subset of studies that we classified as studies on the frequency of occur-
rence of foreign languages in advertising. As a final example, all studies
found on English versus Spanish for U.S. Hispanics investigated the effec-
tiveness of language choice, and therefore could be classified under the
larger heading of studies on the effects of foreign languages in advertising.
In spite of these instances of overlap, our literature search has clearly
revealed that, starting in the 1980s, different areas of interest have emerged
over time in the domain of foreign languages in advertising. In contrast
to the earlier years of purely linguistically oriented studies (as reviewed
in Piller, 2003), since 1980 studies have covered a broad range of top-
ics, taken different theoretical perspectives, and employed a variety of
methodologies. Since 2000, the cut-off point for our literature search,
interest in foreign languages in advertising has continued to flourish,
including book-length monographs (e.g. Kelly-Holmes, 2005; Martin,
2006), and synthesizing work in the area (e.g. Alcántara-Pilar, del Barrio-
García, Crespo-Almendros, & Porcu, 2015; Hornikx & van Meurs, 2015;
Santello, 2016).
The current state of affairs is one in which there seems to be a solid
academic interest in foreign languages in advertising, both in the busi-
ness domain (marketing, advertising) and the linguistic domain (applied
linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics). With notable exceptions,
there is a lack of integration of insights from one field to the other, which
hampers research progress. In particular, studies in the field of linguis-
tics have hardly incorporated insights from marketing and advertising.
This book aims to bring together knowledge, models, theories, and results
from the humanities (i.e. linguistics) and social sciences (i.e. marketing,
advertising). In the next section, we explain how the diversity of topics
in foreign languages in advertising can be meaningfully integrated from a
marketing point of view.
12 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

1.2 Starting Point: Consumer Culture


Positioning
A first step in integrating the various areas of interest in foreign languages
in advertising can be found in the work of Snyder et al. (1991), one of
the articles retrieved through our database search. Against the background
of increasing European integration in the twentieth century, Snyder et al.
(1991) were interested in how the national and international character of
advertisements in Western Europe had developed. They analysed about
1500 advertisements from four different magazines published between
1953 and 1989, each originating from a different European country:
France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and West Germany (as it was
called at the time). For each advertisement, the national nature and the
international nature were assessed on the basis of a number of measures,
including the language used in the ad, mentions of locations, the nation-
ality of people depicted, cultural symbols (e.g. Eiffel tower), and product
origin. Snyder et al. (1991) developed a framework of five categories rel-
evant to the question of nationality and internationality of the ad: (1)
local or domestic, (2) foreign European, (3) foreign non-European, (4)
pan-European or European-wide, and (5) culturally neutral. We limit our
discussion of Snyder et al. (1991) to the role of language in these categories.
Snyder et al. (1991) coded an ad as local or domestic if the language
presented was only the language of the country in which the ad appeared.
An example is an ad in a magazine from the Netherlands in which only
the Dutch language was employed. An ad was coded as foreign European
if it contained one European language other than the language spoken in
the country where the ad appeared. Examples are ads published in West
Germany which contain French words or a mix of French and German
words. An ad was coded as foreign non-European if it contained one non-
European language, such as an ad with Japanese published in a French
magazine. An ad was coded as pan-European or European-wide if it con-
tained at least two foreign European languages (e.g. an ad with French and
English in West Germany) or if it contained one foreign European lan-
guage and a non-linguistic cue referring to another European country (e.g.
an ad with a French landscape and an English slogan in West Germany). An
ad was allocated to the fifth category, the culturally neutral category, when
1 Introduction 13

it did not contain any reference to European or non-European countries.


This category did not exist for language since there were no ads without
any language.
The work of Snyder et al. (1991) is important for understanding foreign
languages in advertising because it places the use of foreign languages
in a strategic marketing context. Snyder et al. emphasize that languages
and foreign languages can be used in advertising next to other cues (e.g.
landscapes or cultural symbols) to express the national or foreign character
of an advertisement. They explicitly mention the role of a local language in
expressing an ad’s national character, and the role of a foreign language to
convey foreignness. In this way, their analysis complements the perspective
outlined in papers such as Mueller (1992), which put forward a third
function of the use of a foreign language, namely a vehicle for creating
standardized, global advertisements (i.e. through the English language). A
more recent contribution to the marketing literature, Alden et al. (1999),
presents a framework that captures all three functions of foreign languages
in advertising. This framework will be discussed below.
In one of the most frequently cited papers in the field of international
advertising (as documented by Zou, 2005), Alden et al. (1999) present
three different types of brand positioning strategies in advertising in the
light of globalization and internationalization (see also Akaka & Alden,
2010). Brand positioning refers to the idea that a brand should have a
unique positioning among its competitor brands from the perspective of
consumers (see Sujan & Bettman, 1989). The three strategies that Alden
et al. (1999) propose are Local Consumer Culture Positioning (LCCP),
Foreign Consumer Culture Positioning (FCCP), and Global Consumer
Culture Positioning (GCCP)”. LCCP refers to ‘a strategy that associates
the brand with local cultural meanings, reflects the local culture’s norms
and identities, is portrayed as consumed by local people in the national
culture, and/or is depicted as locally produced for local people’ (p. 77).
FCCP is defined as ‘a strategy that positions the brand as symbolic of a
specific foreign consumer culture; that is, a brand whose personality, use
occasion, and/or user group are associated with a foreign culture’ (p. 77).
GCCP is a strategy that ‘identifies the brand as a symbol of a given global
culture’ (p. 77).
Alden et al. (1999) posit that there are three central components that can
be used to express one of the three types of consumer culture positioning in
14 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

an advertisement: language, aesthetic style, and story theme. A company


can use the mother tongue of the target audience if it wishes to emphasize
LCCP. If the language that appears in the ad is not the mother tongue
of the target audience but a language spoken in a different country, it is
an indication of FCCP. Finally, if the language used in an ad is English,
‘the primary language of international business, the mass media, and now,
the Internet’ (Alden et al., 1999, p. 77), GCCP is expected to be in play.
The second component, aesthetic style, is related to what the elements
in the ad look like (e.g. in terms of spokespersons). For example, if the
spokesperson figuring in the ad appears to be from the country where the
ad is published, this is an indication of LCCP. The third component is
story theme of the ad. One of the examples that Alden et al. (1999) give is
that of a young professional travelling around the world with a laptop for
GCCP. Their corpus analysis of more than 1200 television commercials
from seven countries (including the USA, Germany, and Korea) revealed
that there was a unique consumer culture position strategy in 85% of the
ads. Not all three strategies occurred to the same extent. If there was a
unique strategy, LCCP was coded in about 70% of the ads, GCCP was
coded in about 25% of the ads, and FCCP in only 5%.
In each of the three distinct ways of promoting a brand through adver-
tising identified by Alden et al. (1999), language is an important indicator.
In this book, we view language as the key indicator of an ad’s consumer cul-
ture positioning strategy. Our view is supported for LCCP by large-scale
survey data from Yin (1999). In her survey among 140 companies world-
wide, high-ranking marketing managers were asked to rate the importance
of different advertising components that can be used to localize advertise-
ments. The results showed that the most important component according
to the marketing managers was the language in the ad (less important
components were, for instance, models, humour, and scenic background
in the ad).
Given the central role of language in consumer culture positioning
strategies, we employ these strategies as the framework in this book for
a number of reasons. We believe that the consumer culture positioning
strategies identified by Alden et al. (1999) are comprehensive in the sense
1 Introduction 15

that they cover all possible main goals that language may have in adver-
tising. For instance, whereas Snyder et al. (1991) only mention foreign-
ness and localness, Alden et al. (1999) also include globalness. The con-
sumer culture positioning framework offers a meaningful perspective on
the use of language in advertising from a marketing perspective, empha-
sizing the goals with which various languages can be used in advertis-
ing. Kelly-Holmes (2005, 2014) also separately discusses various ways of
using foreign languages in advertising: foreign language display; English
as a special case; minority languages, accents, and dialects. The consumer
culture positioning strategies provide an overarching theoretical rationale
from a marketing perspective for Kelly-Holmes’s three-part distinction. In
addition, we structure our book according to the three consumer culture
positioning strategies because the framework accommodates the diverse
topics in foreign languages in advertising that we retrieved from our liter-
ature search. Table 1.2 demonstrates that the research interests identified
in Sect. 1.1 can be subsumed under each of the three culture consumer
positioning strategies.
For LCCP, the role of language would appear to be simple. It is about
the consumer’s first language in an advertising context. Studies on the fre-
quency of occurrence of foreign languages in advertising and their effects
have generally taken the consumer’s own language as a baseline. However,

Table 1.2 Research interests in foreign language in advertising classified by con-


sumer culture position strategy
LCCP GCCP FCCP
English versus Spanish Foreign language use as Foreign branding
for U.S. Hispanics an element of
advertising
standardization
Connections of foreign
languages with
products, countries,
and characteristics
Frequency of occurrence Frequency of occurrence Frequency of occurrence
of foreign languages of foreign languages of foreign languages
in advertising in advertising in advertising
Effects of foreign Effects of foreign Effects of foreign
languages in languages in languages in
advertising advertising advertising
16 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

the idea of a single local language for all consumers in a country is too sim-
plistic for a number of reasons. For one, some countries have more than
one official language; for instance, Belgium has three official languages
(Dutch, French, German), and South Africa has eleven (including English,
Xhosa, Zulu). Also, many people speak regional dialects and ethnic lan-
guages, instead of or in addition to an official language, and all countries
host people with different linguistic backgrounds (such as immigrants,
tourists, and diplomats). To the extent that these groups are large enough,
and still identify themselves with their linguistic background, these groups
become interesting segments from a marketing perspective, which may be
addressed in their specific language or in the majority language of the host
country. For instance, there are large numbers of consumers with an Ital-
ian background in Australia (Santello, 2015, 2016), Turkish consumers in
Germany (Gerpott & Bicak, 2016), and Spanish-speaking consumers in
the USA (Hernandez & Newman, 1992). The chapter in this book that
covers the role of language in LCCP is Chapter 5. This chapter examines
the role of foreign language in advertising in the LCCP strategy mainly
through the case of Spanish in the USA. This focus is derived from the
considerable number of studies published on the effects of the Spanish
versus English in advertising for Hispanics in the USA (e.g. Foster et al.,
1989; Koslow et al., 1994; Luna & Peracchio, 1999).
For GCCP, the role of language is to connect with the notion of global-
ness. Today, the English language is the specific linguistic vehicle that com-
municates globalness because this language is used by large groups of peo-
ple all over the world. In the literature review in the current chapter, stud-
ies on the occurrence of foreign languages in advertising have underlined
the dominance of the English language, inspiring continuous research on
occurrence and effects of English, compared to other languages (Mueller,
1992; Sella, 1993). The chapter that specifically deals with the role of
language in GCCP is Chapter 4 on English as a global language in adver-
tising.
For FCCP, the role of language is to express foreignness in advertising,
that is, to link a product to a specific foreign country. Research has theo-
rized about the connections that can be made through foreign languages
between products and countries and their relevant characteristics (Haar-
mann, 1989; Ray et al., 1991). A subset of this research has focused on the
1 Introduction 17

use of foreign brand names and their effects on attitudes towards prod-
ucts, referred to as foreign branding (e.g. Leclerc et al., 1994). A number
of studies examining occurrence and effects of foreign languages in adver-
tising can be labelled under the heading of FCCP. Chapter 3 treats the role
of language in FCCP from different linguistic and marketing perspectives.
All six research interests identified in Table 1.1 can be meaningfully
linked to the three consumer culture positioning strategies. These three
strategies provide three overarching aims for the use of foreign languages
in advertising, which cover all possible uses, but they do not elaborate on
how exactly language as an instrument achieves these aims. This book aims
to expand our knowledge on foreign languages in advertising by analysing
the relevant models, theories, and empirical studies.

1.3 Aims and Scope


The aim of this book is to provide insights into the use and effects of foreign
languages in advertising. These insights relate to a number of questions.
Why are foreign languages used in an advertising context? Which lan-
guages are most commonly used? In what forms are they used? Where in
the ad are they used? What are the different effects of foreign language use
on consumers? What theoretical explanations can be given to account for
these effects?
This book takes a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating multiple
research paradigms, to examine multiple manifestations of foreign lan-
guages in advertising. As we have argued in this chapter, for a comprehen-
sive understanding of foreign languages in advertising it is necessary to uti-
lize knowledge from both linguistically oriented and marketing-oriented
studies, and to integrate this knowledge.
As for the multiple research paradigms, we have expressly sought to
present theory and research from both linguistics and marketing. It is our
belief that it is important to discuss both theoretical insights and empiri-
cal research results in order to achieve the book’s central aim. Theoretical
insights, such as concepts (the country-of-origin concept from the market-
ing domain) or models (the Conceptual Feature Model from linguistics),
provide principled accounts of how and why foreign languages can be
18 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

effective in an advertising context. Equally important is empirical research


that examines foreign languages in advertising to potentially substantiate
or disconfirm theoretical models, to present a consumer’s perspective on
important concepts, and to develop novel theories on the basis of empirical
data. We have sought to integrate both theoretical accounts and empir-
ical research. In some cases, research results from one discipline can be
better understood in the light of theoretical predictions made in another
discipline. In other cases, theories in one discipline are corroborated by
empirical data from another discipline. For example, foreign languages
have long been claimed to attract attention on theoretical grounds (e.g.
Domzal et al., 1995; Sella, 1993) and only later have studies started to
investigate this issue empirically (Thoma, 2013).
In addition to presenting multiple research paradigms, this book cov-
ers different manifestations of foreign languages in advertising. As the
framework of the consumer culture positioning strategies stresses, foreign
languages can be used to express foreignness, globalness, and ethnicity.
Because of their widespread use across the world, foreign languages are
also studied in numerous countries, which gives this book a global scope.
This book adds to an emerging interest in language and business (e.g.
Lerman, Morais, & Luna, 2017; Nickerson & Planken, 2015; Piekkari,
Welch, & Welch, 2014; Tenzer, Terjesen, & Harzing, 2017), and—more
specially—in foreign language and advertising (e.g. Haarmann, 1989;
Kelly-Holmes, 2005; Li, 2019; Martin, 2006; Santello, 2016). This book
is structured in three parts and seven chapters.
Part I (Introduction) contains two chapters. The current chapter
described the long-standing academic interest in foreign languages in
advertising and presented the consumer culture positioning strategies as
our framework for analysing this phenomenon. Chapter 2 presents con-
cepts, theories, and models that are relevant to understanding foreign
languages in advertising.
Part II (Foreign Language Strategies) is the heart of the book. Following
the consumer culture positioning framework, each chapter discusses one
type of manifestation of foreign language use. Chapter 3 is devoted to
foreign language display, that is, the use of foreign languages as a vehicle
for expressing foreignness in advertising. Chapter 4 deals with the use of
one specific foreign language, English, to express globalness. Chapter 5
1 Introduction 19

approaches foreign language use from an ethnic perspective to show how


languages can be used to appeal to ethnic groups (in particular the Spanish
language in the USA to appeal to Hispanics).
Part III (Complexities and Conclusions) has two chapters. In Chapter 6,
we discuss effects of foreign languages in a broader sense, to include
accents, commercial contexts other than advertising (e.g. packaging, shop
names), and consumers outside the ad’s target group. Also, we discuss two
important complexities of foreign languages in advertising: global and local
consumer culture positioning strategies in relation to the standardization-
adaptation debate, and viewpoints according to which the use of foreign
languages in advertising has negative effects. In Chapter 7, we summa-
rize the insights generated in this book and consider implications of these
insights.

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2
Theoretical Perspectives

In Chapter 1, we have outlined the long-standing academic interest in


the occurrence and effects of the use of foreign languages in the domain
of advertising. We have shown the breadth of topics covered in studies
published since the late nineteenth century. In order to better understand
how foreign languages in advertising work, it is essential to have an under-
standing of important concepts, theories, and models from different fields
in the humanities (e.g. psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics) and social sci-
ences (e.g. social psychology, advertising). Luna and Peracchio (e.g. 2001,
2005a, 2005b; Luna, 2011) have introduced different theoretical founda-
tions to the study of the effects of foreign languages. Alcántara-Pilar, del
Barrio-García, Crespo-Almendros, and Porcu (2015) and Hornikx and
van Meurs (2015) have listed relevant theoretical accounts for the study
of foreign languages in advertising. In the current chapter, we present the
insights discussed in these overviews along with a larger set of relevant
theories, models, and concepts.
Against the backdrop of companies aiming to use languages to achieve
a desired consumer culture positioning in advertising, we discuss differ-
ent ways in which languages can be combined by language users from a
linguistic perspective (Sect. 2.2). In Sect. 2.3, we present theories about

© The Author(s) 2020 25


J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs, Foreign Languages in Advertising,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31691-4_2
26 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

how languages are processed in the mind, such as the Conceptual Fea-
ture Model. In Sect. 2.4, we discuss important concepts pertaining to the
socio-communicative context of foreign languages in advertising, such as
language attitudes. Each theory, model, or concept is first explained from
its original domain (which may be distant from or close to the domain of
foreign languages in advertising). Second, we briefly apply it to the domain
of study in this book. We start this chapter by discussing the two essential
elements in this book (Sect. 2.1): advertising, and foreign languages.

2.1 Defining Advertising and Foreign


Languages
In this section, we discuss the notions of advertising and foreign languages,
which are the two central concepts in this book.

2.1.1 Advertising

Advertising occurs in many different forms, from magazine advertisements


to television commercials, and from Facebook ads to online banners on
websites. Advertising has been defined as ‘any paid, non-personal com-
munications through various media by an identified company, non-profit
organisation or individual’ (De Pelsmacker, Geuens, & Van den Bergh,
2013, p. 203). While ultimately brand managers wish to increase sales
through advertising, advertising theories have underlined that there is a
hierarchy of effects (see, e.g., Rossiter & Percy, 2017). This hierarchy
means, for instance, that, before an ad can increase purchase intention,
consumers may need to be aware of the brand and product and may need
to have a positive attitude towards the product. Over the years, different
theories have been developed and empirically tested to understand how
advertising works (e.g. Meyers-Levy & Malaviya, 1999; Petty & Cacioppo,
1986; Vakratsas & Ambler, 1999). In tests of these theories, researchers
have mainly focused on effects on consumers in terms of variables includ-
ing attention, recall, product and brand attitude, ad attitude (ad liking),
2 Theoretical Perspectives 27

and/or purchase intention (see Vargas, Duff, & Faber, 2017). Advertis-
ing studies into the effect of foreign languages discussed in this book also
include such variables.
From a methodological point of view, the advertising studies reviewed
in this book mostly involve experiments. In order to interpret the results
of such experiments, it is important to bear in mind some characteristics
of experimental studies in general. In advertising experiments, researchers
typically compare two or more versions of advertising material (e.g. in
a local language or a foreign language), presented to consumers who are
asked to evaluate one or more versions in terms of, for instance, prod-
uct attitude, ad liking, and buying intention. Because researchers aim to
attribute potential differences between the versions of the material to the
variable under investigation (e.g. foreign language versus the consumers’
own language), it is essential to control for a number of elements that
could interfere. The key benefit of experimental research is its high inter-
nal validity, which means that it is justified to ascribe the differences in
consumer evaluations of the different advertising messages to the manip-
ulated variables. High internal validity can be achieved by having versions
of material that only differ in the variable under investigation (e.g. lan-
guage use), and by avoiding distractions from this variable (e.g. other
prominent elements present in the ad). As a result, material in experi-
mental advertising research typically deviates from real-life advertising.
While some studies present fictitious but realistic advertising copy, other
studies use simplistic material in which the variable is more prominently
present than it normally is in advertising. Researchers have stressed the
importance of using advertising material that resembles actual advertising
practice (Geuens & De Pelsmacker, 2017; Vargas et al., 2017). Only if
the material is ecologically valid, can the results be meaningfully applied
to real-life advertising.

2.1.2 Foreign Languages

In experiments that study the effects of foreign languages in advertising,


a foreign language is often compared to the participants’ first language.
Traditionally, a person’s first language or mother tongue has been labelled
28 J. Hornikx and F. van Meurs

as ‘L1’ in applied linguistics, whereas ‘L2’ is used to refer to any language


that is not a person’s mother tongue. For people who have been raised
bilingually, it can be said that they have two (or more) mother tongues,
but also that one of these languages is more dominant and therefore their
L1. Many people, including those who have not been raised bilingually,
have some knowledge of multiple foreign languages. Some researchers
have used L2 as a cover term for all of these, while others have preferred
referring to each foreign language individually (L2, L3, L4, etc.) (for a
discussion, see, e.g., Dewaele, 2018). In this book, we will use the two
terms ‘L2’ and ‘foreign language’ to refer to any language other than the
consumers’ first language.
From a linguistic perspective, a foreign language is a language that is
not the person’s mother tongue learned from birth. This means that the
status of a language in an advertisement can only be defined in terms of the
receiver of the message. Imagine an ad for olive oil in which the Spanish
language is employed. This language use may be considered a foreign
language for a non-Spanish-speaking community, such as the majority
of the population in Germany, but it is not a foreign language for a
Spanish-speaking community, such as the majority population in Spain
or Guatemala.
Many experimental studies discussed in this book do not seem to explic-
itly define what makes the languages under investigation either foreign or
not foreign. However, these studies appear to have used different ways
to address the question whether the language under consideration is the
participants’ mother tongue or not. In some studies, this question was
addressed by taking the official language of the country where the par-
ticipants live as an indication of their mother tongue. For instance, in
Hornikx and van Meurs (2017), English, French, German, and Spanish
were considered foreign languages for their Dutch participants because
none of these languages is an official language of the Netherlands. In other
studies, the question as to whether the language under consideration is
the participants’ mother tongue was addressed through self-reported lan-
guage proficiency. In Luna and Peracchio (2001), for instance, Spanish
and English were considered a foreign language (L2, second language)
or not a foreign language (L1, first language) for individual participants,
Another random document with
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Mr. Baldridge makes wads of comb, or comb-cappings, which he
finds good, and by pressing these against the edges of the comb he
wishes to fasten, he fastens them to the frames, quickly and
securely.
Having fastened all the worker-comb that we can into the frames
—of course all the other, and all bright drone-comb, will be preserved
for use as guide-comb—and placed the frames in the new hive—
these should be put together if they contain brood, especially if the
colony is not very strong, and the empty frames to one side—we
then place our hive on the stand, pushing it forward so that the bees
can enter anywhere along the alighting-board, and then shake all the
bees from the box, and any young bees that may have clustered on
any part of the old hive, or on the floor or ground, where we
transferred the comb, immediately in front. They will enter at once
and soon be at work, all the busier for having passed "from the old
house into the new." In two or three days, remove the wires or
strings and sticks, when we shall find the combs all fastened and
smoothed off, and the bees as busily engaged as though their
present home had always been the seat of their labors. In case we
practice the methods of either Captain Hetherington or Mr. Baldridge,
there will be nothing to remove, and we need only go and
congratulate the bees in view of their new and improved home.
Of course, in transferring from one frame to another, the matter is
much simplified. In this case, after thoroughly smoking the bees, we
have but to lift the frames, and shake or brush the bees into the new
hive. For a brush, a chicken or turkey wing, or a large wing or tail
feather from a turkey, goose or peacock, serves admirably. Now, cut
out the comb in the best form to accommodate the new frames, and
fasten as already suggested. After the combs are all transferred,
shake all remaining bees in front of the new hive, which has already
been placed on the stand previously occupied by the old hive.
CHAPTER VIII.
FEEDING AND FEEDERS.

As already stated, it is only when the worker-bees are storing that


the queen deposits to the full extent of her capability, and that brood-
rearing is at its height. In fact, when storing ceases, general
indolence characterizes the hive. Hence, if we would achieve the
best success, we must keep the workers active, even before
gathering commences, as also in the interims of honey secretion by
the flowers; and to do this we must feed sparingly before the advent
of bloom in the spring, and whenever the neuters are forced to
idleness during any part of the season, by the absence of honey-
producing flowers. For a number of years, I have tried experiments in
this direction by feeding a portion of my colonies early in the season,
and in the intervals of honey-gathering, and always with marked
results in favor of the practice.
Every apiarist, whether novice or veteran, will receive ample
reward by practicing stimulative feeding early in the season; then his
hive at the dawn of the white clover era will be redundant with bees,
well filled with brood, and in just the trim to receive a bountiful
harvest of this most delicious nectar.
Feeding, too, is often necessary to secure sufficient stores for
winter—for no apiarist, worthy the name, will suffer his faithful, willing
subjects to starve, when so little care and expense will prevent it.

HOW MUCH TO FEED.


If we only wish to stimulate, the amount fed need not be great. A
half pound a day, or even less, will be all that is necessary to
encourage the bees to active preparation for the good time coming.
For information in regard to supplying stores for winter see Chapter
XVII.

WHAT TO FEED.
For this purpose I would feed coffee A sugar, reduced to the
consistency of honey, or else extracted honey kept over from the
previous year. The price of the latter will decide which is the most
profitable. Honey, too, that has been drained or forced out of
cappings, etc., is good, and only good to feed. Many advise feeding
the poorer grades of sugar in spring. My own experience makes me
question the policy of ever using such feed for bees. The policy, too,
of feeding glucose I much question. In all feeding, unless extracted
honey is what we are using, we cannot exercise too great care that
such feed is not carried to the surplus boxes. Only let our customers
once taste sugar in their comb-honey, and not only is our own
reputation gone, but the whole fraternity is injured. In case we wish
to have our combs in the sections filled or capped, we must feed
extracted honey, which may often be done with great advantage.

Fig. 54.

Division-Board Feeder.
Lower part of the face of the can
removed, to show float, etc.
HOW TO FEED.
The requisites of a good feeder are: Cheapness, a form to admit
quick feeding, to permit no loss of heat, and so arranged that we can
feed without in any way disturbing the bees. The feeder (Fig, 54)
which I have used with the best satisfaction, is a modified division-
board, the top-bar of which (Fig, 54, b) is two inches wide. From the
upper central portion, beneath the top-bar, a rectangular piece, the
size of an oyster-can, is replaced with an oyster-can (Fig 54, g), after
the top of the latter has been removed. A vertical piece of wood (Fig.
54, d) is fitted into the can so as to separate a space about one inch
square, on one side from the balance of the chamber. This piece
does not reach quite to the bottom of the can, there being a one-
eighth inch space beneath. In the top-bar there is an opening (Fig.
54, e) just above the smaller space below. In the larger space is a
wooden float (Fig. 54, f) full of holes. On one side, opposite the
larger chamber of the can, a half-inch piece of the top (Fig. 54, c) is
cut off, so that the bees can pass between the can and top-bar on to
the float, where they can sip the feed. The feed is turned into the
hole in the top-bar (Fig. 54, e), and without touching a bee, passes
down under the vertical strip (Fig. 54, d) and raises the float (Fig. 54,
f). The can may be tacked to the board at the ends near the top. Two
or three tacks through the can into the vertical piece (Fig. 54, d) will
hold the latter firmly in place; or the top-bar may press on the vertical
piece so that it cannot move. Crowding a narrow piece of woolen
cloth between the can and board, and nailing a similar strip around
the beveled edge of the division-board makes all snug.
Fig. 55.

Shuck's Boss Bee-Feeder.

Simplicity Bee-Feeder.
One of our students suggests the name "Perfection" for this
feeder. The feeder is placed at the end of the brood-chamber (page
137), and the top-bar covered by the quilt. To feed, we have only to
fold the quilt over, when with a tea-pot we pour the feed into the hole
in the top-bar. If a honey-board is used, there must be a hole in this
just above the hole in the division-board feeder. In either case, no
bees can escape, the heat is confined, and our division-board feeder
is but little more expensive than a division-board alone.
Some apiarists prefer a quart tin can with finely perforated cover.
This is filled with liquid, the cover put on, and the whole quickly
inverted and set above a hole in the quilt. Owing to the pressure of
the air, the liquid will not descend so rapidly that the bees cannot sip
it up.
Many other styles of feeders are in use, as the "Simplicity" and
"Boss," but I have yet to see one that in all respects equals the one
figured and described above.
The best time to feed is just at night-fall. In this case the feed will
be carried away before the next day, and the danger to weak
colonies from robbing is not so great.
In feeding during the cold days of April, all should be close above
the bees to economize the heat. In all feeding, care is requisite that
we may not spill the feed about the apiary, as this may, and very
generally will, induce robbing.
CHAPTER IX.
QUEEN REARING.

Suppose the queen is laying two thousand eggs a day, and that
the full number of bees is forty thousand, or even more—though the
bees are liable to so many accidents, and as the queen does not
always lay to her full capacity, it is quite probable that this is about an
average number—it will be seen that each day that a colony is
without a queen there is a loss equal to about one-twentieth of the
working force of the colony, and this is a compound loss, as the
aggregate loss of any day is its special loss, augmented by the
several losses of the previous days. Now, as queens are liable to
die, to become impotent, and as the act of increasing colonies
demands the absence of queens, unless the apiarist has extra ones
at his command, it is imperative, would we secure the best results, to
ever have at hand extra queens. So the young apiarist must early
learn

HOW TO REAR QUEENS.


As queens may be needed by the last of May, preparations
looking to the early rearing of queens must commence early. When
preparing the colonies for winter the previous autumn, be sure to
place some drone-comb somewhere near the centre of the colony
that has given the best results the previous season. In March, and
certainly by the first of April, see that all colonies have plenty of bee-
bread. If necessary, place unbolted flour, that of rye or oats is best, in
shallow troughs near the hives. It may be well to give the whole
apiary the benefit of such feeding before the flowers yield pollen. Yet,
I have found that here in Central Michigan, bees can usually gather
pollen by the first week of April, which I think is as early as they
should be allowed to fly, and, in fact, as early as they will fly with
sufficient regularity to make it pay to feed the meal. I much question,
after some years of experiment, if it ever pays to give the bees a
substitute for pollen.
The colony under consideration, should be given frames
containing bee-bread which was stored the previous year. At the
same time, March or April, commence stimulative feeding. If you
have another colony equally good with the first, also give that the
pollen, and commence giving it honey or syrup, but only worker-
comb should be in the brood-chamber. This will prevent the close in-
breeding which would of necessity occur if both queens and drones
were reared in the same colony; and which, though regarded as
deleterious in the breeding of all animals, should be practiced in
case one single queen is of decided superiority to all others of the
apiary.
Very likely in April, drone-eggs will be laid in drone-comb. I have
had drones flying on the first of May. As soon as the drones
commence to hatch out, remove the queen and all eggs and
uncapped brood from some good, strong colony, and replace it with
eggs or brood just hatched from the colony that is being fed, or if two
equally good colonies have been stimulated, from the one in which
no drone-comb was placed. The queen which has been removed
may be used in making a new colony, in manner soon to be
described under "dividing or increasing the number of colonies." This
queenless colony will immediately commence forming queen-cells
(Fig, 56). Sometimes these are formed to the number of fifteen or
twenty, and they are started, too, in a full, vigorous colony, in fact,
under the most favorable conditions. Cutting off edges of the comb,
or cutting holes in the same where there are eggs or larvæ; just
hatched, will almost always insure the starting of queen-cells in such
places. It will be noticed, too, that our queens are started from eggs
or from larvæ but just hatched, as we have given the bees no other,
and so are fed the royal pabulum from the first. Thus, we have met
every possible requisite to secure the most superior queens. By
removal of the queen we also secure a large number of cells, while if
we waited for the bees to start the cells preparatory to natural
swarming, in which case we secure the two desirable conditions
named above, we shall probably fail to secure so many cells, and
may have to wait longer than we can afford.
Even the apiarist who keeps black bees and desires no others, or
who has only pure Italians, will still find that it pays to practice this
selection, for, as with the poultry fancier, or the breeder of our larger
domestic animals, so, too, the apiarist is ever observing some
individuals of marked superiority, and he who carefully selects such
queens to breed from, will be the one whose profits will make him
rejoice, and whose apiary will be worthy of all commendation. As will
be patent to all, by the above process we exercise a care in breeding
which is not surpassed by the best breeders of horses and cattle,
and which no wise apiarist will ever neglect.
After we have removed all the queen-cells, in manner soon to be
described, we can again supply eggs, or newly-hatched larvæ—
always from those queens which close observation has shown to be
the most vigorous and prolific in the apiary—and thus keep the same
queenless colony or colonies, engaged in starting queen-cells till we
have all we desire. Yet we must not fail to keep this colony strong by
the addition of capped brood, which we may take from any hive as
most convenient. I have good reason to believe that queen-cells
should not be started after the first of September, as I have observed
that late queens are not only less prolific, but shorter lived. In nature,
late queens are rarely produced, and if it is true that they are inferior,
it might be explained in the fact, that the ovaries remain so long
inactive. As queens that are long unmated are utterly worthless, so,
too, mated queens long inactive are enfeebled.
In a week the cells are capped, and the apiarist is ready to form
his

NUCLEI.
A nucleus is simply a miniature colony of bees—a hive and
colony on a small scale, for the purpose of rearing and keeping
queens. We want the queens, but can afford to each nucleus only a
few bees. The nucleus hive, if we use frames not more than one foot
square, need be nothing more than an ordinary hive, with chamber
confined by a division-board to the capacity of three frames. If our
frames are large, then it may be thought best to construct special
nucleus hives. These are small hives, need not be more than six
inches each way, that is, in length, breadth, and thickness, and made
to contain from four to six frames of corresponding size. These
frames are filled with comb. I have for the last two or three years
used the first named style of nucleus hive, and have found it
advantageous to have a few long hives made, each to contain five
chambers, while each chamber is entirely separate from the one
next to it, is five inches wide, and is covered by a separate, close-
fitting board, and the whole by a common cover. The entrance for the
two end chambers is at the ends near the same side of the hive. The
middle chamber has its entrance at the middle of the side near which
are the end entrances, while the other two chambers open on the
opposite side, as far apart as is possible. The outside might be
painted different colors to correspond with the divisions, if thought
necessary, especially on the side with two openings. Yet I have
never taken this precaution, nor have I been troubled much by losing
queens. They have almost invariably entered their own apartments
when returning from their wedding tour. These hives I use to keep
queens during the summer. Except the apiarist engages in queen-
rearing extensively as a business, I doubt the propriety of building
such special nucleus hives. The usual hives are good property to
have in the apiary, will soon be needed, and may be economically
used for all nuclei. In spring I make use of my hives which are
prepared for prospective summer use, for my nuclei. Now go to
different hives of the apiary, and take out three frames for each
nucleus, at least one of which has brood, and so on, till there are as
many nuclei prepared as you have queen-cells to dispose of The
bees should be left adhering to the frames of comb, only we must be
certain that the queen is not among them, as this would take the
queen from where she is most needed, and would lead to the sure
destruction of one queen-cell. To be sure of this, never take such
frames till you have seen the queen, that you may be sure she is left
behind. I usually shake off into the nucleus the bees from one or two
more frames, so that, even after the old bees have returned, there
will still be a sufficient number of young bees left in the nucleus to
keep the temperature at a proper height. If any desire the nuclei with
smaller frames, these frames must of course be filled with comb, and
then we can shake bees immediately into the nuclei, as given above,
till they shall have sufficient to preserve a proper temperature. In this
case the queen-cell should be inserted just before the bees are
added; in the other case, either before or after. Such special articles
about the apiary are costly and inconvenient. I believe that I should
use hives even with the largest frames for nuclei. In this case we
should need to give more bees. To insert the queen-cell—for we are
now to give one to each nucleus, so we can never form more nuclei
than we have capped queen-cells—we first cut them out,
commencing to cut on either side the base of the cell, at least one-
half inch distant, we must not in the least compress the cell, then
cutting up and out for two inches, then across opposite the cell. This
leaves the cell attached to a wedge-shaped piece of comb (Fig, 56),
whose apes is next the cell.

Fig. 56.

A similar cut in the middle frame of the nucleus, which in case of


the regular frames is the one containing brood, will furnish an
opening to receive the wedge containing the cell. The comb should
also be cut away beneath (Fig, 56), so that the cell cannot be
compressed. After all the nuclei have received their cells and bees,
they have only to be set in a shady place and watched to see that
sufficient bees remain. Should too many leave, give them more by
removing the cover and shaking a frame loaded with bees over the
nucleus; keep the opening nearly closed, and cover the bees with a
quilt. The main caution in all this is to be sure not to get any old
queen in a nucleus. In two or three days the queens will hatch, and
in a week longer will have become fertilized, and that, too, in case of
the first queens, by selected drones, for as yet there are no other in
the apiary, and the apiarist will possess from ten to thirty-five
queens, which will prove his best stock in trade. I cannot over-
estimate the advantage of ever having extra queens. To secure pure
mating later, we must cut all drone-comb from inferior colonies, so
that they shall rear no drones. If drone larvæ are in uncapped cells,
they may be killed by sprinkling the comb with cold water. By giving
the jet of water some force they may be washed out, or we may
throw them out with the extractor, then use the comb for starters in
our sections. By keeping empty frames, and empty cells in the
nuclei, the bees may be kept active; yet with so few bees, one
cannot expect very much from the nuclei. After cutting all the queen-
cells from our old hive, we can again insert eggs, as above
suggested, and obtain another lot of cells, or, if we have a sufficient
number, we can leave a single queen-cell, and this colony will soon
be the happy possessor of a queen, and just as flourishing as if the
even tenor of its ways had not been disturbed.

SHALL WE CLIP THE QUEEN'S WING?


In the above operation, as in many other manipulations of the
hive, we shall often gain sight of the queen, and can, if we desire,
clip her wing, if she has met the drone, that in no case she shall lead
the colony away to parts unknown. This does not injure the queen,
as some have claimed. General Adair once stated that such
treatment injured the queen, as it cut off some of the air-tubes, which
view was approved by so excellent a naturalist as Dr. Packard. Yet
we are sure that this is all a mistake. The air-tube and blood-vessel,
as we have seen, go to the wings to carry nourishment to these
members. With the wing goes the necessity of nourishment and the
need of the tubes. As well say that the amputation of the human leg
or arm would enfeeble the constitution, as it would cut off the supply
of blood.
Many of our best apiarists have practiced this clipping of the
queen's wings for years. Yet, these queens show no diminution of
vigor: we should suppose they would be even more vigorous, as
useless organs are always nourished at the expense of the
organism, and if entirely useless, are seldom long continued by
nature. The ants set us an example in this matter, as they bite the
wings off their queens, after mating has transpired. They mean that
the queen ant shall remain at home nolens volens, and why shall not
we require the same of the queen bee? Were it not for the necessity
of swarming in nature, we should doubtless have been anticipated in
this matter by nature herself. Still, if the queen essays to go with a
swarm, and if the apiarist is not at hand, she will very likely be lost,
never regaining the hive; but in this case the bees will be saved, as
they will return without fail. I always mean to be so watchful, keeping
my hives shaded, giving ample room, and dividing or increasing, as
to prevent natural swarming. But in lieu of such caution I see no
objection to clipping the queen's wing, and would advise it.
Some apiarists clip one primary wing the first year, the secondary
the second year, the other primary the third, and if age of the queen
permits, the remaining wing the fourth year. Yet, such data, with
other matters of interest and importance, better be kept on a slate or
card, and firmly attached to the hive, or else kept in a record,
opposite the number of the hive. The time required to find the queen
is sufficient argument against the "queen-wing record.". It is not an
argument against the once clipping of the queen's wings, for, in the
nucleus hives, queens are readily found, and even in full colonies
this is not very difficult, especially if we heed the dictates of interest
and keep Italians. It will be best, even though we have to look up
black queens, in full colonies. The loss of one good colony, or the
vexatious trouble of separating two or three swarms which had
clustered together, would soon vanquish this argument of time.
To clip the queen's wing, take hold of her wings with the left
thumb and index finger—never grasp her body, especially her
abdomen, as this will be very apt to injure her—raise her off the
comb, then turn from the bees, place her gently on a board or any
convenient object—even the knee will do—she will thus stand on her
feet, and not trouble by constantly passing her legs up by her wings,
where they, too, would be in danger of being cut off. Now, take a
small pair of scissors, and with the right hand open them, carefully
pass one blade under one of the front wings, shut the blades, and all
is over. Some apiarists complain that queens thus handled often
receive a foreign scent, and are destroyed by the bees. I have
clipped hundreds, and never lost one. I believe that the above
method will not be open to this objection. Should the experience of
any one prove to the contrary, the drawing on of a kid glove, or even
the fingers of one, might remove the difficulty.

FERTILE WORKERS.

We have already referred to (pp. 77 and 90) and described fertile


workers. As these can only produce unimpregnated eggs, they are,
of course, valueless, and unless superseded by a queen, will soon
cause the destruction of the colony. As their presence often prevents
the acceptance of cells or a queen, by the common workers, they
are a serious pest.
The absence of worker brood, and the abundant and careless
deposition of eggs—some cells being skipped, while others have
received several eggs—are pretty sure indications of their presence.
To rid a colony of these, unite it with some colony with a good
queen, after which the colony may be divided if very strong. Simply
exchanging places of a colony with a fertile worker, and a good
strong colony, will often cause the destruction of the wrong-doer. In
this case, brood should be given to the colony which had the fertile
worker, that they may rear a queen; or better, a queen-cell or queen
should be given them. Caging a queen in a hive, with a fertile worker,
for thirty-six hours, will often cause the bees to accept her. Shaking
the bees off the frames two rods from the hive, will often rid them of
the counterfeit queen, after which they will receive a queen-cell or a
queen.
CHAPTER X.
INCREASE OF COLONIES.

No subject will be of more interest to the beginner, than that of


increasing stocks. He has one or two, he desires as many score, or,
if very aspiring, as many hundred, and if a Hetherington or a
Harbison, as many thousand. This is a subject, too, that may well
engage the thought and study of men of no inconsiderable
experience. I believe that many veterans are not practicing the best
methods in obtaining an increase of stocks.
Before proceeding to name the ways, or to detail methods, let me
state and enforce, that it is always safest, and generally wisest,
especially for the beginner, to be content with doubling, and certainly,
with tripling, his number of colonies each season. Especially let all
remember the motto, "Keep all colonies strong."
There are two ways to increase: The natural, known as
swarming, already described under natural history of the bee; and
artificial, improperly styled artificial swarming. This is also called, and
very properly, too, "dividing."

SWARMING.
To prevent anxiety and constant watching, and to secure a more
equable division of bees, and, as I know, more honey, it is better to
provide against swarming entirely by use of means which will appear
in the sequel. But as this requires some experience, and, as often,
through neglect, either necessary or culpable, swarms may issue,
every apiarist should be ever ready with both means and knowledge
for immediate action. Of course, the hives were all made the
previous winter, and will never be wanting. Neglect to provide hives
before the swarming season, is convincing proof that the wrong
pursuit has been chosen.
If, as we have advised, the queen has her wing clipped, the
matter becomes very simple, in fact, so much simplified that were
there no other argument, this would be sufficient to recommend the
practice of cutting the queen's wing. Now, if several swarms cluster
together, we have not to separate them, they will separate of
themselves and return to their old home. To migrate without the
queen means death, and life is sweet even to bees, and is not to be
willingly given up except for home and kindred. Neither has the
apiarist to climb trees, to secure his bees from bushy trunks, from off
the lattice-work or pickets of his fence, from the very top of a tall,
slender, fragile fruit tree, or other most inconvenient places. Nor will
he even be tempted to pay his money for patent hivers. He knows
his bees will return to their old quarters, so he is not perturbed by the
fear of loss, or plans to capture the unapproachable. It requires no
effort "to possess his soul in patience." If he wishes no increase, he
steps out, takes the queen by the remaining wings, as she emerges
from the hive, soon after the bees commence their hilarious leave-
taking, puts her in a cage, opens the hive, destroys, or, if he wishes
to use them, cuts out the queen cells as already described (page
167), gives more room—either by adding boxes or taking out some
of the frames of brood, as they may well be spared, places the cage
enclosing the queen under the quilt, and leaves the bees to return at
their pleasure. At night-fall the queen is liberated, and very likely the
swarming fever subdued for the season.
If it is desired to hive the absconding swarm with a nucleus
colony, exchange the places of the old hive containing the caged
queen, and the nucleus, to which the swarm will then come. Remove
queen-cells from the old hives as before, give some of the combs of
brood to the nucleus, which is now a full colony, and empty frames,
with comb or foundation starters, or, if you have them, empty combs
to both, liberate the queen at night and all is well, and the apiarist
rejoices in a new colony. If the apiarist has neglected to form nuclei,
and so has no extra queens—and this is a neglect—and wishes to
hive his swarm separately, he places his caged queen in an empty
hive, with which he replaces the old hive till the bees return, then this
new hive, with queen and bees, and, still better, with a frame or two
of brood, honey, etc., in the middle, which were taken from the old
hive, is set on a new stand. The old hive, with all the queen-cells
except the largest and finest one removed, is set back, so that the
apiarist has forestalled the issue of after-swarms, except that other
queen-cells are afterward started, which is not likely to happen. The
old queen is liberated as before, and we are in the way of soon
having two good colonies. Some apiarists cage the queen and let the
bees return, then divide the colony as soon to be described.
Some extensive apiarists, who desire to prevent increase of
colonies, cage the old queen, destroy cells, and exchange this hive
—after taking out three or four frames of brood to strengthen nuclei
—with one that recently swarmed. Thus a colony that recently sent
out a swarm, but retained their queen, has probably, from the
decrease of bees, loss of brood and removal of queen-cells, lost the
swarming fever, and if we give them plenty of room and ventilation,
they will accept the bees from a new swarm, and spend their future
energies in storing honey. Southard and Ranney have been very
successful in the practice of this method. If building of drone-comb in
the empty frames which replaced the brood-frames removed, should
vex the apiarist—Dr. Southard says they had no such trouble—it
could be prevented by giving worker-foundation. If the swarming
fever is not broken up, we shall only have to repeat the operation
again in a few days.

HIVING SWARMS.

But in clipping wings, some queens may be omitted, or from


taste, or other motive, some bee-keepers may not desire to "deform
her royal highness." Then the apiarist must possess the means to
save the would-be rovers. The means are good hives in readiness,
some kind of a brush—a turkey-wing will do—and a bag or basket,
with ever open top, which should be at least eighteen inches in
diameter, and this receptacle so made that it may be attached to the
end of a pole, and two such poles, one very long and the other of
medium length.
Now, let us attend to the method: As soon as the cluster
commences to form, place the hive on the ground near by, leaving
the entrance widely open, which with our bottom-board only requires
that we draw the hive forward an inch Or more over the alighting-
board. As soon as the bees are fully clustered, we must manage as
best we can to empty the whole cluster in front of the hive. As the
bees are full of honey we need have little fear of stings. Should the
bees be on a twig that could be sacrificed, this might be easily out off
with either a knife or saw, and so carefully as hardly to disturb the
bees; then carry and shake the bees in front of the hive, when with
joyful hum they will at once proceed to enter. If the twig must not be
cut, shake them all into the basket, and empty before the hive.
Should they be on a tree trunk, or a fence, then brush them with the
wing into the basket, and proceed as before. If they are high up on a
tree, take the pole and basket, and perhaps a ladder will also be
necessary.
Always let ingenuity have its perfect work, not forgetting that the
object to be gained is to get just as many of the bees as is possible
on the alighting-board in front of the hive. Carelessness as to the
quantity might involve the loss of the queen, which would be serious.
The bees to ill not remain unless the queen enters the hive. Should a
cluster form where it is impossible to brush or shake them off, they
can be driven into a basket, or hive, by holding it above them and
blowing smoke among them. As soon as they are nearly all in—a
few may be flying around, but if the queen is in the new hive, they
will go back to their old home, or find the new one—which Mr.
Betsinger says they will always do, if it is not far removed—remove
the hive to its permanent stand. All washes are more than useless. It
is better that the hive be clean and pure. With such, if they are
shaded, bees will generally be satisfied. But assurance will be made
doubly sure by giving them a frame of brood, in all stages of growth,
from the old hive. This may be inserted before the work of hiving is
commenced. Mr. Betsinger thinks this will cause them to leave; but I
think he will not be sustained by the experience of other apiarists. He
certainly is not by mine. I never knew but one colony to leave
uncapped brood; I have often known them to swarm out of an empty
hive once or twice, and to be returned, after brood had been placed
in the hive, when they accepted the changed conditions, and went at
once to work. This seems reasonable, too, in view of the attachment
of bees for their nest of brood, as also from analogy. How eager the
ant to convey her larvæ and pupæ—the so-called eggs—to a place
of safety, when the nest has been invaded and danger threatens.
Bees doubtless have the same desire to protect their young, and as
they cannot carry them away to a new home, they remain to care for
them in one that may not be quite to their taste.
If it is not desired to increase, the bees may be given to a colony
which has previously swarmed, after removing from the latter all
queen-cells, and adding to the room by giving boxes and removing
some frames of brood to strengthen nuclei. This plan is practiced by
Dr. Southard. We may even return the bees to their old home by
taking the same precautionary measures, with a good hope that
storing and not swarming will engage their attention in future; and if
we exchange their position with that of a nucleus, we shall be still
more likely to succeed in overcoming the desire to swarm; though
some seasons, usually when honey is being gathered each day for
long intervals, but not in large quantities, the desire and
determination of some colonies to swarm is implacable. Room,
ventilation, changed position of hive, each and all will fail. Then we
can do no better than to gratify the propensity, by giving the swarm a
new home, and make an effort

TO PREVENT SECOND SWARMS.


As already stated, the wise apiarist will always have on hand
extra queens. Now, if he does not desire to form nuclei (as already
explained), and thus use these queen cells, he will at once cut them
all out, and destroy them, and give the old colony a fertile queen.
The method of introduction will be given hereafter, though in such
cases there is very little danger incurred by giving them a queen at
once. And by thoroughly smoking the bees, and sprinkling with

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