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Page i
MARKETING
FIFTH CANADIAN EDITION
Copyright © 2021, 2018, 2015, 2012, 2009 by McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited.
Copyright © 2020, 2016, 2014, 2012, 2010, 2008 by McGraw Hill LLC. All
rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in
any form or by any means, or stored in a data base or retrieval system, without
the prior written permission of McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, or in the case of
photocopying or other reprographic copying, a licence from The Canadian
Copyright Licensing Agency (Access Copyright). For an Access Copyright
licence, visit www.accesscopyright.ca or call toll free to 1-800-893-5777.
The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication.
The inclusion of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or
McGraw-Hill Ryerson, and McGraw-Hill Ryerson does not guarantee the
accuracy of the information presented at these sites.
ISBN-13: 978-1-26-030574-6
ISBN-10: 1-26-030574-0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 M 27 26 25 24 23 22 21
Printed and bound in Canada.
Care has been taken to trace ownership of copyright material contained in this
text; however, the publisher will welcome any information that enables them to
rectify any reference or credit for subsequent editions.
Courtesy of Dhruv
Grewal
Dhruv Grewal, Ph.D. (Virginia Tech), is the Toyota Chair in Commerce and
Electronic Business and a Professor of Marketing at Babson College. His
research and teaching interests focus on direct marketing and e-commerce,
marketing research, the broad areas of value-based marketing strategies, services
and retailing, and pricing. He is listed in Thomson Reuters’ 2014 World’s Most
Influential Scientific Minds list (only eight from the marketing field and 95 from
economics and business are listed). He is an Honorary Distinguished Visiting
Professor of Retailing and Marketing, Center for Retailing, Stockholm School of
Economics; an Honorary Distinguished Visiting Professor of Retailing and
Marketing, Tecnológico de Monterrey; a GSBE Extramural Fellow, Maastricht
University; a Global Chair in Marketing at University of Bath; and has been a
Visiting Scholar at Dartmouth College. He has also served as a faculty member
at the University of Miami, where he was a department chair.
He has published more than 150 articles in journals such as the Journal of
Retailing, Journal of Marketing, Journal of Consumer Research, Journal of
Marketing Research, and Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, as well as
other journals. He currently serves on numerous editorial review boards, such as
the Journal of Marketing, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, Journal of
Marketing Research, Journal of Interactive Marketing, Journal of Business
Research Journal of Public Policy & Marketing, and the advisory board for Journal
of Retailing.
He has won a number of awards for his teaching: 2017 Robert B. Clarke
Outstanding Educator Award, 2010 Academy of Marketing Science
Cutco/Vector Distinguished Educator Award in May 2010, 2005 Sherwin-
Williams Distinguished Teaching Award, Society for Marketing Advances, 2003
American Marketing Association, Award for Innovative Excellence in Marketing
Education, 1999 Academy of Marketing Science Great Teachers in Marketing
Award, Executive MBA Teaching Excellence Award (1998), School of Business
Teaching Excellence Awards (1993, 1999), and Virginia Tech Certificate of
Recognition for Outstanding Teaching (1989).
He has taught executive seminars and courses, andr worked on research projects
with numerous firms such as Dell, ExxonMobil, IRI, RadioShack, Telcordia,
Khimetrics Profit-Logic, McKinsey, Ericsson, Motorola, Nextel, FP&L, Lucent,
Sabre, Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company, Sherwin-Williams, and Asahi. He has
delivered seminars in the United States, Europe, Latin America, and Asia. He
has served as an expert witness or worked as a consultant on numerous legal
cases. He serves on the Board of Directors of Babson Global, and on the Board
of Trustees of Marketing Edge.
Courtesy of Michael
Levy
Michael Levy, Ph.D. (Ohio State University), is the Charles Clarke Reynolds
Professor of Marketing Emeritus at Babson College and CEO of RetailProf
LLC. He received his Ph.D. in business administration from The Ohio State
University and his undergraduate and MS degrees in business administration
from the University of Colorado at Boulder. He taught at Southern Methodist
University before joining the faculty as professor and chair of the marketing
department at the University of Miami.
Page v
Shirley Lichti, B.A., M.A., has taught in the School of Business and Economics
(SBE) at Wilfrid Laurier University since 1993 as a part-time and full-time
instructor. She has taught a range of undergraduate and graduate courses,
including Introductory Marketing; Building and Managing Products, Services,
and Brands; Integrated Marketing Communications; and Consumer Behaviour
to undergrads and MBA students. Shirley has an extensive background in
marketing, advertising, promotion, and training, which was developed during a
14-year career with IBM. She has worked in Canada, the Caribbean, and Japan.
A dedicated educator, Shirley was recognized with the 2002 SBE Outstanding
Teacher Award. She was honoured to be included as one of Laurier’s “Most
Popular Professors” in the Maclean’s Guide to Canadian Universities in 2003,
2004, 2005, and 2006. In 2007, Shirley was recognized by the Ontario Ministry
of Training, Colleges and Universities with The LIFT Award for Teaching
Excellence. The Zonta Club of Kitchener-Waterloo presented her with its
Women of Achievement Award in 2015.
She also runs Marketing Magic, a Waterloo-based marketing communication
consulting and training company. She has been a featured keynote speaker at
conferences and has developed and delivered marketing seminars and
workshops for many organizations. Her clients include companies of all sizes,
ranging from the Stratford Festival to Fortune 500 companies such as Manulife
Financial, Scotiabank, and Lexus Canada.
For more than 10 years, Shirley wrote a regular marketing column for The
Record. She has been an active board member and volunteer in many
organizations, including Communitech, the Business Success for Women
Conference, K-W Business Women’s Association, and the Sexual Assault
Support Centre of Waterloo Region.
Brief Contents Page vi
1 Overview of Marketing
4 Consumer Behaviour
5 Business-to-Business Marketing
7 Marketing Research
12 Distribution Channels
16 Global Marketing
Glossary
Chapter Sources
Endnotes
Name Index
Company Index
Subject Index
Page vii
Table of Contents
SECTION ONE Assessing the Marketplace
1 Overview of Marketing
What Is Marketing?
Marketing Is About Satisfying Customer Needs and Wants
Marketing Entails an Exchange
Marketing Requires Marketing Mix Decisions
Marketing Can Be Performed by Both Individuals and
Organizations
Marketing Impacts Many Stakeholders
Sustainable Marketing 1.1 Sustainability and Reputation
Management
The Four Orientations of Marketing
How Do Firms Become More Value Driven?
Gathering and Sharing Information
Marketing Analytics 1.1 Location, Location, Analytics:
Starbucks' Use of Data to Place New Stores
Balancing Benefits With Costs
Building Relationships With Customers
Ethical & Societal Dilemma 1.1. Adding Value by Addressing
Gender Inequality in the Coffee Market
Connecting With Customers Using Social and Mobile Media
Why Is Marketing Important?
Marketing Expands Firms’ Global Presence
Marketing Is Pervasive Across Marketing Channel Members
Marketing Enriches Society
Marketing Can Be Entrepreneurial
Entrepreneurial Marketing 1.1 Kacee Vasudeva — Serial
Entrepreneur
4 Consumer Behaviour
B2B Markets
Manufacturers or Producers
Resellers
Institutions
Government
Key Challenges of Reaching B2B Clients
Entrepreneurial Marketing 5.1 Fighting Fires With Drones
Differences Between B2B and B2C Markets
Ethical & Societal Dilemma 5.1 To Block or Not to Block: The
Competing and Compelling Interests of Advertisers, Users,
and Facebook
Branding Strategies
Brand Ownership
Naming Brands and Product Lines
Brand Extension
Cobranding
Brand Licensing
Packaging
Labelling
Learning Objectives Review
Key Terms
Concept Review
Marketing Applications
Marketing Digitally
Chapter Case Study: From Counterculture to the Runway: How Did
Birkenstocks Become Fashionable?
10 Services: The Intangible Product
Pricing Strategies
Everyday Low Pricing (EDLP)
High/Low Pricing
New Product Pricing
Pricing Tactics
Consumer Pricing Tactics
Consumer Price Reductions
Business-to-Business Pricing Tactics
Legal and Ethical Aspects of Pricing
Deceptive or Illegal Price Advertising
Predatory Pricing
Price Discrimination
Price Fixing
Page xiv
12 Distribution Channels
Advertising
The AIDA Model
Attention
Sustainable Marketing 15.1 Rethink, Re-use IKEA's Lamp 2
Advertising Objectives
Regulatory and Ethical Issues in Advertising
Sales Promotion
Consumer Sales Promotions
Ethical & Societal Dilemma 15.1 Is Amazon Undercutting Other
Brands with Pop-Up Ads for Its Own Products?
Entrepreneurial Marketing 15.1 Happy Effect, Happy Planet
Trade Channel Sales Promotions
Using Sales Promotion Tools
Evaluating Sales Promotions by Using Marketing Metrics
Personal Selling
The Scope and Nature of Personal Selling
The Value Added by Personal Selling
The Personal Selling Process
Step 1: Generate and Qualify Leads
Step 2: Preapproach and the Use of CRM Systems
Step 3: Sales Presentation and Overcoming Objections
Step 4: Closing the Sale
Step 5: Follow-Up
Learning Objectives Review
Key Terms
Concept Review
Marketing Applications
Marketing Digitally
Chapter Case Study: Making MasterCard Priceless
Page xvii
16 Global Marketing
Glossary
Chapter Sources
Endnotes
Name Index
Company Index
Subject Index
What Is Marketing? Page xix
Why do people spend $4.95 for a latte at Starbucks when they could buy one from
Tim Hortons® for $3.49? The answer lies in marketing brand value: Starbucks
has created a prestige image for its coffee, food, and other products using
grassroots advertising and innovative marketing tactics such as mobile apps and
rewards programs. When trendsetters embraced the brand, it didn’t take long for
others to follow.
Similarly, why would people pay for bottled water when they could get it for free
from a tap? Companies such as Aberfoyle Springs, Clearly Canadian, Canadian
Springs, and Montclair have created bottled water products that offer customers
the convenience of an easy-to-carry format. But after years of explosive growth,
the industry faced challenges. Environmental concerns have led to
unprecedented criticism related to the sea of plastic bottles hitting landfill and
recycling sites. Many municipalities have banned bottled water outright. How
can the industry continue to flourish while being mindful of such concerns?
Regardless of your age, your gender, or the city in which you live, you already
know something about marketing. You have been an involved consumer in the
marketing process since childhood when, for example, you accompanied your
mother or father to the grocery store and asked to buy a particular brand of
cereal because you saw a friend eating it or heard about it on television. The
prize inside the box of cereal was of value to you as a child; the nutritional
information offered on the box panel was of value to your mother or father.
Once you begin to explore the many ways in which companies and brands create
value for their customers through marketing, you will also begin to appreciate
the complex set of decisions and activities that are necessary to provide you with
the products and services you use every day.
Changes to the Fifth Canadian Page xx
Edition
The central theme in this book is Marketing Adds Value. Beyond teaching
students the principles of marketing, we need to impress upon them why
marketing in and of itself is valuable, regardless of a chosen career direction.
Marketing creates enduring and mutually valuable relationships. It identifies
what customers value locally and globally. Without marketing, it would be
difficult for anyone to learn about new products or services. A solid
understanding of marketing can help job-seeking students demonstrate their
value to market themselves on graduation. It can help them to embrace the
power of small businesses and entrepreneurship in the Canadian economy.
Marketing, Fifth Canadian Edition, is all about the core concepts and tools that
marketers use to create value for customers. Throughout this book you will find
many examples that define how companies create value through branding,
packaging, pricing, retailing, service, and advertising. The concept of value is
introduced in Chapter 1 and carried through the entire text.
Special attention was given to the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on
marketers. Chapters were updated to include current, relevant discussion and
examples of how companies were forced to adapt. These chapters include:
Chapter 3 “Analyzing The Marketing Environment”; Chapter 4
“Consumer Behaviour”; Chapter 9 “Product, Branding, and Packaging
Decisions”; Chapter 11 “Pricing Concepts and Strategies: Establishing
Value”; Chapter 13 “Retailing and Omnichannel Marketing”; Chapter 15
“Advertising, Sales Promotions, and Personal Selling”; and Chapter 16
“Global Marketing.”
SECTION ONE Assessing the Marketplace
Assessing the Marketplace is the central theme of Section One, which contains
three chapters. Following an introduction to marketing in Chapter 1,
“Overview of Marketing,” Chapter 2 (“Developing Marketing Strategies and a
Marketing Plan”) focuses on how a firm creates a marketing plan. A central
theme of the chapter is how firms can effectively create, capture, deliver, and
communicate value to their customers. Finally, Chapter 3, “Analyzing the
Marketing Environment,” focuses on how marketers can systematically uncover
and evaluate opportunities.
—— —— President of
—— Council, No. ——
—— —— Secretary.
FORM OF NOTICE
—— —— President of
—— Council, No. ——.
—— Secretary.
OUTSIDE.
OBLIGATION.
You do solemnly swear (or affirm) that you will never reveal
anything said or done in this room, the names of any persons
present, nor the existence of this society, whether found worthy to
proceed or not, and that all your declarations shall be true, so help
you God?
Ans.—“I do.”
Marshal.—Where were you born?
Marshal.—Where is your permanent residence?
(If born out of the jurisdiction of the United States, the answer
shall be written, the candidate dismissed with an admonition of
secrecy, and the brother vouching for him suspended from all the
privileges of the order, unless upon satisfactory proof that he has
been misinformed.)
Marshal.—Are you twenty-one years of age?
Ans.—“I am.”
Marshal.—Were you born of Protestant parents, or were you
reared under Protestant influence?
Ans.—“Yes.”
Marshal.—If married, is your wife a Roman Catholic?
(“No” or “Yes”—the answer to be valued as the Constitution of the
State Council shall provide.)
Marshal.—Are you willing to use your influence and vote only for
native-born American citizens for all offices of honor, trust, or profit
in the gift of the people, to the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens,
and Roman Catholics in particular, and without regard to party
predilections?
Ans.—“I am.”
INSIDE.
OBLIGATION.
OBLIGATION.
You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the
presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting
upon your right breast, and your right hand extended to the flag of
your country, do solemnly and sincerely swear, that you will not
under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be
done by others, if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass-
words, or other secrets of this degree, except in open council for the
purpose of instruction; that you will in all things conform to all the
rules and regulations of this order, and to the constitution and by-
laws of this or any other council to which you may be attached, so
long as they do not conflict with the Constitution of the United
States, nor that of the State in which you reside; that you will under
all circumstances, if in your power so to do, attend to all regular signs
or summons that may be thrown or sent to you by a brother of this or
any other degree of this order; that you will support in all political
matters, for all political offices, members of this order in preference
to other persons; that if it may be done legally, you will, when elected
or appointed to any official station conferring on you the power to do
so remove all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics from office or
place, and that you will in no case appoint such to any office or place
in your gift. You do also promise and swear that this and all other
obligations which you have previously taken in this order shall ever
be kept through life sacred and inviolate. All this you promise and
declare, as Americans, to sustain and abide by, without any
hesitation or mental reservation whatever. So help you God and keep
you steadfast.
(Each will answer “I do.”)
President.—Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to
the instructor for instructions in the second degree of the order.
Marshal.—Brother Instructor, by direction of our worthy
president, I present these brothers before you that you may instruct
them in the secrets and mysteries of the second degree of the order.
Instructor.—Brothers, in this degree we have an entering sign and
a countersign. At the outer door proceed (as in the first degree). At
the inner door you will make (two raps), and proceed as in the first
degree, giving the second degree pass-word, which is American,
instead of that of the first degree. If found to be correct, you will then
be admitted, and proceed (to the centre of the room), giving the
countersign, which is made thus (extending the right arm to the
national flag over the president, the palm of the hand being
upwards).
The sign of recognition in this degree is the same as in the first
degree, with the addition of (the middle finger), and the response to
be made in a (similar manner).
Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the worthy president
for admonition.
Marshal.—Worthy President, I now present these candidates to
you for admonition.
President.—Brothers, you are now duly initiated into the second
degree of this order. Renewing the congratulations which we
extended to you upon your admission to the first degree, we
admonish you by every tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in our
efforts to restore the political institutions of our country to their
original purity. Begin with the youth of our land. Instil into their
minds the lessons of our country’s history—the glorious battles and
the brilliant deeds of patriotism of our fathers, through which we
received the inestimable blessings of civil and religious liberty. Point
them to the example of the sages and the statesmen who founded our
government. Implant in their bosoms an ardent love for the Union.
Above all else, keep alive in their bosoms the memory, the maxims,
and the deathless example of our illustrious Washington.
Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which
you have severally taken in this and the first degree, I now
pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membership in this the
second degree of our order.
OBLIGATION.
You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the
presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, with your hands
joined in token of that fraternal affection which should ever bind
together the States of this Union—forming a ring, in token of your
determination that, so far as your efforts can avail, this Union shall
have no end—do solemnly and sincerely swear [or affirm] that you
will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer
it to be done by others if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs,
pass-words, or other secrets of this degree, except to those to whom
you may prove on trial to be brothers of the same degree, or in open
council, for the purpose of instruction; that you do hereby solemnly
declare your devotion to the Union of these States; that in the
discharge of your duties as American citizens, you will uphold,
maintain, and defend it; that you will discourage and discountenance
any and every attempt, coming from any and every quarter, which
you believe to be designed or calculated to destroy or subvert it, or to
weaken its bonds; and that you will use your influence, so far as in
your power, in endeavoring to procure an amicable and equitable
adjustment of all political discontents or differences which may
threaten its injury or overthrow. You further promise and swear [or
affirm] that you will not vote for any one to fill any office of honor,
profit or trust of a political character, whom you know or believe to
be in favor of a dissolution of the Union of these States, or who is
endeavoring to produce that result; that you will vote for and support
for all political offices, third or union degree members of this order
in preference to all others; that if it may be done consistently with
the constitution and laws of the land, you will, when elected or
appointed to any official station which may confer on you the power
to do so, remove from office or place all persons whom you know or
believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who are
endeavoring to produce that result; and that you will in no case
appoint such person to any political office or place whatever. All this
you promise and swear [or affirm] upon your honor as American
citizens and friends of the American Union, to sustain and abide by
without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. You also
promise and swear [or affirm] that this and all other obligations
which you have previously taken in this order, shall ever be kept
sacred and inviolate. To all this you pledge your lives, your fortunes,
and your sacred honors. So help you God and keep you steadfast.
(Each one shall answer, “I do.”)
President.—Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to
the instructor for final instruction in this third degree of the order.
Marshal.—Instructor, by direction of our worthy president, I
present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the
secrets and mysteries of this the third degree of our order.
Instructor.—Brothers, in this degree as in the second, we have an
entering pass-word, a degree pass-word, and a token of salutation. At
the outer door (make any ordinary alarm. The outside sentinel will
say U; you say ni; the sentinel will rejoin on). This will admit you to
the inner door. At the inner door you will make (three) distinct
(raps), Then announce your name, with the number (or name) and
location of the council to which you belong, giving the explanation to
the pass-word, which is (safe). If found correct, you will then be
admitted, when you will proceed to the centre of the room, and
placing the (hands on the breast with the fingers interlocked), give
the token of salutation, which is (by bowing to the president). You
will then quietly take your seat.
The sign of recognition is made by the same action as in the second
degree, with the addition of (the third finger), and the response is
made by (a similar action with the left hand).
(The grip is given by taking hold of the hand in the usual way, and
then by slipping the finger around on the top of the thumb; then
extending the little finger and pressing the inside of the wrist. The
person challenging shall say, do you know what that is? The answer
is yes. The challenging party shall say, further, what is it? The
answer is, Union.)
[The instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with
explanations, and also the true pass-word of this degree, which is
(Union).]
CHARGE.
The American convention met the next day after the session of the
National Council of the Order, on the 22d February, 1856. It was
composed of 227 delegates; all the States being represented except
Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Carolina. Hon. Millard Fillmore
was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Donelson for Vice-
President.
The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September 17, 1856, and
endorsed the nominations made by the American party, and in its
platform declared that “without adopting or referring to the peculiar
doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a
candidate” * * * Resolved, that in the present exigency of political
affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions
of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of
the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and
that the Union is in peril; and proclaim the conviction that the
restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if
not the only means of restoring peace.
The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at
Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for
President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the
previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the
disaffected former adherents of the other parties—Native and
Independent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slavery
—had sprung into existence, and was called by its adherents and
friends, the Republican party.
This convention of delegates assembled in pursuance of a call
addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past
political differences or divisions, who were opposed to the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise. To the policy of President Pierce’s
administration: To the extension of slavery into free territory: In
favor of the admission of Kansas as a free State: Of restoring the
action of the federal government to the principles of Washington and
Jefferson.
It adopted a platform, consisting of a set of resolutions, the
principal one of which was: “That we deny the authority of Congress,
of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of
individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the
United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained.”
And closed with a resolution: “That we invite the approbation and
co-operation of the men of all parties, however different from us in
other respects, in support of the principles herein declared; and
believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution
of our country, guaranties liberty of conscience and equality of rights
among citizens, we oppose all legislation impairing their security.”
The Democratic Convention, met at Cincinnati, in May 1856, and
nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckenridge
for Vice-President. It adopted a platform which contained the
material portions of all its previous platforms, and also defined its
position on the new issues of the day, and declared (1) that the
revenue to be raised should not exceed the actual necessary expenses
of the government, and for the gradual extinction of the public debt;
(2) that the Constitution does not confer upon the general
government the power to commence and carry on a general system
of internal improvements; (3) for a strict construction of the powers
granted by the Constitution to the federal government; (4) that
Congress has no power to charter a national bank; (5) that Congress
has no power to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories;
the people of which have the exclusive right and power to settle that
question for themselves. (6) Opposition to native Americanism.
At the election which followed, in November, 1856, the Democratic
candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having
received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against
2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C.
Fremont, the Republican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and
American candidate.
The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, who was the nominee on
both the Whig and American tickets, was 874,534, and his electoral
vote was eight; that of the State of Maryland. This was the last
national election at which the Whigs appeared as a party, under that
name; they having joined with the American and with the
Republican parties, and finally united with the latter after the
downfall and extinction of the former. In the State elections of that
year, (1856) the American party carried Rhode Island and Maryland;
and in the 35th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party
had 15 to 20 Representatives and five Senators. When the 36th
Congress met, in 1859, it had become almost a border State or
Southern party, having two Senators; one from Kentucky and one
from Maryland; and 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, seven
from Tennessee, three from Maryland, one from Virginia, four from
North Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from Louisiana. The
American party had none of the elements of persistence. It made
another desperate effort, however, in the next Presidential campaign,
but having failed to carry the South, disappeared finally from
politics.
The new Republican party polled a very large vote—1,341,234 out
of a total vote of 4,053,928—and its candidates received 114 votes out
of 296, in the electoral college; having secured majorities in all the
free States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and
California.
The successful candidate, Mr. James Buchanan, was duly
inaugurated as President of the United States, and entered upon the
discharge of his duties as such, March 4, 1857.
After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association
of Washington issued an address to the people, in which the results
of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party
stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the
campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full:
“Republican Association of Washington.
“The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials to enable us
to form a judgment of the results.
“Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in the victors,
more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has elected its Presidential
candidate, only, however, by the votes of a minority, and that of such a character as
to stamp the victory as the offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The
Republicans, wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the
canvass—slavery restriction or slavery extension—have carried the people with
them by unprecedented majorities; almost breaking up in some States the
organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering together of the people,
alarmed at the inroads of the slave power, rather than a well organized party, with
but a few months to attend to the complicated details of party warfare; obstructed
by a secret Order, which had pre-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of
the national and religious prejudices of the masses; opposed to an old party,
commencing the canvass with the united support of a powerful section, hardened
by long party drill, accustomed to victory, wielding the whole power of the federal
administration—a party which only four years ago carried all but four of the States,
and a majority of the popular vote—still, under all these adverse circumstances,
they have triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of the free States, pre-eminent for
enterprise and general intelligence, and containing one-half of the whole
population of the country; given to their Presidential candidate nearly three times
as many electoral votes as were cast by the Whig party in 1852; and this day control
the governments of fourteen of the most powerful States of the Union.
“Well may our adversaries tremble in the hour of their victory. ‘The Democratic
and Black Republican parties,’ they say, ‘are nearly balanced in regard to power.
The former was victorious in the recent struggle, but success was hardly won, with
the aid of important accidental advantages. The latter has abated nothing of its
zeal, and has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle.’
“With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in counsel;
with so many great States, and more than a million voters rallied to their standard
by the efforts of a few months, why may not the Republicans confidently expect a
victory in the next contest?
“The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has
always proved true to the demands of his party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati
platform, and pledged himself to its policy—a policy of filibustering abroad,
propagandism at home. Prominent and controlling among his supporters are men
committed, by word and deed, to that policy; and what is there in his character, his
antecedents, the nature of his northern support, to authorize the expectation that
he will disregard their will? Nothing will be so likely to restrain him and counteract
their extreme measures, as a vigorous and growing Republican organization, as
nothing would be more necessary to save the cause of freedom and the Union,
should he, as we have every reason to believe, continue the pro-slavery policy of
the present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to see what
he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the schemes of the slave power.
Its policy of extension and aggrandizement and universal empire, is the law of its
being, not an accident—is settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or
extreme, according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With Mr.
Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy, administering the
government, the safety of the country and of free institutions must rest in the
organization of the Republican party.
“What, then, is the duty before us? Organization, vigilance, action; action on the
rostrum, through the press, at the ballot-box; in state, county, city, and town
elections; everywhere, at all times; in every election, making Republicanism, or
loyalty to the policy and principles it advocates, the sole political test. No primary
or municipal election should be suffered to go by default. The party that would
succeed nationally must triumph in states—triumph in the state elections, must be
prepared by municipal success.
“Next to the remaining power in the states already under their control, let the
Republicans devote themselves to the work of disseminating their principles, and
initiating the true course of political action in the states which have decided the
election against them. This time we have failed, for reasons nearly all of which may
be removed by proper effort. Many thousand honest, but not well-informed voters,
who supported Mr. Buchanan under the delusive impression that he would favor
the cause of free Kansas will soon learn their mistake, and be anxious to correct it.
The timid policy of the Republicans in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in
postponing their independent action, and temporizing with a party got up for
purposes not harmonizing with their own, and the conduct of Mr. Fillmore’s
friends in either voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the opposition by a separate
ticket, can hardly be repeated again. The true course of the Republicans is to
organize promptly, boldly, and honestly upon their own principles, so clearly set
forth in the Philadelphia platform, and, avoiding coalitions with other parties,
appeal directly to the masses of all parties to ignore all organizations and issues
which would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threatens the
honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the Union—slavery
propagandism allied with disunionism.