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 Greek and Roman
Technology

In this new edition of Greek and Roman Technology, the authors translate and
annotate key passages from ancient texts to provide a history and analysis of the
origins and development of technology in the classical world.
Sherwood and Nikolic, with Humphrey and Oleson, provide a comprehensive
and accessible collection of rich and varied sources to illustrate and elucidate the
beginnings of technology. Among the topics covered are energy, basic mechanical
devices, hydraulic engineering, household industry, medicine and health, transport
and trade, and military technology. This fully revised Sourcebook collects more
than 1,300 passages from over 200 ancient sources and a diverse range of literary
genres, such as the encyclopaedic Natural History of Pliny the Elder, the poetry of
Homer and Hesiod, the philosophies of Plato, Aristotle, and Lucretius, the agricul-
tural treatises of Varro, Columella, and Cato, the military texts of Philo of Byzan-
tium and Aeneas Tacticus, as well as the medical texts of Galen, Celsus, and the
Hippocratic Corpus. Almost 100 line-­drawings, indexes of authors and subjects,
introductions outlining the general significance of the evidence, notes to explain
the specific details, and current bibliographies are included.
This new and revised edition of Greek and Roman Technology will remain an
important and vital resource for students of technology in the ancient world, as
well as those studying the impact of technological change on classical society.
Andrew N. Sherwood is associate professor in the School of Languages and
Literatures at the University of Guelph, Canada.
Milorad Nikolic is associate professor in the Department of Classics at
Memorial University of Newfoundland in St. John’s, Canada.
John W. Humphrey is retired from the Department of Classics and Religion at
the University of Calgary, Canada.
John P. Oleson is retired from the Department of Greek and Roman Studies at
the University of Victoria, Canada.
 R out led g e So urce book s for the
An c ie n t  Wo rld

Titles include:

The Historians of Ancient Rome

An Anthology of the Major Writings, 3rd Edition
Ronald Mellor

Women in the Ancient Near East

A Sourcebook
Edited by Mark Chavalas

Pompeii and Herculaneum

A Sourcebook, 2nd Edition
Alison E. Cooley and M.G.L. Cooley

Ancient Rome
Social and Historical Documents from the Early Republic to the Death of
Augustus, 2nd Edition
Matthew Dillon and Lynda Garland

Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity

A Sourcebook, 2nd Edition
A.D. Lee

Greek and Roman Technology

A Sourcebook of Translated Greek and Roman Texts, 2nd Edition
Andrew N. Sherwood, Milorad Nikolic, John W. Humphrey, and John P. Oleson

www.routledge.com/Routledge-­Sourcebooks-for-­the-Ancient-­World/book-­
series/RSAW
Greek and Roman
Technology
A Sourcebook of Translated Greek and
Roman Texts

Second Edition

Andrew N. Sherwood,
Milorad Nikolic,
John W. Humphrey,
and John P. Oleson
Second edition published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2020 Andrew N. Sherwood, Milorad Nikolic, John W. Humphrey, and
John P. Oleson
The right of Andrew N. Sherwood, Milorad Nikolic, John W. Humphrey,
and John P. Oleson to be identified as authors of this work has been
asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 1997
British Library Cataloguing-­in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-Publication Data
Names: Sherwood, Andrew N. (Andrew Neil), 1955– author. | Oleson,
John Peter, author. | Nikolic, Milorad, 1968– author. | Humphrey, John
William, 1946– author.
Title: Greek and Roman technology : a sourcebook annotated translations
of Greek and Latin texts and documents / Andrew N. Sherwood, Milorad
Nikolic, John P. Oleson, John W. Humphrey.
Description: Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :
Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge sourcebooks for the ancient world |
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019016909 (print) | LCCN 2019017300 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781315682181 (ebook) | ISBN 9781317402411 (web pdf) |
ISBN 9781317402398 (mobi/kindle) | ISBN 9781317402404 (epub) |
ISBN 9781138927902 (hbk :
alk. paper) | ISBN 9781138927896 (pbk : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781315682181 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: Technology–Greece–History–Sources. |
Technology–Rome–History–Sources.
Classification: LCC T16 (ebook) | LCC T16 .S44 2019 (print) | DDC
609.38–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019016909

ISBN: 978-1-138-92790-2 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-92789-6 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-68218-1 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
 To

Devon
Nancy and Laura
Benjamin, Sophia, William, Rose
Mac, Allison, Mike, John, ANGUS†,
Ryan, Alanna, Dan, Neil
Suri and Lincoln
Susan

With love and gratitude

 C o n t e n ts

List of illustrations ix
Preface to the second edition xii
Extract from the preface and acknowledgements of the
first edition xv
List of abbreviations xviii

Introduction 1

1 The rise of humans and human technology 12

2 Sources of energy and basic mechanical devices 34

3 Agriculture 88

4 Food processing 158

5 Mining and quarrying 185

6 Metallurgy 221

7 Sculpture 252

8 Construction engineering 266

9 Hydraulic engineering 335

10 Household crafts, health and well-­being, and workshop

production 388

vii
 c o n t e n ts

11 Transport and trade 508

12 Record-­keeping 621

13 Military technology 664

14 Attitudes towards labour, innovation, and technology 709

Indexes 732

viii
 I l l ust r a ti o n s

2.1 Wind-­powered organ 38

2.2 The Aeölipile 39
2.3 Water-­powered whistling wheel 41
2.4 Earliest pictorial representation of a crank drive (third
century ac). 45
2.5 The Barylkos 66
2.6 Screwcutter 69
2.7 Bronze force pump from Bolsena, second century ac 74
2.8 Singing bird automaton 77
2.9 Whistling bird and owl automaton 78
2.10 Automatic trumpeting doorbell 79
2.11 Coin-­operated holy-­water dispenser 80
2.12 Lamp with self-­trimming wick 81
2.13 Self-­opening temple doors 82
4.1 Donkey mill in Pompeii 161
4.2 Relief decoration on the Tomb of Eurysaces, the baker,
showing the individual steps in breadmaking, Rome, first
century bc 164
4.3 Lever press 166
4.4 Trapetum olive press 166
5.1 Pinax with open-­pit miners, sixth century bc 185
5.2 The arrangement and operation of mining shafts 186
5.3 Supporting pillar in an underground quarry 194
5.4 Hushing 203
5.5 Catching gold dust in a cloth 206
5.6 Transport of a marble block on a sled 210
5.7 Splitting a rock with wedges 212
6.1 Milling the ore 226
6.2 Washing the ore 227
6.3 Forging the bloom 237
7.1 a, b Vase painting of bronze sculptors at foundry 254
7.2 Carving a sarcophagus 259

ix
 I l l ust r a ti o n s

7.3 Blacksmithing putti 260

7.4 A metal workshop 260
8.1 Clever ways to move heavy marble pieces 280
8.2 Opus reticulatum 282
8.3 Reconstructed centering of the Pantheon 287
8.4 Dioptra 290
8.5 Chorobates 291
8.6 Raising the obelisk of Theodosius 301
8.7 Stages in shaping a column drum 304
8.8 A-­frame hoist with capstan 306
8.9 Tomb of the Haterii 306
8.10 Reconstruction of Insula Dianae at Ostia 316
8.11 Wall painting with bricklayers 316
8.12 Hypocaust system 321
9.1 Waterwheels in Rio Tinto Mine, Spain 336
9.2 Egyptian wall painting with shaduf 362
9.3 Wheel with compartmented body (axle not shown) 363
9.4 Wheel with compartmented rim (detail of compartments) 364
9.5 Pair of compartmented wheels (axles and frame not shown) 365
9.6 Tread-­wheel driven bucket chain 366
9.7 Paddle-­wheel driven bucket chain 367
9.8 Design for a Vitruvian water screw 370
9.9 Philo of Byzantium’s force pump 372
9.10 Force pump with swivelling nozzle 374
10.1 Vase painting with blacksmith 391
10.2 Roman relief with knife seller 393
10.3 Vase painting with vertical loom 424
10.4 Pinax showing a potter at the kiln 432
10.5 Diatretum cup 440
10.6 Strigil, 21 cm 453
10.7 Shears/scissors, 10 cm 455
10.8 Bleeding cup, 15 cm 464
10.9 Relief of a box of scalpels with flanking bleeding cups,
43 × 33 cm 465
10.10a Scalpel, 8.7 cm 466
10.10b Scalpel, 14 cm 466
10.10c Probe, 18 cm 467
10.10d Spatula probe, 18 cm 467
10.10e Spatula probe, 15.5 cm 467
10.10f Ligula, 18.4 cm 468
10.10g Bifurcated probe, 15 cm 468
10.10h Vulsellum, 5.8 cm 469
10.10i Uvula forceps, 20.2 cm 469
10.10j Bone forceps, 21 cm 469

x
 I l l ust r a ti o n s

10.10k Bone lever, 15.5 cm 470

10.11 Bladder sound (same shape and size as catheter, but solid not
hollow), 15 cm 471
10.12 Vaginal speculum, 23 cm 471
10.13 Thong drill 473
10.14 Syringe 482
10.15 Vase painting showing slave hauling furniture 493
10.16 Firing of bricks in a kiln 496
11.1 Roman road construction 511
11.2 Typical street in Pompeii with wheel ruts 518
11.3 Vase painting with drowning sailors 547
11.4 Mortise and tenon joint 551
11.5 Reconstruction of prefabricated caissons being loaded with
concrete off Caesarea 580
11.6 Towing a river boat on the Durance River 591
11.7 Ox-­hide ingots, c.1200–1050 bc 592
11.8 Athenian silver tetradrachm, Athena and owl 595
11.9 Striking a coin 595
12.1 Kleroterion: Aristotle’s voting machine 632
12.2 Pinakion: voting ballot, Athens, fourth century bc 632
12.3 Ballot disks 635
12.4 Roman coin with voting procedure 636
12.5 Ostraca 637
13.1 Testudo from Trajan’s Column 677
13.2 Greek fire after 12th century illustration from the Madrid
Skylitzes 687
13.3 Cheiroballistra 693
13.4 Carroballista from Trajan’s Column 703

xi
 Preface to the second
e d iti o n

The first edition, published in 1998 and itself a product of 20 years of diligent
accumulation of material, has been used successfully for 20 years as a resource
and textbook. Even though the past appears immutable from a modern point of
view, it is anything but – at least not in the perception of researchers as scholarly
curiosity, acumen, and initiative bring to light new information. Since the publi-
cation of the first edition, for example, the use of a crank was confirmed in a
Roman context and the date of Archimedes’ screw was revised. On a more per-
sonal level, mid-­career tenured faculty members (i.e. two of the original authors)
have retired, and undergraduate students (specifically one of the current authors)
have become mid-­career tenured faculty members: plenty of change to warrant a
new edition. The publisher canvassed users who had indicated their desire for a
new edition to increase the usefulness of the book as a textbook, and collected
numerous helpful suggestions. Many of these contradicted one another. Hence
the second edition would ideally contain more material and more images, while
having a smaller physical format and lower price. We did the best we could to
respond to the suggestions and to include the results of scholarship from the past
two decades. Updated chapter bibliographies reflect the advances made in the
study of ancient technology over the past two decades years. We have retained
most of the bibliography items from the first edition, as they give the reader a
glimpse into the progression of the discipline – a kind of meta-­analysis of the
study of the history of technology, as it were. One conspicuous difference from
20 years ago is the big increase in the number of female scholars who are making
groundbreaking contributions to the field. May it forever continue in this fashion.
In general, the volume of excellent publications has virtually exploded, so that it
is hardly possible for one or two individuals to be aware of every relevant article
that has appeared in journals around the world. Most items newly included in the
chapter bibliographies are, therefore, edited collections and important mono-
graphs, each with its own bibliography that will, we hope, guide interested
readers to more detailed publications in their individual field of interest. We call
it, to use a phrase from urban water distribution, a dendritic system. It is almost
inevitable to miss publications, and we apologise to those authors whose work
we have overlooked in spite of our best efforts.

xii
 P r e f a c e t o t h e s e c o n d e d iti o n

The addition of a considerable number of line-­drawings, based on ancient

depictions and renderings of excavated material and sites enhances the new
edition. Changes and additions to most of the sections, and some new units
respond to readers’ wishes for more material. We are aware that these additions
and changes are merely steps on the way to improvement, and we look forward
to holding in our hands one day a third edition that may be prepared by our own
current students another two decades from now.
The authors wish to thank a great many colleagues, friends, and assistants for
their suggestions and encouragements, but the list has to be selective for con-
siderations of space. First, we have benefitted from all the reviewers of the first
edition and from anonymous reviewers of the proposed second edition, but we
gratefully acknowledge the many observations, suggestions, and corrections of
Professor Houston in particular. We also would like to thank Carol Benson for
her “disappointment” that sculpture was not represented in the first version, and
have tried to alleviate that distress. Erik de Bruijn kindly provided a mass of
texts regarding ancient divers, from which we have included a sampling in
several chapters. Many others, Clare Barker in particular, have offered new texts
for consideration and, more surprisingly, convincing arguments to retain texts
that we planned to remove since they were “not technological enough”. Their
basic arguments that those texts provided important and interesting evidence for
the cultural impact of the technology and were significant for students were
instrumental in staying the implementation of our deletion-­technology for many
texts. Several scholars, yet again, have been very generous with their time to
help us with difficult texts. Professors D.A. Campbell, P. O’Cleirigh, J. Yardley,
L.J. Sanders, H. Westra, M. Cropp, B. Levett, and K. Simonsen have all been
very patient and helpful. Two scholars have also generously provided some
imagery for the book. Professor Grewe has produced a wonderful reconstruction
of a water-­powered saw from Hierapolis [fig. 2.4] and architect Christopher
Brandon has rendered the activity surrounding the construction of the harbour at
Caesarea Maritima [fig. 11.5] so vividly that, for two of us, it brings back fond
memories of our own work below the surface there many years ago.
Two final groups remain to be thanked. First our student assistants Theresa
Ainsworth and Rose Conlin who drew almost all of the line-­drawings that appear
in the volume. Their patience and willingness to put up with suggestion after
suggestion by all four of us is quite remarkable, and their very fine and clear
images greatly enhance the new edition. Thank you both for saving us the
embarrassment of our own stick-­figures. Jennifer Zantingh, a third student assist-
ant, also deserves much thanks for taking on many of the most tedious and repet-
itive corrections and other necessary tasks when we reorganised the new edition.
Jenn, thank you so much since, yes, we could have done this ourselves, but we
may have sought out a xylospongium in the process (9.47).
Finally, we would like to thank the staff at Routledge for their continual
encouragement and patience. This has been a very long process and we have
encountered some extremely difficult personal situations that have led to more

xiii
 P r e f a c e t o t h e s e c o n d e d iti o n

delays and setbacks than one could possibly have imagined, yet Routledge has
been behind us the entire time. Amy Davis-­Poynter has helped us considerably
in the early stages, but Elizabeth Risch has been a rock of perseverance and
understanding for us throughout the entire process. We cannot really express our
gratitude sufficiently to you Lizzi – thank you so much!
Selections from Documents in Mycenaean Greek are reproduced with the per-
mission of Cambridge University Press and John Chadwick (passages 6.27, 8.7,
10.32, 10.125, 10.126, and 12.3).
Andrew N. Sherwood, Milo Nikolic

xiv
 Ext r a c t f r o m t h e p r e f a c e
a n d a c k n o w l e d g e m e n ts
o f t h e f i r st e d iti o n

This book is the product of a long gestation. In 1976, Humphrey prepared a

Sourcebook of Ancient Technology based on a short collection of ancient texts,
for use in his course on ancient technology at the University of Calgary. In 1978,
Oleson altered and slightly expanded this informal text for use in his own course
on ancient technology at the University of Victoria. Both of us agreed that a
much larger sourcebook with new translations and appropriate commentary and
bibliography was desirable, and in 1979 we agreed on the framework for the
present Sourcebook and began the work of compiling citations and preparing
new translations. We decided to focus mainly on Greek and Roman technology,
with glances at the Bronze Age technologies of the Aegean, Egypt, the Levant,
and Mesopotamia where these had a marked effect on Graeco-­Roman techno-
logy, or on the imaginations of Greek and Roman writers concerned with tech-
nology. We also decided to place more emphasis on longer texts by Greek and
Roman authors, which describe activities surrounding the technologies than on
texts simply describing the materials or the results. In consequence, we have
included fewer papyri and inscriptions than would otherwise be the case.
Because of an embarrassment of riches, we have also had to omit hundreds of
passages that are relevant to the topic – although many appear as simple cita-
tions. Even so, this book has grown beyond the size originally envisioned by the
authors and the publisher; we are grateful to Dr. Stoneman of Routledge for his
patience and understanding. In the end, we have translated more than 750 pas-
sages by 148 ancient authors (not counting individual inscriptions and papyri).
The text is intended in particular for university-­level courses on Greek and
Roman technology and related subjects, but scholars should find the collection
useful, and the general reader will find much of the material fascinating.
Because of other commitments to excavation and publication, heavy teaching
loads, and – in particular – major administrative responsibilities, progress was
slow. In 1992 the two original authors decided to seek a third collaborator in
order to speed up completion of the project, and Sherwood, now at McGill
University, agreed to take on approximately one-­third of the text. In the end, the
responsibility for translation and introductory material was apportioned as
follows. Humphrey: Chapter 3, Agriculture; C 4, Food Processing;

xv
 Ext r a c t f r o m t h e p r e f a c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g e m e n ts

C 10C, Standards of Trade; Chapter 11B, Writing and Literacy; Chapter

12, Military Technology; Subject index; Oleson: Chapter 2, Sources of Energy;
Chapter 5, Mining and Quarrying; Chapter 8, Hydraulic Engineering; Chapter
9A, Metalworking; Chapter 9B, Woodworking; Chapter 9D, Ceramics and
Glass; Chapter 10B, Navigation; Chapter 13, Attitudes; Bibliographies; Citation
Index; Sherwood: Chapter 1, Rise of Humans; Chapter 6, Metallurgy; Chapter 7,
Construction Engineering; Chapter 9C, Textiles and Leather; Chapter 9E,
Applied Chemistry; Chapter 9F, Large-­Scale Production; Chapter 10A, Land
Transport; Chapter 11A, Time-­Keeping; Subject index. All three authors con-
tributed to the Introduction.
We have done our best to smooth over differences in style, approach to intro-
ductory material, and citation of references. Since the texts incorporate refer-
ences to hundreds of names, some cited in their Greek form, others in Latinised
form, the problem of spelling was a major one. In the end, we have transliterated
most names in the spelling closest to that used by the ancient author cited, but
we have preferred Latinised forms where students might have found the Greek
version confusing. Given the scope of the project, it is unlikely that we have
achieved total consistency. In the translated passages, parentheses surround
Greek or Latin words reproduced by the translator to illustrate the context or to
supply something omitted by the ancient author. Square brackets surround edit-
orial comment or expansion. All Greek words are transliterated in Latin letters.
Cross-­references to passages in the Sourcebook are printed in bold. We have
appended bibliographies to the end of each chapter. After some discussion, we
decided to include a selection of the most recent or particularly useful books and
articles in all European languages, with a preference for English titles where
there was duplication. Within a chapter, citation of a modern work listed in the
bibliography for that chapter is by author and date only; full publication informa-
tion is given for other titles.
We have included only a relatively small number of illustrations, all line-­
drawings of machines or gadgets that seemed too complicated to document with
verbal descriptions alone. Many other passages would have benefited from illus-
tration, but in the interests of economy, we decided to abandon the idea of com-
prehensive visual documentation. If the present volume is well received, we
might consider preparation of a companion volume devoted to the visual docu-
mentation of ancient technology.
Many of our colleagues have given assistance in one way or another over the
long history of this project. We would like to extend special thanks to David A.
Campbell, Ann Dusing, Harry Edinger, Lyn Rae, James Russell, Robert Todd,
and Hector Williams. Research assistants for Oleson and Humphrey provided
careful, much appreciated help with collating material and checking references:
Vicky Karas, Terresa Lewis, Brian Woolcock, Cindy Nimchuck, Alison Cum-
mings, and Benjamin Garstad. Over the years, we have received financial assist-
ance from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the
University of Victoria Committee on Research and Travel, the University of

xvi
 Ext r a c t f r o m t h e p r e f a c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g e m e n ts

Victoria Work-­Study Programme, the University of Calgary Research Grants

Committee, and the Arts and Science Faculty of Concordia University (with
special thanks to P.H. Bird and C. Vallejo). We are very grateful for all this
assistance.
John W. Humphrey, John P. Oleson, Andrew N. Sherwood

xvii
 Abb r e vi a ti o n s

CIG Boeckh, August, Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin,

1828–1877).
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863–).
DMG Ventris Michael, and John Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean
Greek. 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1973).
ESAR Frank et al., eds., Economic Survey of Ancient Rome (Baltimore,
1933–1940).
IG Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin, 1873–).
IGR Cagnat et al., eds., Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas perti-
nentes (Paris, 1906–).
ILS Dessau, Hermann, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (Berlin,
1892–1916).
OGIS Dittenberger, Wilhelm, ed., Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selec-
tae (Leipzig, 1903–1905).
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden, 1923–).
SIG Dittenberger, Wilhelm, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. 3rd
edn (Leipzig, 1915–1924).

xviii
 Introduction

A Society and Technology in Antiquity

At its most basic level technology can be regarded as the attempt by humans to
control and master the natural environment, changing it into a more hospitable,
if artificial, one. Unlike pure science, which involves a theoretical understanding
of the environment that may involve research but often lacks any immediate
implementation, technology is the process by which humans accomplish this
change. A varied body of knowledge, composed of recipes and practical skills as
well as the abstract knowledge of inventions and designs, is utilised to alleviate
perceived problems; in the process various devices and machines are manufac-
tured to aid in the conversion of the environment. It is clear that technological
innovations have improved human existence considerably by providing the
basics of life (better food, shelter, clothing, defence, and transport), and few
aspects of life escape their influence. One goal of this book is the assembly in
English translation of the most important passages in Greek and Latin literature
illustrative of the role of technology in Greek and Roman society. This Introduc-
tion attempts to present some of the themes and sources of this topic.
Throughout human history, attempts have been made to discover the impetus
that prompted technological innovation. Ancient and modern theories identify
numerous stimuli. Advanced societies realise they had once been simpler and
often examine the process by which their standard of living had improved. When
historical sources are absent, logic, emotion, and religion become rational
sources of explanation. The assumption of a very primitive existence for early
humans, a time in which society was too simple to create its own technological
inventions, resulted in the belief that advances were made by divine gifts/inter-
ventions, chance, or natural occurrence: fire was given by Prometheus; lightning
created fire, which then melted naturally occurring ores by chance; trees pro-
vided food, shelter, and clothing, which humans merely had to harvest or put
to use.
A more sympathetic view of humankind suggested that humans might see
natural examples and then imitate them by artificial means to alter their environ-
ment: observation of a tree leaning across a river prompts people to produce

1
 Introduction

bridges; an acanthus plant inspires the creation of the Corinthian capital. The
next step was obvious – people invented/manufactured technologies as necessity
prompted: the need for shelter compelled them to create them from the materials
at hand; lack of appropriate materials or labour forced humankind to create or
discover alternatives; military disadvantages drove them to invent new and better
weapons; desire for wealth stimulated crafts and trades. In certain cases, the lack
of need or lack of demand for an invention might result in the failure to put a
machine to practical use, retaining it for its value as a novelty. Many of Hero’s
and Ctesibius’ devices fall into this category. In other cases, a conservative audi-
ence might actively resist innovations that could have led to significant changes
in society: the intellectual elite often scorned applied science, and others were
content with the status quo as long as it functioned. On the other hand, progres-
sive societies or individuals could radically stimulate technology by encouraging
or rewarding productive inventors: Hieron II, ruler of Syracuse, funded a cluster
of inventions by Archimedes.
But it is humankind’s ingenuity that most often has been given credit for
technological advances. Accounts of individual genius stretch from legendary/
mythical inventors, like Daedalus and Palamedes, to historical figures, like
Archimedes and Hero. Humankind’s visionary ideal of a better world stimulated
many advances that improved civilisation. Even the philosophical tenets of the
Greeks, that a rational order governed the world, led to theoretical examination
of the environment, which in turn did stimulate technology. The human spirit
thrived on the challenge to provide a better life for humankind, generating a
competitive side that hastened improvements via technological advance. Gener-
ally, the competitive motive was positive, but occasionally jealousy hindered
technological developments as people worked through the process of trial and
error in their march to improve their environment. And surely human curiosity –
our fascination with machines, materials, and power – was responsible for much
of the impetus towards technological advance.
Many of humankind’s most important technological discoveries, which were
subsequently used to further or to create other advances, occurred long before
the Greek and Roman civilisations existed. The use and control of fire is recog-
nised as humankind’s most important advance, crucial in the struggle against the
cold and wild animals, and crucial for a wider selection of foods. Agricultural
advances, like domestication of crops and animals, once humankind’s nomadic
existence began to end, led to civilisation and permanent settlements that pro-
duced food surpluses, which in turn eventually resulted in specialisation of
labour that promoted more technological changes. Humans began to produce
textiles, which replaced animal skins for clothing, and to decorate their shelters,
and for the first time had leisure for “unproductive” activities. The discovery and
use of the wheel for pottery and transport is often cited as one of the greatest
inventions, since it is ubiquitous today, but in antiquity its importance was prob-
ably much less. Instead, the use of domesticated animals and the discovery and
use of water transport were most important to those who made their way through

2
 Introduction

and around the rough terrain of the Mediterranean lands. The discovery of ores,
their smelting, and alloying also began at an early date, but new processes,
metals, and alloys were discovered during the classical period. Writing, a major
technological advance that had a profound effect upon human culture in the
Bronze Age, had to be re-­introduced to Greece during the eighth century bc.
The appearance of similar technologies in diverse geographical areas occa-
sionally may have been the result of simultaneous creation, but for the most part
technologies were dispersed and developed as different peoples came into
contact. Not only might the lack of raw materials in an area lead to a pattern of
exchange that could transfer a technology that formed the need for the exchange
(one component for an alloy, for example), but also such contact might lead to
other incidental technological transfers (a new form of transport or method of
construction). Such trade could be conducted on a peaceful level, but need/desire
might also produce dispersal of technologies in a more aggressive manner, by
conquest.
Although the Greeks often are characterised as theoretical thinkers without
interest in practical application and the Romans as interested only in practical
matters and not in theory, both characterisations are exaggerated. Obviously, the
Greeks created and put into use many technological innovations, and the Romans
spent time on theoretical observations. A different perception of the world and
of humankind’s position in it, however, did exist between the two cultures, at
least at the level of the elite. The Greeks were interested in theory, science, and
philosophy as they tried to determine and understand the rational order of the
universe. Technological and practical advances may have been regarded as less
“worthy” than theoretical ones by many Greek thinkers, but Greece did produce
important inventors throughout her history – Eupalinus, Archimedes, Ctesibius,
and Hero – some of whom were merely better than their contemporaries at
putting their discoveries into practice.
The Romans, on the other hand, were superb at building upon the discoveries
of others. Their society thrived on organisation and improving its effectiveness.
One might think of Rome’s military forces and the production of direct, paved
roads on a scale hitherto unattempted, largely to make the army more effective.
Again and again Roman writers like Cato, Columella, Frontinus, and Pliny the
Elder stress the practicality of their culture. Yet they were also creative when the
need arose. Military innovations gave them an empire; the development and
implementation of the arch, cement, and kiln-­baked brick created engineering
marvels that inspired subsequent cultures and that stand to this day.
Technology without doubt improved the life of peoples in antiquity as it con-
tinues to do today. Arrangements such as the division of labour potentially meant
better and faster production. The standard of living improved as nature was har-
nessed or “conquered”. Food was better, more varied, and more abundant; shel-
ters were stronger, larger, and more comfortable; leisure and luxuries became
available; one even could work, play, or eat at night instead of merely sleep. Life
had improved as humankind began to dominate and mould its environment.

3
 Introduction

Yet at the same time technology brought disadvantages. The division of

labour brought divisions within society, arrogance, and slavery. Military superi-
ority fed greed and aggression, bringing widespread conquest, slavery, and
death. The sense of community was gradually weakened by technological
advance and continues to weaken to this day as technology allows society to
fragment even further and creates greater gulfs between peoples. Present-­day
concerns regarding deforestation and pollution as the cost of technological
advance were also voiced in antiquity, but little was done to stop the disasters.
Certainly the benefits of technology far outweigh its negative aspects both
today and in antiquity: without it we would have no civilisation. Yet it has
always been a double-­edged sword in the hands of humankind. Pliny’s thoughts
(14.20) regarding iron, which serves as the best and worst example of technolo-
gical progress, say much about technology in the hands of humans. The good it
has done and continues to do is incalculable, but the harm has been and can be
devastating and shameful.
There are four major sources of information about technologies from various
periods of antiquity: contemporary pictures such as wall-­paintings and decorated
pottery; the comparison of less developed societies in the modern world with
those of antiquity, from the early agricultural villages of the Neolithic to the
specialised holdings of Classical times; ancient written records such as histories
and technical reports; and the excavation of ancient sites. Of these, the two last
are of greatest importance for the student of Greek and Roman technology,
though ancient depictions and the relatively underdeveloped techniques of some
parts of the eastern Mediterranean are often useful supplements. This book, of
course, concentrates on the literary sources. Many general surveys of ancient
technology are available, however, and most of these make significant use of the
archaeological and ethnographic evidence. A few standard surveys are
listed here.

B Literary Sources for Ancient

Technology

Written records are available from the Bronze Age onwards, but it is not until
the classical period of Greece and Rome that the works are particularly valuable
for a study of ancient technology. Selections from over 150 ancient authors
appear in the following pages; of these, the following groupings (of which some
overlap) represent the most important.
Encyclopaedists. Although a Greek concept initially, the gathering of know-
ledge into a collected body was best carried out by the practical Romans. Most
important for technology is the Natural History of Pliny the Elder (first
century ac), an uncritical treatment in 37 books of a multitude of subjects:
physics, geography, ethnology, human physiology, zoology, botany, architecture
and art, stones, and metallurgy. Other important compilers include Aulus Gellius

4
 Introduction

(second century ac) and etymologists like Varro (first century bc) and Isidore
(sixth to seventh centuries ac).
Topical Monographs or Treatises. Of the many treatises written about specific
topics, often by inventors or builders, very little survives beyond author and title. In
a few cases, like Ctesibius, later writers sometimes provide a bit more information.
We are fortunate to have a few complete or almost complete handbooks: the Mech-
anical Problems, originating in the school of Aristotle, concerned with the basic
machines, as well as more complex ones; portions of Philo of Byzantium’s (late
third century bc) work on catapults and other weapons, and on hydraulic machinery
survive as an important source of information; and work by Hero of Alexandria
(mid-­first century ac) that provides important information regarding devices using
air and water pressure, gearing, and making of screw threads. Best known of the
monographs, however, are several by Roman writers: Vitruvius’ On Architecture, a
late first century bc work, which examines construction, materials, time recording,
water supply, and machines in ten books; Frontinus’ late first-­century ac book On
the Aqueducts of Rome, and the more derivative military work, On Stratagems. This
last topic is supplemented by a military treatise by Vegetius (fourth century ac).
Agricultural Writers. Since farming was the basis of the ancient economy,
and since it was considered one of the few honourable occupations, it is not sur-
prising that we have three classical Roman monographs on the subject: written
by Cato (second century bc), Varro (first century bc), and Columella (first
century ac), they treat cultivation, livestock, farm equipment, and so on. Poets,
like Hesiod (eighth century bc) and Vergil (first century bc), also provide
important agricultural information (see Poets).
Historians. Although technology is rarely an important focus for ancient
historians, their narratives often provide detailed information about ancient tech-
nologies. The Greek Herodotus (fifth century bc), for example, gives details on
the building of the Egyptian pyramids; Julius Caesar provides many useful
descriptions of military technology in his accounts of his own campaigns in the
first century bc; and Josephus (first century ac) provides accounts of military
technology and harbour construction.
Geographers. Travellers like Strabo (early first century ac) and Pausanias
(mid-­second century ac) have left us accounts of their journeys in the Mediterra-
nean during the Roman Empire, often providing interesting descriptions of
engineering feats, famous structures, and artistic marvels, and recording legends
and myths regarding early inventors.
Poets. Homer’s and Hesiod’s works, our earliest Greek literature (eighth
century bc), not only provide evidence for agricultural life in the archaic period,
a harsh existence, but give information regarding seafaring, smithing, and fanci-
ful robots among others. The later poets, both Greek and Latin, continue to
provide unexpected bits of evidence for farming (Vergil), textiles (Aristophanes;
fifth century bc), tradespeople (Plautus; early second century bc), and so on. Sati-
rists like Horace (first century bc) and Juvenal (first century ac) relate informa-
tion regarding construction practices and transport in their descriptions of life.

5
 Introduction

Philosophers. Thinkers like the Pre-­Socratics (seventh to fifth centuries bc),

Plato (fourth century bc), Aristotle (fourth century bc), and Lucretius (first
century bc) all offer ideas concerning the origin of mankind and the rise of the
species via technological and other means. Some, like Plato, also devised ideal
societies promoting theories, like specialised labour, that would improve the
community.
Biographers. Although often filled with intrigues and fiction, sources such as
Suetonius (second century ac), Plutarch (second century ac), and the Historia
Augusta (fourth century ac) sometimes provide insights into organisation,
technological wonders, and marvellous discoveries; accounts of engineering pol-
icies and rivalries also appear.
Authors of Letters. Best known are the collections of Cicero’s letters (first
century bc) and those of Pliny the Younger (first century ac), sometimes official
in character, but more often providing day-­to-day accounts of their lives. Among
the information they provide appear details regarding engineering projects
(private and public), residences, and furnishings.
Inscriptions and Papyri. Although our book of sources is largely compiled
from the works of individual writers, two other written sources require brief
mention: inscriptions and papyri. Both groups have thousands of records that
touch on every aspect of Greek and Roman life. The class of inscriptions
includes a specialised category, the Linear B tablets of the Bronze Age, which
give us our earliest written evidence for Greek technology, meagre as it is. From
the Classical periods, however, inscriptions provide much evidence for building
construction (quarrying, transport, construction, workforce, decoration), water
supply, mining, metallurgy, and food production. Most of the papyri documents
written on a form of paper derived from the papyrus plant – come from the dry
soil of Egypt and thus involve a bias for that region. Nevertheless, from their
vast numbers important information regarding chemistry, textile manufacture,
metallurgy, agriculture, and water management survives that is often applicable
in other parts of the Mediterranean.
Greek and Roman writers must be read with caution; the ancients often show
a surprising ignorance of or scorn for their own technologies, and the evidence
they provide is often indirect. Their approach may often be superficial or unsci-
entific, but the documents are fascinating and are often our only source of
detailed information about certain technologies. An excellent reference source
for biographical and other details about particular classical authors is S. Horn-
blower, A.S. Spawforth, eds., Oxford Classical Dictionary. 4th edn Oxford, UK:
Oxford University Press, 2012. For ease of reference, and to put the authors
translated in this volume into some general chronological context, the Index of
Passages Translated includes a brief characterisation and date for all the authors
for whom translated passages appear in the book.

6
 Introduction

C Archaeology as a Source for the

History of Technology

The value of archaeology is two-­fold: it allows us to date material within a site

and so to form some conclusions about the chronological development of human
cultures; and it allows us to obtain and study artefacts in their original form.
During excavation, earth is removed over the entire surface of a trench in
very shallow layers. In this way the archaeologist can determine any changes in
the colour of the soil that might indicate, for example, a destruction level or an
ancient floor. These superimposed layers of earth and deposits, laid down in
order by both human occupation and nature, are called strata; they are one of the
archaeologist’s most useful tools, since they allow him or her to arrange in
chronological order finds within the various levels. It is almost always true that,
where one deposit overlies another, the upper deposit must have accumulated
later than the lower one (given no subsequent disturbance). Hence, any objects
discovered in one level – pottery fragments, coins, and so on – must antedate
objects found in the level above and postdate objects from the levels below.
Notice, however, that stratigraphy can supply only a relative date for a find in
comparison with other finds: it cannot give an absolute date of xxx bc or yyyy
years ago.
For this kind of absolute dating the archaeologist relies upon datable small
finds like coins that bear the year of a ruler’s reign, or potsherds that are known
from other sites to be of a shape and decoration of a specific period, or building
materials and styles similar to dated ones from analogous sites. This kind of
cross-­dating between excavations is one of the most important and difficult skills
of an archaeologist: he or she must be as familiar with other sites from the same
area and period as with his or her own, and must have access to a good library of
recent archaeological publications.
While coins generally give the most precise date to a stratum, potsherds are
far more common. Fortunately, ceramic shapes and styles changed frequently in
antiquity, so details like the shape of the lip, the angle of the handle, or the
design painted on the belly can often date a pot to within a decade of its manu-
facture. Other more advanced methods of dating material – the use of carbon-­14
or potassium-­argon, for example – are either inappropriate or too expensive to
be employed in any but the most important cases on classical sites.
For artefacts recovered and then examined by the archaeologist, problems
beyond dating are numerous. For example, the object’s material and its environ-
ment (moisture, pressure, acidity, and temperature) in the earth affect durability
and state of preservation. Iron is durable when cared for but rusts away under
poor conditions; woods and textiles fare even worse although they can survive
very well under arid, wet, or oxygen-­free conditions; pottery is fragile and easily
broken, but does not disintegrate easily (hence its importance to the archae-
ologist). As a result, most recovered artefacts are damaged and incomplete.
Various techniques are employed to clean and stabilise them but often the

7
 Introduction

archaeologist is forced to turn to examples from other sites or to ancient images

and written descriptions to obtain a more complete understanding of the artefact
and the technology used to produce it.
Such situations have produced collaborative efforts between the archae-
ologist, historian, and technician and have sometimes led to modern experiments
to reproduce the working conditions, classical techniques, and working models
of the ancients. Experiments with pottery, glass, earthwork fortifications, cata-
pults, and even the construction of a full-­scale model of a trireme, the most
famous fighting ship of antiquity, have provided modern scholars with a clearer,
if still imperfect, understanding of ancient technologies.
Although this book focuses upon textual rather than archaeological evidence,
numerous line-­drawings, usually derived from recovered artefacts, have been
incorporated into the volume in an attempt to provide some visual references to
the literary descriptions.
Works on the history, theory, and practice of archaeological excavations are
numerous, and their number has swollen significantly over the past two decades.
Anyone not familiar with the methodology and terminology of archaeological
excavation can find good surveys in Green 2009, Hester et al. 2009, Renfrew
and Bahn 2016.

D Ancient Weights, Measures, and

Coinage

The following Greek and Latin terms are used frequently in the text (where they
appear in italicised form unless translated) rather than the English or metric equi-
valent, to give readers a more accurate sense of the measurements that appear in
the original. It should be noted that, especially for the Greek examples that
follow, there are frequent local variations – for example (see 11.117).

Weights

Greek Roman

1 obolos [obol] 0.7–1.1 g 1 uncia [ounce] 27.3 g

2 drachmai =1 stater 8.6–12.6 g 12 unciae = 1 libra [pound] 327 g
6 oboloi = 1 drachma 4.3–6.3 g
100 drachmai = 1 mina 431–630 g
50 stateres = 1 mina 431–630 g
60 minai = 1 talanton [talent] 26–38 kg

8
 Introduction

Length

Greek Roman

1 daktylos [finger] 19 mm 1 uncia [inch] 25 mm

4 daktyloi = 1 palaiste [palm] 75 mm
16 daktyloi = 1 pous [foot] 0.305 m 12 unciae = 1 pes [foot] 0.296 m
24 daktyloi = 1 pechus [cubit] 0.45 m
2.5 podes [feet] = 1 bema [pace] 0.75 m 5 pedes [feet] = 1 passus [pace] 1.48 m
6 podes = 1 orguia [fathom] 1.80 m
100 podes = 1 plethron 30 m
600 podes = 1 stadion 180 m 125 passus = 1 stadium 180 m
1,000 passus = mille (passus) 1.48 km

Area

Greek Roman

1 plethron 100 feet by 100 feet 1 iugerum 120 feet by 240 feet

Liquid volume

Greek Roman

1 kyathos [cup] 35–40 ml 1 sextarius 546 ml

6 kyathoi = 1 kotyle 210–240 ml 6 sextarii = 1 congius 3.3 litres
144 kotylai = 1 amphora 25–35 litres 8 congii = 1 amphora 26 litres

Dry volume

Greek Roman

1 kyathos 40 ml 1 sextarius 546 ml

6 kyathoi = 1 kotyle 240 ml 16 sextarii = 1 modius 8.7 litres
192 kotylai = 1 medimnos 46 litres

Money

Greek Roman

1 obolos [obol] 1 as
6 oboloi = 1 drachma 2.5 asses = 1 sestertius
6,000 drachmai = 1 talanton [talent] 4 sestertii = 1 denarius
25 denarii = 1 aureus

9
 Introduction

Bibliography
Society and technology in antiquity
Blank, Horst, Einführung in das Privatleben der Griechen und Römer. Darmstadt:
­Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976.
Blümner, Hugo, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen
und Römern. 5 Vols. Leipzig: Teubner, 1875–1887.
Cotterell, Brian and Johan Kamminga, Mechanics of Pre-­Industrial Technology. Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Cuomo, Serafina, Technology and Culture in Greek and Roman Antiquity. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Daumas, Maurice, ed., A History of Technology and Invention, I: The Origins of Techno-
logical Civilization. New York: Crown Publishers, 1969.
De Camp, L. Sprague, The Ancient Engineers. New York: Doubleday, 1963.
Feldhaus, Franz Maria, Die Technik der Vorzeit, der geschichtlichen Zeit und der Natur-
völker. Leipzig, Berlin: Wilhelm Engelmann, 1914.
Feldhaus, Franz Maria, Die Technik der Antike und des Mittelalters. Potsdam: Athenaion,
1931 [Repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1971. Foreword and Bibliography by Horst Callies].
Forbes, Robert J., Studies in Ancient Technology. 9 Vols. 2nd edn. Leiden: Brill,
1964–1972.
Gille, Bertrand, Histoire des techniques: Technique et civilisations, Technique et science,
ed. Bertrand Gille, with contributions by André Fell, Jean Parent, Bertrand Quemada,
and François Russo. Paris: Gallimard, 1978.
Gille, Bertrand, Les mécaniciens grecs. La naissance de la technologie. Paris: Éditions du
Seuil, 1980.
Greene, Kevin, “Historiography and Theoretical Approaches”. Pp. 62–90 in John P.
Oleson, ed., Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Classical World.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Hodges, Henry, Technology in the Ancient World. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970.
Hodges, Henry, Artifacts. An Introduction to Early Materials and Technology. 2nd edn.
London: John Baker, 1976.
Humphrey, John W., Ancient Technology. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006.
Irby, Georgia L., ed., A Companion to Science, Technology, and Medicine in Ancient
Greece and Rome. Chichester: Wiley-­Blackwell, 2016.
Landels, John G., Engineering in the Ancient World, revised edition. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2000.
Moorey, Peter R.S., Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: The Archaeological
Evidence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.
Oleson, John P., ed., Bronze Age, Greek, and Roman Technology. A Select, Annotated
Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1986.
Oleson, John P., ed., The Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Classi-
cal World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Rihll, Tracey E., Technology and Society in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds. Wash-
ington: Amer­ican Historical Association/Society for the History of Technology, 2013.
Roebuck, Carl, The Muses at Work. Arts, Crafts, and Professions in Ancient Greece and
Rome. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969.
Schneider, Helmuth, Einführung in die antike Technikgeschichte. Darmstadt: Wissen-
schaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1992.

10
 Introduction

Schneider, Helmuth, Geschichte der antiken Technik. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2007.
Singer, Charles, Eric J. Holmyard, Alfred R. Hall, and Trevor I. Williams, eds., A History
of Technology, Vol. I: From Early Times to Fall of Ancient Empires c.500 b.c. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1954.
Singer, Charles, Eric J. Holmyard, Alfred R. Hall, and Trevor I. Williams, eds., A History
of Technology, Vol. II: The Mediterranean Civilizations and the Middle Ages. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1957.
White, Kenneth D., Greek and Roman Technology. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984.

Archaeology as a source for the history of technology

Alcock, Susan E., and Robin Osbourne, eds., Classical Archaeology, 2nd edn. Hoboken:
Wiley-­Blackwell, 2012.
Barrett, John, Michael J. Boyd, and Richard Hodges. From Stonehenge to Mycenae: The
Challenges of Archaeological Interpretation. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019.
Bowens, Amanda, ed., Archaeology Underwater: The NAS Guide to Principles and Prac-
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Cohen, Getzel, and Martha S. Joukowsky, eds., Breaking Ground: Pioneering Women
Archaeologists. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004.
Green, Jeremy N., Maritime Archaeology: A Technical Handbook 2nd edn. New York:
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Hester, Thomas R., Harry J. Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder, Field Methods in Archae-
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Renfrew, Colin, and Paul Balm, Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice. 7th edn.
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Shanks, Michael, and Christopher Tilley, Re-­Constructing Archaeology, 2nd edn. New
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ed., Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Classical World. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2008.

11
 1
The rise of humans and
human technology

The early history of humankind and its technological development is necessarily

recorded in terms of vague memories and suppositions. The rise of humans is
sometimes entirely cloaked in mythological tales based occasionally upon
parallel conditions in contemporary societies. More advanced cultures had only
to compare their own state with that of the primitive peoples with whom they
had contact to comprehend that they themselves had once been a simple society.
This development of primitive peoples into more complex civilisations was
explained by a variety of methods.
Legend and myth are often used to explain the advance of technologies
through the direct intervention or gift of divinities. Many immortal benefactors
are cited, but Prometheus remains the most beneficent god of all towards humans
(1.6). In the historical period, the bestowal of “gifts” by more advanced cultures
upon less civilised peoples might be regarded as the practical realisation of the
earlier myths (1.8–9).
Nature and natural phenomena (1.10–13) represent the second agency by
which humans obtained their technological advances. Nature is virtually personi-
fied in some of the sources, making “her” godlike in her gifts. For the most part,
however, these passages indicate a more scientific analysis of the advancement
of the human race, attributing major steps in development not to human ability
but to random elements outside their control.
The third major explanation for the rise of civilisation might be considered a
theory of natural evolution. Humanity, because it is a unique species with unique
abilities, is forced by necessity or driven by its intelligence and desires to
improve its lot.
In all three types of interpretation, humans are often regarded as initially
helpless, little more than beasts. But with their unique skills they are able not
only to survive but to advance against all odds. These steps towards civilisa-
tion involve a wide variety of special qualities that are listed with reasonable
consistency by our sources: thought, use of hands, speech, laws, writing, and
the use of fire. Sometimes the most significant stages of progress are set out
in a single passage; sometimes only one or two traits are emphasised
(1.14–16). The ability to use fire must in many respects be regarded as the

12
 The rise of humans and human technology

physical “tool” of primary importance in humankind’s early technological

development (Harari 2016, Dodds 1973).

Early Mythical and Historical

CiviliSations

Many myths and legends exist that tell of earlier peoples and lands in which
humans did not have to work for their sustenance or who were culturally
advanced. Some stories record single civilisations that had been destroyed,
others tell of successive generations and their decline from an initial “Golden
Age” to ages of toil. The Golden Age represented a paradise when humans
mingled with the gods and the age to which later generations looked back with
longing. Its loss meant the loss of a simple yet blissful existence of early civili-
sation; the achievements of material culture with the accompanying moral sins
of mortals were not adequate compensation.

1.1 The five ages of humankind

Hesiod explains how humans have fallen to the state where they have to work for their livelihood;
sad indeed, considering that gods and humans had a common origin. The Five Ages of Humankind
are, with the exception of the Age of Heroes, named after metals – each Age having some of the
qualities of its namesake metal. But not all ages make use of their associated metals: not until the
Bronze Age does metallurgy come into the saga of human development.

Hesiod, Works and Days 107–178

I beg you to consider seriously that gods and mortals are born from the same
source. First the immortal gods dwelling in Olympian homes made the golden
race of people who lived in the time when Cronus ruled the heavens. They lived
like the gods, carefree in heart and free from labour and misery; all good things
were theirs: grain-­giving earth spontaneously bore her copious and ungrudging
fruit, and in pleasant peace they lived off their lands with much abundance.…
Then the immortal gods, dwelling in Olympian homes, made the second race,
the silver one, much worse than the previous, unlike the golden in either thought
or appearance… Then Father Zeus made the third race, the bronze race of
mortals, not at all like the silver race, from ash trees, terrible and mighty; they
loved the wretched works of Ares [war] and acts of arrogance…. Their armour
and weapons were bronze, bronze their houses, and with bronze tools they
worked: dark iron did not yet exist. And overcome by their own hands they went
into the dank and dark house of cold Hades, leaving no name…. Then Zeus, the
son of Cronus, made another race, the fourth on the bountiful earth, better and
more just, the divine race of heroes who are called demi-­gods, the race before
ours on the boundless earth. Some were destroyed by grim war and terrible battle
[at Troy and Thebes]; to others Father Zeus, the son of Cronus, gave the gift of a

13
 The rise of humans and human technology

home and means of living and settled them at the end of the earth apart from
everyone. And they live free from worry on the Islands of the Blessed along the
shore of deep-­swirling Oceanus. Fortunate are these heroes, since the grain-­
giving earth produces a honey-­sweet harvest three times a year for them. Oh,
that I were not living among the fifth race, but had either died before or been
born afterwards. For now is the iron race, when humans never will cease from
labour and sorrow by day and from suffering at night, since the gods will give
only grievous concerns…. And Zeus will destroy this race of mortals too.

1.2 The “uncivilised” Cyclopes

The Cyclopes, a monstrous race of lawless and unsocial giants, were visited by Odysseus during his
long return voyage from Troy. Although he regards them as backward and without “modern” techno-
logy, their life is surprisingly easy compared to his own technologically advanced culture. This is a
result of chance, however, rather than divine intervention. The principal point of the passage is that
lack of technology and need have hindered the Cyclopes, who are unable and probably uninterested
in gaining access to a nearby fertile island, leaving its potential unrealised.

Homer, Odyssey 9.105–131

Heavy at heart, we sailed from the land of the Lotus Eaters and came to the land
of the Cyclopes, an overbearing and lawless race, who, relying on the immortal
gods, neither sow with their hands nor plough. Everything grows without sowing
or ploughing: wheat and barley and even the vines with their grape clusters ripe
for wine, and the rain of Zeus fosters them. They possess neither counselling
assemblies nor laws, but live in hollow caves on the peaks of towering moun-
tains. Each one governs his children and wives, paying no attention to any other.
A flat and wooded island stretches out beyond the harbour, neither close nor
far from the land of the Cyclopes. On it live countless wild goats since neither
the comings and goings of people frighten them nor do the hunters come there
who endure woodland hardships chasing across the mountainous peaks. Neither
domesticated flocks nor ploughed lands possess it, but unsown and unploughed
it is destitute of humans all its days, and nourishes the bleating goats. For the
Cyclopes possess no scarlet-­prowed ships, nor do they have shipwrights among
them who might build well-­oared ships, which would accomplish all their needs
by going to cities, just as people often cross the sea in ships and visit one
another; such would have made the island good to live in. For the island is not
barren in any sense, but would bear everything in season.

1.3 Hard-­hearted Jupiter makes humans work for

their survival
Vergil compares the hard existence of contemporary society with an earlier and more pleasant life
under Saturn. The struggle for survival has resulted in the creation and development of human
technology.

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Vergil, Georgics 1.121–146

Jupiter, the Father himself, has willed that the path of cultivation should not be
easy, and he first awakened the fields through agricultural skill, sharpening
mortal minds with cares and not allowing his realms to lie sluggish in heavy
lethargy. Before Jupiter, during Saturn’s reign, no peasants subdued the lands; it
was unlawful to even mark or to divide the field with boundaries. Humans made
gain for the common good, and Earth herself bore everything more freely when
no one demanded them. Jupiter added evil venom to black serpents and com-
manded wolves to plunder and the sea to stir. He shook honey from the leaves
and took away fire, and he stopped up the wine running in streams everywhere
so that practice through consideration might gradually hammer out a variety of
arts and seek out the grain stalk in furrows and strike the hidden fire from the
veins of flint. Then, for the first time, the rivers felt the hollowed alders; then the
sailor counted and named the stars: Pleiades, Hyades, and Arctos, the illustrious
daughter of Lycaon. Then humans discovered how to trap animals with snares,
to deceive with birdlime, and to circle great glades with dogs. And now one
assails the broad stream with the casting net seeking the depths, another draws
his watery drag-­net in the sea. Then came unyielding iron and shrill-­toothed saw
blade – for the first peoples used to rend the splitting wood with wedges; then
came the variety of arts.

1.4 The hardy race of humans weakened by technology

Greek and Roman writers clearly recognised the importance of technology as an ingredient of an
advanced culture, while the lack of technological progress was considered a sign indicating the
absence of true civilisation. Lucretius here describes a situation, in which early humans were sup-
ported by the earth without the use of any technology except primitive weapons. In the passage, early
people are seen as much stronger and living in an environment of great danger. But with the growth
of advanced technologies humankind became softer and life easier: a direct contradiction of Hesiod’s
Iron Age (1.1). Earlier in this passage, Lucretius (5.837–859) had expressed the concepts of natural
evolution and survival of the fittest.

Lucretius, On the Nature of Things 5.925–1025

And the human race [in a primitive state] was at that time by far more hardy on
land, as was fitting, since the hard earth had made it: built up inside with larger
and more solid bones, fitted with strong sinews throughout the flesh, and not
easily overcome by heat or cold or novel food or any defect of body. Humans
drew out their lives in the manner of the rambling wild animals for many lustra
[cycles] of the sun rolling through the sky. No steady guide for the curved
plough existed, nor did anyone know how to work the fields with iron nor to dig
new shoots into the ground nor to cut off the old branches from the high trees
with a sickle. What the sun and rain had given, what the earth had created by her
own accord, that gift sufficed to content their hearts.… Not yet did they know
how to treat things with fire nor to use skins and to clothe their bodies with the

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pelts of wild animals; but they inhabited the woods and forests and mountain
caves, and they concealed their rough bodies among the undergrowth when forced
to escape the lashing of the winds and rains…. Confident in the wonderful power
of their hands and feet, they used to hunt the woodland haunts of wild animals
with stone missiles and with great, heavy clubs, overpowering many, and avoid-
ing few from their places of ambush. And like the bristly boars, when overcome
by night, they surrendered their wild, naked bodies to the earth, rolling leaves and
boughs around themselves…. [Sometimes they had to flee in terror when wild
animals troubled their rest; humankind was more likely to die if attacked by wild
animals, since no medical knowledge existed.]…. But at that time a single day
did not send many thousands of men led under military standards to destruction,
nor did the rough waters of the sea dash men and ships on the rocks; at that time
the wicked skill of navigation lay hidden. Instead it was lack of food that sent
weak bodies to death; now, to the contrary, abundance of everything destroys
mortals…. After they had procured huts and skins and fire, then, for the first time,
the human race began to grow soft. For fire took care that their shivering bodies
could no longer endure the cold under the vault of the sky…. Then also neigh-
bours began to join in friendships among themselves, eager neither to do harm
nor be harmed. They entrusted their children and women to one another and indi-
cated with stuttering voice and gesture that it was right for everyone to pity the
feeble. It was not possible, however, to produce harmony among everyone, but a
good and large part of them piously maintained the agreement, or else even then
the human race would have been wholly destroyed, and begetting would not have
been able to prolong the generations up to the present.

1.5 An advanced civilisation reduced to a

primitive existence
At the other end of the scale, earlier civilisations were believed to have existed that partially owed
their advanced state to developed technology. With the collapse of technology and civilisation
(whether due to nature or war), the peoples either disappeared, or reverted to a more primitive con-
dition. In the following passage, Plato describes the fall of such a civilisation and its subsequent level
of existence: an unnamed Athenian and a Cretan, Clinias, discuss early cultures and the result of lost
civilisations.

Plato, Laws 3.677a–679b

Athenian: “So do you think there is any truth in the ancient stories?”
Clinias: “What stories?”
A: “That there have been many destructions of mortals by floods and plagues
and many other things so that only a small portion of the human race has
survived”.
C: “Certainly, everyone would think that credible”.
A: “Come then, let us consider one of the many catastrophes, the one that
occurred once through the flood [of Deucalion]”.

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C: “What are we to consider about it?”

A: “That those escaping the destruction then must have been some mountain
herdsmen, tiny sparks of the human race preserved on the mountain peaks”.
C: “Clearly”.
A: “And by necessity these kinds of men must be unskilled in the arts in general
and in those devices men use against each other in the cities for the purposes
of greed and rivalry and all the other knavish tricks, which they contrive
against each other”.
C: “It is probable”.
A: “Shall we assume that the cities located in the plains and near the sea were
utterly destroyed at that time?”
C: “Let us assume”.
A: “And so shall we say all tools were destroyed and that everything important
in the arts and inventions that they may have had, whether pertaining to pol-
itics or other skills, all these perished at that time? For if these things had
remained the whole time just as they are now arranged, my good man, how
could anything new ever have been discovered”.

The dialogue continues, discussing how and by whom certain skills were recovered and the human
condition following the destruction of cities and the loss of technology.

A: “Were they not happy to see one another since there were very few round
about at that time, since the ways of passage, by which they might cross by
land and by sea to each other, were almost all destroyed along with the arts
as the story tells us? Thus to mingle with one another was not very possible,
I imagine. For iron and bronze and all the minerals in the confusion [of the
flood] vanished so that it was difficult to extract all these, and as a result
there was a scarceness of felled timber. For even if some tools happened to
be on the mountains, these soon were worn out and disappeared and were
not to be found again until the art of metal-­working was rediscovered”.
C: “How could they?”
A: “How many generations do we think had passed before this happened?”
C: “Clearly very many”.
A: “And so all the arts needing iron and bronze and all such metals must have
remained secret the whole period and even longer?”
C: “How else?”
A: “Moreover civil strife and war disappeared because of many reasons at that
time”.

The Athenian speaker concludes that this primitive state without metals had many advantages.

C: “How so?”
A: “In the first place they were quite content and friendly towards each other on
account of their isolation, secondly there was no fighting over their food.

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For there was no scarcity of pasturage, except perhaps at the outset for
some, which for the most part was what humans lived on at that time: in no
way were they lacking milk and meat since they were able to obtain excel-
lent and plentiful foods by hunting. And they were well equipped with
clothing and coverlets and houses and cooking pots and other pots; for
moulding and weaving are skills that don’t need iron; and god gave these
two skills to humankind to supply them with everything so that whenever
the human race should come into distress, it might have the means for
sprouting up and increasing”.

The Athenian concludes that without gold and silver, humans were neither poor nor rich, and thus
there were no rivalries or deceptions; instead, this was a race of simple but noble people. This scen-
ario is also found in the more famous account of Atlantis (Plato, Timaeus 20e–26e): the peoples of
Atlantis disappeared, and an earlier, advanced Athenian people survived on a more primitive level.

The Rise of CiviliSation: Gods, Nature,

and Humankind

The concept of divine help as the source for all human achievements was wide-
spread. Prometheus was often regarded as the greatest benefactor of human
development, but other divinities were also credited with providing specific gifts;
the theme is that a superior being aids an inferior one, an idea anchored in
reality; advanced and technologically superior cultures did help inferior ones.
The unique positions of the Athenians and Romans in their respective empires
led to an inflated opinion of their cultures. Their confident belief that they were
superior to other peoples is revealed in the last two passages, where they replace
the role of the gods by improving the lives of more primitive peoples through the
instrument of technology.

1.6 Prometheus: humankind’s greatest benefactor

Although the verses of Aeschylus provide the most elegant description of Prometheus’s gifts to the
human race, other authors also describe his benevolence. Plato (Protagoras 320c–322d) describes
his theft of technologies (especially fire) from the Olympian deities and then enumerates the acquisi-
tion of elements that lead to civilisation: worship, speech, invention, socialisation for protection, then
a grant of civic order by Zeus, and finally specialisation of labour. In contrast to Aeschylus, Plato
attributes only fire and arts in general to the actions of Prometheus, crediting the rest to human
inventiveness.

Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound 442–506

What I, Prometheus, did for mortals in their misery, hear now. At first mindless,
I gave them mind and reason. What I say is not to criticise mortals, but to show
you how all my gifts to them were guided by goodwill. At first, they had eyes,
but sight was meaningless; they heard but did not listen. They passed their long

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lives in utter confusion like dreamy images. They had no knowledge of well-­built
houses warmed in the sun, nor the working of timber, but lived like crawling ants in
the ground in deep, sunless caverns. Nor did they have a fixed sign to mark off
winter or flowery spring or fruitful summer; their every act was without knowledge
until I came. I showed them the risings and settings of the stars, hard to interpret till
now. I invented for them also numbering, the supreme skill, and how to set words
in writing to remember all things, the inventive mother of the Muses. I was the first
to harness beasts under the yoke with a trace or saddle as a slave, to take the man’s
place under the heaviest burdens; put the horse to the chariot, made him obey the
rein, and be an ornament to wealth and greatness. No one before me discovered the
sailor’s wagon, the flax-­winged craft that roam the seas. Such tools and skills I dis-
covered for humans.… [Other benefits are recounted here.]…. So much for proph-
ecy. But as for those benefits to humans that lay hidden in the earth, the bronze,
iron, silver, and gold – who else before me could claim to have found them first?
No one, I know well, unless he wishes to sound like a fool. Learn the whole matter
in a brief phrase: all arts possessed by mortals come from Prometheus.

1.7 Other divine benefactors

Although Prometheus is often regarded as humankind’s greatest benefactor, other divinities were
credited with specific gifts to mortals. Euripides (Suppliants 201–213) attributes human progress to
an unnamed god; Hesiod (Works and Days 47–105), after relating the theft of fire by Prometheus,
states that Athena bestowed the skill of weaving on Pandora (cf. Theogony 561–616 and 10.28).
Pliny (Natural History 7.191–215) provides a list of divinities, heroes, and historical characters who
introduce technological advances, and in the Homeric Hymn to Hephaestus (20), Hephaestus and
Athena elevate humans from living in caves like beasts to skilled workers living in comfort. This
belief is supported by Athenian festivals celebrating the gift of fire by Hephaestus.

Harpocration s.v. Lampas

Torch (Lampas): Lysias in his speech against Euphemos [writes that] the Athe-
nians stage three festivals of the torch: during the Panathenaia, the Hephaistia,
and the Prometheia, as Polemon says in his work about the paintings in the Pro-
pylaia. But Istros in his history of Attica, having described how in the festival of
the Apatouria some of the Athenians, clothed in the most beautiful robes, having
taken burning torches from the hearth, sing hymns while sacrificing to Hephais-
tos, a remembrance well understood of the need of fire by the one who instructed
others [in its use].

1.8 The Athenians claim credit for the progress

of civilisation
After fawning over Athens, Isocrates turns to the benefactions that Athens has bestowed upon less
fortunate peoples. He attributes to the favour of Demeter the gifts of agriculture and the celebration
of the Mysteries, which elevated the Athenians from a life like that of beasts, and then gives all the
credit to the Athenians for the advance of civilisation in Greece.

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Isocrates, Panegyricus 29–40

… Our city was not only dear to the gods, but also so generous to all mortals
that, having gained possession of these wonderful things, it did not begrudge
them to other peoples, but shared with everyone all that had been received. And,
in short, even now every year we reveal the Mysteries and our city has instructed
the whole human race in the uses, methods, and benefits coming from cultiva-
tion…. If we leave all this aside and examine things from the beginning, we shall
find that those peoples first appearing on the earth did not immediately lead the
kind of life that we now enjoy, but little by little reached it by their own joint
efforts…. This was but the beginning of our benefactions, to discover for those
in need the sustenance, which humans must have to live a well-­ordered life in
other respects. But believing that life limited to subsistence alone was not worth
living, the Athenian city gave such careful consideration to the remaining desires
that none of the good things enjoyed by mortals now, and which we owe not to
the gods but to each other, not one is unconnected with our city, in fact most are
her creation…. [Laws and civilisation are first developed in Athens.]…. As for
the arts and skills, both those useful for the necessities of life and those created
for pleasure, they were either invented or tested by our city, who then passed
them to the rest of the human race to use.

The widespread and persistent belief of the Athenian importance to the progress of Greek civilisation
is supported by other passages. Diodorus of Sicily (History 13.26.3) has a Syracusan victor recom-
mend mercy for Athenian prisoners captured in 413 bc on the basis of their benefactions to the
human race. An inscription from the late second century bc (Dittenberger, SIG 704 lines 11–22;
Vol. 2 p. 324 n. 12 for further references) states that the Athenian people gave to the world laws,
agriculture, civilisation, and admitted some people to the Mysteries.

1.9 The subtle process of urbanisation

Less advanced peoples were lured into accepting the rule of Rome through the introduction and
adoption of the insidious comforts of civilisation that were often provided by their mighty rulers. The
use of developed technologies to enhance the lifestyles of these conquered peoples was not always a
gradual or subtle process, as indicated by the aggressive tactics of Agricola recorded by Tacitus. Ter-
tullian sums up the spread of civilisation in North Africa in the early third century ac.

Dio Cassius, History 56.18.1–3

The following events took place in Germany during this time [ad 9]. The
Romans were occupying parts of it, … and while their soldiers were spending
the winter there, cities were being founded. The barbarians were gradually
switching to Roman practices, adopting the markets as one of their own customs,
and holding peaceful assemblies. They had not, however, given up their ances-
tral traditions, their innate character, their independent lifestyle, nor forgotten
that their power was derived from military strength. Nevertheless, as long as
they were unlearning these things gradually and under the eyes of the Roman

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garrisons, they were not upset by their changing lifestyle and were becoming
different without noticing it.

Tacitus, Agricola 21
The following winter [ad 79] was spent in very beneficial consultations. For in
order that the scattered and barbaric Britons, a people ready for war, might be
accustomed to pleasure by means of peace and relaxation, Agricola, by praising
the enthusiastic and scolding the lazy, urged on individuals and assisted com-
munities to construct temples, market places, and homes…. Gradually the
Britons yielded to the enticing vices: the covered porticoes, the baths, and the
elegance of banquets. And this condition was called “civilisation” among simple
Britons, although it was part of their slavery.

Tertullian, De Anima 30.3

Now all places are accessible, all are known, all are full of commerce. Most
charming farms have consigned to oblivion the infamous wastes, ploughed fields
have vanquished the forests … [domestication and reclamation of useless land
are described], … and where once were hardly cottages, there are now large
cities. No longer are [solitary] islands dreaded, nor their rocky shores feared;
everywhere are houses, everywhere are people, everywhere is the stable govern-
ment, and everywhere is civilised life.

Compare Aelius Aristeides (To Rome 36–39), who paints a fawning and enthusiastic description of
the benefits of Roman urban life.

1.10 Humankind’s humble origin

Human progress was not always attributed to the gods, but sometimes was believed to be a result of
human response to nature. In addition, individual elements are often cited as the principal factors
contributing to the development of civilisation.

Plutarch, Moralia 8.8.730e

Those descended from Hellenus of old also sacrificed to Poseidon as patriarch,
believing, as do the Syrians, that humans came into being from the moist
element. And so, they revere the fish as being of the same race and raised
together with humankind.

1.11 Trees: the supreme gift of nature to humans

When other natural riches were as yet unknown, people obtained all their needs from the forests:
food, shelter, clothing. This simple life was virtually forgotten with the rise of luxury (cf. 3.40).

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Pliny, Natural History 12.1–2

For a long time, the riches of the earth were hidden, and trees and forests were
thought to be the greatest gift given to mortals. These first provided food, made
caves more comfortable with leaves, and clothed bodies with their bark. Even
now there are peoples living thus. We are amazed more and more that from these
beginnings, humans have proceeded to quarry marbles in the mountains, to chase
to China for clothing, to search the depths of the Red Sea for the pearl and the
bowels of the earth for the emerald….

1.12 Imitation of nature: the inspiration of technology

The two Philostrati describe paintings, occasionally recounting simplified explanations for the source
of human inventiveness. The first passage describes a landscape with a river and herders on a bridge.
The “clever construction” of the bridge by the forces of nature possibly provided a visual model for
artificial bridges (cf. 8.41).

Philostratus, Imagines 1.9 (308.23–35)

The painter has thrown a bridge of date palms across the river for a very clever
reason. For knowing that the date palms are said to be male and female, and
having heard about their marriage that the male takes the female, embracing her
with branches and stretching out upon her, he has painted one on one bank and
the other on the other bank. Thus, the male palm falls in love, leans down and
springs over the river; but unable to reach the female tree, still separated, he lies
down and slavishly bridges the water. And he is safe for crossing because of the
roughness of his bark.

The Younger Philostratus, Imagines 3.1 (“Hunters”) (395.18–20)

Nature (physis) is wholly sufficient in whatever she desires and needs nothing
from art; in fact, nature is the origin of the arts themselves.

1.13 Imitation of nature leads to agriculture

Lucretius, On the Nature of Things 5.1361–1369
Nature herself was the mother who first brought forth the model of sowing and
the beginning of grafting: berries and acorns, having fallen from the trees, sent
out swarms of sprouts on the ground beneath in proper season. From these
examples, humans learnt to graft shoots into branches and to plant new seedlings
in the earth throughout the fields. Then they tried one method after another to
cultivate their dear little plot and saw wild fruits grow tame in the ground with
tender treatment and careful cultivation.

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1.14 Human technologies and nature

Vitruvius, On Architecture 10.1.4–6
All mechanisms are created by nature and founded on the revolution of the uni-
verse, our guide and teacher. For example, let us first contemplate and examine the
continuous motion of the sun, moon, and the five planets. Unless they revolved by
natural means, we would not have had alternating light [and dark], nor would fruits
ripen. Thus, when our ancestors had realised that this was so, they took their
examples from nature, and by imitating natural examples they were borne onward
by divine truths which they adapted to their way of living. As a result, they dis-
covered that some things were more easily done with machines (machina) and
their revolutions, some others with instruments (organum). Thus, they took care to
improve gradually by their learning all those things which they believed useful for
research, for the arts, and for established traditions.
Let us first consider an invention from necessity, such as clothing, how, with
instrumental arrangements of the loom, the combination of warp and woof not
only protects bodies by covering, but also adds an elegant apparel. Indeed, we
should not have had an abundance of food if yokes and ploughs had not been
invented for oxen and other draught animals. If there had been no provision of
windlasses, press-­beams, and levers for presses, neither shining oil nor the fruit of
the vine would we have had for our enjoyment, and their transport would not be
possible except for the invention of contrivances: carts or wagons for land and
ships for sea. Indeed, the discovery of a means to test weights by balances and
scales has delivered our life from fraud by means of just practices. Countless
numbers of machines also exist about which it is not necessary to speak since they
are at hand every day: mills, blacksmiths’ bellows, wagons, two-­wheeled vehicles,
turning lathes, and other things that are commonly suited to general use.

1.15 Climate: an important factor in progress

Aristotle, Politics 7.6.1 (1327b)
The nations in cold regions and those around Europe are full of heart but lacking
in intellect and art, on which account they proceed rather free-­spirited, but
without political government and unable to rule neighbouring people. The
nations of Asia, however, are intelligent and skilful in character, but without
spirit, with the result that they are continuously dominated and enslaved. But the
Greek nation, just as it occupies the middle region, partakes of both characteristics:
it is both full of heart and intelligent. On account of this, it continues free, has
the best government, and has the potential to rule all the human race if it gains
political unity.

Similar sentiments regarding location, climate, and intelligence are provided by Plato (Timaeus
22d–e, 24c–d) and Vitruvius (On Architecture 6.1.9–12). The latter suggests Italy as the perfect
location.

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1.16 The origin of fire

Not believing in the Prometheus story, Lucretius looks to nature for the proper explanation of how
humans obtained fire, our most important technological breakthrough. Vitruvius recounts the same
theory, then describes the outcome of the initial discovery.

Lucretius, On the Nature of Things 5.1091–1104

In case you are perhaps silently wondering at this point, lightning first brought
down fire to the earth for mortals, and from it all the brilliance of flames was
spread about. We see many things glittering once they have been implanted with
the celestial flames, when the blast from the sky has given up its heat to them.
Yet, when a many-­branched, swaying tree tosses about, pounded by the winds,
and lies upon the branches of another tree, fire is squeezed out through the great
force of the rubbing branches. Sometimes the fiery heat of the flames flashes out
while the branches and trunks rub upon each other in turn. Either of these causes
could have given fire to mortals. Then the sun taught them to cook food and to
soften it with the heat of flame, since they saw many things become ripe, over-
come by the lashings and heat of his rays in the fields.

Vitruvius, On Architecture 2.1.1–2

In antiquity humans were born like wild animals in the woods and caves and
groves and lived their lives eating wild food. Later, in a place thickly crowded
with trees that were tossed about by storms and winds, fire flared up when the
branches rubbed upon each other. Terrified by the raging flames, the humans
living nearby fled the area. After it subsided, they drew nearer to the heat of the
fire and realised that their bodies enjoyed a great advantage. They threw on logs
to maintain the fire and brought others before it, showing them by signs the
advantages they had received. In that assembly of humans, when sounds were
gasped out in various utterances, from daily usage they decided upon the names
of things as they happened to come up; then, by indicating things more often in
use and by chance, they began to speak similarly about events and created con-
versation among themselves. As a result of the invention of fire, therefore, con-
course among people developed, deliberation, and social intercourse, and groups
of people continued to gather in one place. They also possessed by nature a gift
beyond all other animals: they walked not stooped down but erect and viewed
the magnificence of the world and stars. Moreover, they could easily handle
whatever they wished with their hands and fingers.

Vitruvius continues with the advances in housing (8.1) and the advantages of imitation and rivalry
for improving themselves. Lucretius (6.1) relates the power of fire and its role in the discovery of
metals and metallurgy.

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1.17 Humankind’s unique nature: the ability to learn

Diodorus of Sicily (History 1.8.1–6) regards speech as one of the most important advantages of
human beings. Like Vitruvius (1.14), he regards socialisation of humans as the first step towards civ-
ilisation, since it led to common signs and terms that developed into speech. In addition, Diodorus
observes that individual social groups would have created different terms, a conclusion reached by
observing the diverse languages of his own day. The passage, however, makes it clear that the ability
to learn step-­by-step is our greatest advantage.

Diodorus of Sicily, History 1.8.7–9

Gradually, humans learnt by experience to take refuge in caves during the winter
and to store the fruits that could be preserved. When they had become acquainted
with fire and other useful things, little by little the arts and other things capable
of improving the common life of mortals were discovered. For, in general,
necessity itself became their teacher, dutifully providing instruction in every
matter to a creature well endowed by nature and having as co-­workers for every-
thing, hands and speech, and shrewdness of mind.

1.18 Hands, the most important human attribute

Anaxagoras, Fragment 59.A.102 (Diels-­Kranz)
The human race is the wisest of all living creatures because it has hands.

Aristotle, On the Soul 3.8 (432a)

The hand is the tool that makes and uses tools.

Galen, On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body 1.2–3

[Galen has just reviewed the natures and strengths of various animals] But to
man – for he is an intelligent animal and, alone of those on earth, godlike – in
place of all defensive weapons together, she gave hands, tools necessary for all
arts and crafts, and as useful in peace as in war. Accordingly, there was no need
of a horn as a natural armament, since at need he could grasp in his hands a
weapon better than a horn whenever he wished; for certainly, a sword and a
spear are greater weapons and more ready to maim than a horn … [horns and
hooves are effective only in close quarters, while javelins and darts are superior
since they are also effective at a distance]…. Indeed, man is not naked, not
unarmed, not easily routed, not barefoot, and, whenever he wishes, he has his
breastplate of iron (a product harder to damage than all types of skins), all sorts
of footwear, weapons, and clothing of all sorts. Nor is the breastplate his only
protection, for he has houses, the city walls, and the tower [which could not be
made if his hands had defensive weapons growing from them]. With these hands,
man weaves a cloak and fabricates hunting-­nets, fish-­traps and fish-­nets, and fine

25
 The rise of humans and human technology

bird-­nets, so that he rules not only over animals upon the earth, but also over
those in the sea and the air. Such is the hand of man as an instrument of might.
Yet, man is also both a peaceful and civil animal, and with his hands he writes
his laws, raises altars and statues to the gods, and makes the ship and flute and
lyre and knife and fire-­tongs and all the other tools of the arts, and he leaves
behind him commentaries on the theories of them in his writings…. Thus, man
is the most intelligent of the animals and, thus, hands are the tools suitable for an
intelligent animal … [intelligence is the key to success, while] … hands are a
tool, like the lyre of the musician and the tongs of the smith….

1.19 The unique nature of the human species

People did not only imitate nature but were compelled by it to survive and improve. From very
humble beginnings, humankind was able to survive and conquer the adverse environment thrust upon
it by nature.

Pliny, Natural History 7, praef. 1–4

The first place is rightly to be given to humans, for whose sake great nature
seems to have created all other things. Yet, in return for such great benefactions
she demands a cruel price, so that one does not have enough evidence to decide
whether she makes a better parent or worse stepmother for mortals. Before
everything else, humans alone of all animals she clothes in borrowed resources
… only a human on the day of birth does she cast down naked onto the bare
ground, immediately to cry and wail … and thus when successfully born, the
child lies crying with feet and hands [useless, as if] bound, the creature who is to
control all others…. Alas the folly of those people thinking that from these
beginnings, they were born to lofty spirit! … All the rest of the animals know
their own natural abilities, some use their agility, others swift flight, others swim;
man knows nothing unless taught: not to speak, not to walk, not to eat, and in
short, he knows nothing by natural instinct other than to cry….

1.20 The relation of skill and mechanics to nature

[Aristotle], Mechanical Problems 847a.10–25
Some things, whose cause and origin are unknown, happening in accordance
with nature are marvelled at, while other things happen contrary to nature, things
which originate through skill (technē) for the benefit of humans. For in many
instances, nature creates measures acting in opposition to our advantage; for
nature always acts in the same fashion and simply, but our advantage changes in
many ways. So, when it is necessary to produce something contrary to nature,
the ensuing difficulty creates a need for skill to resolve the problem. As a result,
we call that part of skill which helps with such difficulties, a device (mechanē).
For as the poet Antiphon wrote, and this is true: “We overcome with skill the

26
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 A single dolphin out of its cage, swam past us—sleek, graceful
creature longer than my body, its every line denoting speed. Atar
called to it. Like a dog it came and fawned upon us. With her arm
about its neck, Nona caressed it.
“This one will I ride,” she exclaimed. “Let me try now. Atar, make
him let me try.”
Atar summoned a young Marinoid—one who had helped train the
dolphins. He showed Nona how to mount it. She had on an outer
garment at the moment, and at the lad’s direction she discarded it.
Then he brought thongs of grass, and bound her hair tightly
around her head.
She was ready. Lying flat on the dolphin’s back, her slender body
seemed welded to it. A collar was about the dolphin’s head; and into
it she thrust an arm to hold herself. The young Marinoid told her how
the creature was guided. A kick of the heel, pressure of an arm
against its head—or even a whispering word.
She was away! Back and forth through the water before us the
dolphin sped; and Nona’s body flat against it caused hardly a ripple.
Then they gave her one of the long, lance-like spears. She carried it;
held it poised; flashed it above her, below—lunging at imaginary
enemies, as the dolphin darted out under her commands.
The grace and skill of it! I was amazed. Woman, with such a
thing, learns faster than man. Soon she was twisting her body down
to use the dolphin as a shield, lunging with the lance over its back.
Then she dashed over to where we were waiting, and slipped to
the cave floor, standing there panting and triumphant—a little jockey,
flushed with victory.
“You see, my Nemo? We women can do it! We will ride your
dolphins!”
An hour or more had gone by. For another, we talked and
planned, Atar, Caan and I. Nona had taken the dolphins with their
four trainers—taken them to the palace roof to organize the girls.
Soon our messengers would return from the Water of Wild Things
with the news of the enemy’s progress.
I went up to the palace to join Nona. The men from the cavern
under Caan’s direction were on the roof of the city, distributing
weapons to our forces gathered there. I had no sooner reached the
palace than one of my couriers came in.
Good news! Good news indeed! The Maagog forces were not
coming at once to Rax. Gahna was in the hands of their half-breed
allies. It was closer to them than Rax. They were heading for Gahna,
occupying it—massing there; and from there, doubtless, would
presently attack us.
It was the breathing space we wanted—needed so badly. Now
we could organize.
Nona with her dolphin was with me as the courier poured out his
news. Quick-witted, fertile-minded woman! Never will I cease to
marvel at her. She whispered to me a plan—daring—yet almost
certain of success. A plan that she and I alone could execute. A
plan. . . . But presently you shall hear it in detail, for we lost no time
in attempting it.

Nona and I started, each on a dolphin, and each bearing a short,

broad-bladed sword. Only Atar knew where we were going, or what
we were about to try and do.
Riding the dolphins, we started slowly at first, for I was
inexperienced. The creature’s sleek body was beneath me and I
clung to it, stretching myself out along its back, my fingers gripping
its woven-grass collar. Nona rode ahead on a dolphin slightly
smaller, but, I soon was to learn, equally as fast as my own.
“Nemo, are you all right?” Her sober, earnest little face was
turned back toward me.
“All right,” I said. “Yes, of course.”
Would you let a woman know when you were perturbed? Not I.
At once Nona increased the pace, and my own mount followed
hers. We were leaving the city, passing out along one of its
horizontal streets. It was nearly deserted. The fighters had gone to
the city roof; the others were barred in their darkened houses.
Occasionally a face would show at a window. A courier came along
—returning from one of the other cities. We stopped him. My orders
were being obeyed, he reported, the fighters from the other cities
were swimming in to join our own men on the roof of Rax.
 I sent the courier on to the palace to receive further orders from
Atar. We wished to spread the news that the enemy was not
attacking at once. And while Nona and I were away on this
enterprise, Atar and Caan were to organize the army; and the girl
whom Nona had appointed, was to drill the other girls in riding the
dolphins.
We passed on, out of Rax. As we left the city—heading for our
first objective, the entrance to the Water of Wild Things—I caught a
glimpse of the roof of Rax. The open spaces up there were thronged
with our men.
Nona increased our pace and very soon Rax with its activities
was left out of sight in the dimness behind us. The open water was
almost deserted. Refugees were straggling in; occasionally we came
upon parties of them—families who had fled from their isolated
homes. They all halted and gazed after us curiously as we dashed
past them.
“All right, Nemo?”
“Yes. Of course.”
We went faster. The water pressed against me, roared in my
ears, blurred my vision. I clung tighter, and bent my head in the
crook of my arm.
Then, after a time that seemed ages but was doubtless very brief,
we slackened. Nona signalled to me, and I rode my dolphin close
alongside of hers.
“See,” she whispered. “We are here.”
Ahead of us in the dim water, moving lights showed. We were
almost at the entrance to the Water of Wild Things. The last of the
Maagog forces were coming through. We did not dare go close
enough to see much. Moving lights disclosed double lines of
swimming figures. They were coming out through the passageway
they had cut in the coral, and swimming off toward Gahna. The line
of their lights extended out of sight in that direction.
We were just in time to see the last of them come through. Og
and his black fishes! We assumed it was Og; we had gone closer,
but not close enough to distinguish features. A lone male figure
carrying a light and surrounded by that swarming pack.
 The figure closed the passageway gate at this end carefully. Like
ourselves, Og wanted no unruly monsters to get through into
Marinoid waters.
We waited until his single light was well on its way to Gahna.
“We can follow now,” I said. “Nona—we will succeed. We can do
it, my girl—and it is you who have planned it.”
She did not answer me; she had already started her dolphin. Like
shadows in the gloom, silently, without a ripple of the water as we
slipped through it, we followed close after the Maagog invading
army.
 CHAPTER XXVIII
To Gahna. It took us a long while to get there, for the Maagog
army advanced slowly. Following the lights we found ourselves
descending at once to the sea-bottom. These Maagogs, lumbering
and ungainly, were poor swimmers; the line of them was walking
along the bottom.
It made my heart leap to realize that. What match would they be
for us Marinoids in battle—our men so active in the water—our alert
girls on the dolphins. We would cut them to pieces . . . would rout . . .
I whispered my thoughts to Nona.
“Be not too sure, my Nemo,” she said soberly. “It may be so but
first we must do what we are now planning.”
We went on, through the forest road where the Maagogs had
tramped aside the tall, tenuous growth of foliage. It was much
dimmer in here. Beside us the trees and ferns spread as a dark
lacework of green and brown. They met overhead, wavering,
tenuous, but impenetrable to our sight.
What a spot for ambush! A thousand hiding-places all about us.
An army could lurk here in ambush unseen.
It is very easy to look backwards upon life and say what should
have been done. We Marinoids—how stupidly we had done things!
Our army—if it had been organized and ready—could have lurked
here in this dark forest . . . leaped upon the Maagogs . . . defeated
them at once in one great surprise attack . . .
“What?” I whispered.
Nona, from her dolphin beside mine, had reached out and
gripped my arm. I followed her gaze, caught a glimpse of a figure
hovering amid the air-pods overhead and just in advance of us. A
man, coming down now toward us, swimming cautiously.
My heart leaped; my grip on my sword tightened. Then I saw it
was a Marinoid—one of my own couriers stationed here to watch the
enemy pass.
He joined us. “Og,” he said, “and his black fishes were last to
pass. I would have given my own life to the fishes could I have killed
him. But it did not seem possible.”
 I sent the courier back to Rax and we went on as before. Out of
the forest now, across an open stretch, with the lights of the
Maagogs still before us.
Then—Gahna. There it stood, leaning sidewise in the press of
current. Traveling so slowly, we could feel the sweep of the moving
water. A gentle current here; but just beyond Gahna, I knew there
was an opening in the side wall of rock which bordered in the
Marinoid domain. It was a large opening leading diagonally
downward—an opening larger than the city itself—and into it the
water rushed swiftly.
“Wait!” whispered Nona.
We halted our mounts, and waited while the last of the occupying
Maagogs dispersed themselves about the city. From this distance we
could see their lights but hear no sounds. Evidences of the recent
half-breed massacre of the Marinoid population, were about us.
Broken, inert bodies lying here and there on the sea-bottom; and the
smell of blood in the water.
I shuddered to remember it. Gahna, bloody from end to end—a
city of death now; and these triumphant Maagogs occupying it,
making it a base from which to attack Rax.
At last they were all in. Cautiously, we advanced further. Moving
lights on the city’s outer surface—a murmur of sounds. Nothing
more.
A few moments and we were under the city! In its cellar, let me
say. No one lived down here; sand under our feet; woven vegetation
twenty feet overhead—a cellar ceiling which formed the lowest tier of
the city.
It was black in here; and almost soundless, just the murmur of
the city above us. We stood motionless, listening. Were we alone?
Dared we light our lights? I knew that if they caught us in here we
could not escape. Yet we could see nothing without lights.
We unshrouded them finally—little pods which threw tiny
wavering green beams. With them, we poked around, cautiously,
with our swiftly beating hearts seeming about to smother us.

Gahna was a small city. Four thick stalks of vegetation—each

about twice the thickness of my body—formed its main stems. I
stood beside one of them, dug my sword into it.
Within five minutes, I had hacked through the stem. Nona held
the light.
“Quietly,” she whispered. “If they should hear us—”
The stalk was severed. A tremor seemed to run over the upper
part, and it moved slightly sidewise.
Trembling ourselves, we attacked another. Severed it; then the
third.
The city over us was shifting, toppling. The fourth stalk was
twisted and bent by the strain. . . . I severed it with a few blows.
“Swim! Nona! Quickly!”
The ceiling overhead was lifting—shifting. Smaller stalks and
vines which had taken root in the sand were tearing away. Above us
came a cry—shouts—confusion. . . .
We swam to extricate ourselves. Tearing vines seemed to leap at
us, but we avoided them.
Back to our dolphins. They were waiting; we mounted them—
turned to look at the city. It was turning over in the water, and floating
away. Slowly, then faster, down toward that black opening into which
the current would sweep it.
The city of death! But every living thing in it was pouring out.
Lights—dark blobs of figures—shouts—commands. . . .
The Maagogs were escaping! In a turmoil; and they would lose
whatever apparatus they had for war; but they were escaping
nevertheless. We had hoped the catastrophe would come more
quickly. But it did not. The city toppled slowly over, while those
terrified figures leaped from it. Slowly it floated away—then plunged
into the torrent.
It was gone with its murdered Marinoid dead; but on the sand,
and in the water ahead of us, the Maagogs and the half-breeds
remained. Some had gone to their death, no doubt; the others . . .
“They will not wait to attack us now,” Nona whispered suddenly.
“We have crippled them, but . . .”
“We must get back,” I exclaimed. “It is we who must attack at
once—finish them up—now, before they can recover—”
 In Rax, we found Atar with his work well done. We Marinoids
were ready. And within an hour or very little more, we set forth to
meet the advancing Maagogs.
I led my army out of Rax. The details of its organization I had left
to Atar and Caan, while Nona and I were on our expedition to
Gahna. They had done their work well; and within an hour after our
return we were ready to leave—to face the advancing Maagog
forces.
We left from the roof of Rax. The broad, open space there was
ample for mobilization, and in the center of it my forces were
gathered. You of a greater civilization, might call this army of mine
meager. Yet to us Marinoids it was huge—the largest group of
fighting men these people had ever conceived of organizing.
Some two thousand men, girls and dolphins—the product of all
the Marinoid cities and the rural population. We had many more who
wanted, and were able, to join us. But these I left at home—some in
Rax, some in the other, smaller cities. So that at home—in the event
of disaster to our fighters in the open water—we would not be quite
defenseless.
An army of two thousand! It was not very much, of course; but it
was equipped and organized—with a plan of action which I shall tell
you in a moment. That it would be ample for victory, I did not doubt.
Og and his Maagogs might outnumber us—of that I could not say.
But we had fighting qualities which the slow lumbering Maagogs
could not possibly equal. We would be easily victorious, I thought;
but Nona was not so sanguine.
In spite of my commands the people of Rax, many of them, had
gathered on the city roof to see us leave; a circular fringe of them
jammed the edge of the roof, waiting to cheer our departure.
But they did not cheer. With solemn faces they stared upward at
our columns as we rose into the water—women staring after their
husbands and sons, even their daughters—women and old men
staring, and wondering which of their loved ones would return alive
to them.
In command of the entire Marinoid forces, I rode alone on a
dolphin—with hands free and with only a lance fastened flat against
the dolphin’s back and a dagger in my belt. I was first off the roof of
Rax. As I rose, gliding smoothly upward and outward, I looked down
to see the city dropping away.
A column of young men, swimming five abreast, came up next—
like birds rising in orderly array to follow their lone leader. It was an
inspiring sight—this sinuous curving line of swimmers. It swung into
the water, bent like a huge rainbow over the city, straightened, and
followed me diagonally upward.
Soon Rax had dwindled small and dim in the water below. But I
could see Nona’s forces—the girls mounted on dolphins—as they
too were starting. Then Rax, now so far beneath me, blurred and
was lost in the gray-green haze of water; and I turned my attention
ahead.
The backbone of my army was the line of young men swimming
five abreast behind me. Five hundred of them there were—young,
powerful swimmers—youths at the height of their physical strength.
Each was by nature capable of shocking into insensibility with an
electric discharge, any opponent he could touch by head and heels
simultaneously.
These young men were unarmed; I felt that they could use their
natural weapon to better advantage when swimming free-handed.
Nona’s corps consisted of some two hundred girls mounted on
dolphins. Each with a long, lance-like spear in her hands. Nona
commanded them—with ten extra girls, each to control a group of
twenty.
Then there was Atar’s corps of sleighs—the “light-sleighs” which I
have already described. Atar himself had a dolphin mount. In each of
the ten dolphin-drawn sleighs was a single occupant—an older man.
These sleighs I would use to precede us—to throw light upon the
enemy, blind him, and cover our onslaught made from behind.
The “sleighs of darkness”—ten of them, dolphin-drawn, and each
with two occupants—were commanded by Caan, himself riding a
separate dolphin. These sleighs were for darkening the water in the
event of a catastrophe to our fighters—to cover our retreat wherever
it might be necessary.

For the rest, my main forces were a thousand fighting men—

older men in whom the electric power was waning. They were armed
with various types of spears—daggers, javelins and lances. They
were leaving Rax in a long swimming line some ten abreast.
Such was my army which now was following me into battle. I led
it upward. Behind me I could see the long columns of swimming
figures—the sleighs in two broad groups—the girls on the dolphins in
squads of twenty, each with its leader apart.
Ahead of me lay open water—a gray-green in the half-light, dim
and blurred. Far overhead I knew was the rocky ceiling which
marked the top of this watery, subterranean world; and the ooze and
sand of the sea-bottom was perhaps two thousand feet beneath me.
I was heading for Gahna. The water here was almost free of
vegetation, but not wholly so. Occasionally thin, waving spires of
seaweed, covered with air-pods to sustain them, reared their heads.
I threaded my way among them; and with every turn I made, the line
of swimming figures behind me followed.
Soon I conjectured I must be half-way to the former site of
Gahna. The Maagogs would probably follow the sea-bottom in their
advance, for they were all indifferent swimmers, flabby of muscle
and short of breath. It was time for me to descend and locate them.
I waited—as it had been prearranged that I should wait at this
point; and as I hung poised in a broad stretch of empty water, my
army swung up and gathered. In two huge concentric circles, the
men swam slowly around me, while the girls on the dolphins moved
lazily back and forth above and below.
A beautiful sight, these girls—slim bodies clinging closely to the
sleek backs of their graceful mounts. And Caan and Atar with their
squads of sleighs holding motionless on the outskirts.
In the center of it all, Nona rode her dolphin to join me.
“We are all ready, Nemo.” And she laughed gaily; though
searching her face, I could see no laughter in her solemn eyes.
I told her then to wait while I went down to the sea-bottom to
locate the enemy. She nodded; and I left her.
Slowly I drove my dolphin around the circle of my men—shouting
a word of encouragement here and there. I consulted a moment with
Caan and Atar; waved at Nona as I passed her again, and dove my
mount downward.
 The ring of waiting figures above me faded into dimness and
were lost. I was alone in the water.
It took but a few moments to reach the bottom; it came up to me,
by optical illusion tilted vertically on end. A hundred feet above it I
righted my mount.
I was over a level floor of sand, with cactus-like growths here and
there. Empty; there was no sign of Maagogs.
Ahead of me, in the direction of where Gahna had once stood, I
saw the shadows of a forest. I advanced toward it; and from it were
emerging the first lines of the oncoming enemy.

But my heart sank. There were very many of them.

At once I raced my dolphin upward. And my thoughts were racing
also. Again I had lost another opportunity for ambush. Had we
reached the forest before the Maagogs began to emerge, we might
have surprised them there. The forest was several miles long and a
mile broad perhaps, in the horizontal direction from Gahna to Rax. A
mile of thick vegetation—tree spires and a tangle of vines and weeds
rearing themselves several thousand feet up into the water. The
Maagog army was now traversing that mile-width of forest. Perhaps,
if I could cut them off in there—attack them piecemeal as they
emerged. . . .
I was again with my own forces. Nona, Atar and Caan rode their
mounts hastily to meet me, and I told them the situation.
It took us but a moment to decide. We would maintain this upper
open water as our base. I ordered Atar with his light-sleighs and half
of our electric fighting men, to follow me down. I would attack these
first columns of the enemy as they came out of the forest.
Nona, with her girls, was to ride swiftly above the forest, descend
on its other side and drive the last of the Maagogs in. We did not
want any of them to retreat toward Gahna.
I waited, while Nona with the dolphins dashed upward and away.
The girls had all been flushed and eager; but as they swept by me in
a line I saw that each little face was white, set and grave.
They vanished in a swirl of water. I wheeled my dolphin toward
Atar. His ten light-sleighs were in a line abreast, with him on his
dolphin behind them. He gave a signal. The pods on the sleighs
were unshrouded. Green light leaped ahead—a broad, blinding
glare; and in the semi-darkness behind it, my electric men were
gathered around me.
Then I shouted my command, and we started vertically
downward—our first attack upon the enemy.
 CHAPTER XXIX
The glare of light showed the water plainly—a brilliant, ghastly
green. We reached the sea-bottom, turned and dashed forward. The
Maagogs were there. They saw our light coming of course, long
before we saw them. A crowd of them, confused, half-blinded, but
they were standing their ground nevertheless.
Over the line of light-sleighs I saw that we had to deal here with
perhaps five hundred Maagog men. They seemed armed with
spears. They huddled heavily against the sea-bottom, some half a
mile from the edge of the forest. The line of them stretched back
there, and more were constantly coming out.
When our sleighs were no more than a few hundred yards away,
I shouted at Atar. At his relayed signal, the sleighs shrouded their
pods and turned upward, out of reach of the enemy. It left the water
in semi-darkness—blackness it must have seemed to the Maagogs,
with that blinding glare so suddenly extinguished.
And then we leaped at them.
It was a swirl of confusion, this hand-to-hand warfare. I held my
dolphin resolutely above it, taking no part, but watching for every
advantage into which I might hurl my men.
Looking down into the swirling water I could see the Maagogs
fighting desperately to impale my swimmers with their spears. And
my young Marinoids, darting over them, up and down, seeking to
touch them head and legs simultaneously that the electric shock
might kill them.
The fighting spread. Soon it was going on over a wide area. It
was almost silent, uncanny fighting. The swish of the churning water
—a shout, a death scream here and there. Bodies were dotting the
sand. Maagogs, but Marinoids too. And the Maagogs in this first
engagement outnumbered us two to one.
I was perhaps fifty feet above the sand, with the sleighs poised
inactive immediately over me. Atar dashed up.
“How are they doing? Nemo, would it be better in the light?”
I had not thought of that. A trio of Maagogs, wounded and
confused, came floundering up at us. Atar, from his dolphin,
dispatched them easily with his sword.
 “The lights!” he shouted. “Lights—and spread out—to light it all.”
The lights flashed on; the sleighs moved away to separate
positions.
As though on a lighted stage, the scene was now illumined. It
was a good move, for the Maagogs, living in the dark Water of Wild
Things, could not stand the light as well as we could.
Back to the edge of the forest the fighting was in progress. But
my heart sank. There were two Maagogs dead to every Marinoid; but
it was not enough. These were the weakest of Og’s forces—and I
was using against them the best of mine. Half an hour more of such
fighting and these first columns would be cut to pieces and routed.
But what of that, if I lost nearly half of my finest men? There were the
black fishes yet to cope with. My electric men would do best against
them.
I saw now my mistake. I should have fought these lumbering
Maagogs with my older, more numerous men. Spears against spears
—and saved my youth for the black fishes.
Atar, I think, came to these conclusions simultaneously. Together
we dashed over the scene of battle, calling off our fighters. They
came readily, for the Maagogs, sorely harassed, were glad enough
to let them go.
Up we started, but there were now no more than a hundred of us,
where before there had been more than twice that. The light-sleighs,
again shrouded, followed us. In the dimness down there, the sea-
bottom was strewn with inert, broken figures—the wounded
floundering—the water darkened with blood. And over toward the
forest the Maagogs were retreating, to join fresh columns coming
out. Then as we rose, the scene faded into obscurity.
“We must get back up,” Atar called to me. “Get our older men—
all of them—and come down again at once.”
We were rising to where our waiting army would soon come into
view, when off to the left I saw a cloud of tiny forms coming out of the
upper recesses of the forest. Dashing at us, to cut off our ascent!
Swiftly. I saw at once that our swimmers could not avoid them.
The black fishes! A swarm of them, with Og in their midst, was
upon us!
 I must go back now to when—previous to our first attack—Nona
with her girls left us to cross the forest. Nona led them; and
swimming at tremendous speed they were soon above the
vegetation. It was a queer sight, looking down through the water
upon those marine tree-tops. A tangle of weeds; air-pods, some of
them gigantic—the whole forest a matted thicket on top of which one
could lie at rest.
But there were many places which would have served as
entrance down or exit up; which latter thought made my Nona shiver
involuntarily. Down in the tangle—two thousand feet down—the
Maagogs were passing through. What forces did they have? How
many men? How many of the dreaded black fishes? Where were
those black fishes—from which point would they attack us?
Nona knew that the fishes could best be fought by our electric
men. The little beasts would be easy to shock and kill—but not easy,
since they were so small, to impale upon a lance. Nona wondered
where they were. If only she could get information of the strength
and disposition of the enemy forces—information for me, so that I
might intelligently plan my battle.
Woman acts upon impulse. Nona called her girl leaders—
directed them to go on and carry out my orders—drive the Maagogs
into the forest from its side toward Gahna.
Then abruptly she halted her dolphin; the others swept on,
leaving her alone in the silence of the water above the forest. At
once she fastened her lance to the dolphin’s back and dismounted;
and the dolphin, understanding her reiterated, whispered command,
held itself poised to await her return.
Nona planned to go down alone—swimming free-handed—into
the forest to spy upon the enemy. She wasted no time; finding an
open space between the tall spires, she dove into it.
The descent through those tangled, tenuous air-pods and plants,
was laborious. She worked her way down, quietly, surreptitiously. It
was almost dark, though not quite; and very silent. Far below now,
she thought she could hear the sound of voices.
She was perhaps two-thirds the way down, when a sudden
movement near at hand caused her heart to leap. Something
human! She shrank behind a waving leaf, and clung. Peering into the
gloom she saw a human figure—a Maagog. A woman—seemingly
unarmed—a small female figure huddling in a branch of vegetation.
A Maagog! Nona could capture her—force from this enemy
woman the information she sought.
My Nona plunged forward, her arms outstretched. Plunged
silently, swiftly; and she was upon her enemy before the Maagog
was fully aware of her. Their bodies met; the Maagog woman (she
was no more than a girl) screamed; but Nona’s hand went over her
mouth.
They fought, tore at each other, with the Maagog girl’s four arms
gripping my Nona’s frail body like the tentacles of an octopus. But
Nona was the stronger; her body built of firmer flesh; her muscles
more powerful.

Abruptly the Maagog girl yielded. They had been tumbling over
and over in the water—wound and entangled with sea-weed; and
save for that one scream, fighting silently. Nona pulled her captured
antagonist to a tree-stalk, and in one of its branches, held her there
firmly. And not until then did she realize that this was Maaret, the girl
who loved Og—the girl who had helped us escape from the Water of
Wild Things.
“You!”
But Maaret now was crying. “What do you want of me? You go
away. I hate you. You tried to take my Og. You let me alone.”
Women are strange creatures! My Nona put her arms tenderly
about the vehement girl.
“You must not hate me, Maaret. What are you doing here?”
“Og—he is down there. Fighting. For you, he fights—you, the
woman who stole his heart. And he may be killed, and I love him.”
What could Nona say? This girl had followed Og to battle—
followed, hoping to keep him out of danger, because she loved him.
And at the last, frightened, she had crawled away to the treetops—
crying with fear and misery when Nona set upon her.
“Maaret, listen. You tell me where the black fishes are. Where is
your Og?”
“There—in the forest.” It was a vague answer—a gesture, not
down, but off to one side, toward Rax.
 “Still in the forest?”
“Yes. I think so—I don’t know. But he was going out to fight.”
“The black fishes were with him?”
“Yes.”
“How many of them, Maaret?”
But the girl had become suspicious.
“I don’t know,” she said sullenly.
“He is on the sea-bottom with them? Maaret, listen. How many
Maagogs are there in the forest?”
But the girl understood Nona’s purpose and set her lips tight.
“Tell me, Maaret.”
“No!” burst out the girl. “You would do my Og harm. I want to help
him, not you.” She tried to pull away, but Nona held her. Nona’s
anger was rising.
“I’ll take you with me,” she told the girl. “My Nemo will make you
talk.”
But Maaret resisted, and suddenly her tears came afresh.
“You let me go. I should be with Og—fighting beside him because
I love him. I was a coward to come up here.”
The words appealed as none others could to Nona. Her anger
vanished; sympathy flooded over her.
“You want to fight for Og, Maaret?”
“Yes! I want to fight—I belong there—beside him. Let me go.”
Nona stared into the girl’s pathetic little face.
“Go,” she said. “You speak truth, Maaret. You belong there with
the man you love, no matter for what cause he fights. Go!”
Her gaze followed as Maaret dropped away, down into the
recesses of the forest.

It was a terrible moment as we saw those black fishes, with Og in

their midst, dashing at us. Atar and I shouted to our men—shouted
encouragement. We could not avoid this new enemy; and so we had
to plunge at it with a will. A hundred electric men, no more, and all of
them were exhausted by the combat they had left but a moment
before.
Our light-sleighs were of little use here; hastily we sent them
speeding upward, to bring down our main army to our assistance.
Atar and I on our dolphins circled about. The black fishes were
everywhere; confusion again; the lashing figures of our young men
as they met the black, ugly little things—all jaws, and teeth like
needles.
A hundred personal battles simultaneously. But there were ten
fishes to each of our men at least. The fishes were shocked and
killed—some of them. Others bit and tore at our fighters’ flesh.
Have you ever seen a school of hungry fish pluck at a bit of food?
Dismember it—carry it away? This was like it. . . .
Shuddering, I dashed my dolphin to and fro. A few of the fishes I
caught on my lance. But so very few among that thousand. . . .
This was disaster. We would kill half the fishes perhaps—but lose
all this portion of our men. Disaster. . . .
I became aware of Atar’s dolphin rushing past me; his voice
shouting:
“Og! Let us get Og! Force him to call off the fishes! Or kill him!”
Og had been holding himself poised in midwater, watching the
scene. But already he had realized the danger. He was making
away; and at his call a hundred or more of his fishes gathered
around him.
We would have dashed at them; our two dolphins could have
scattered them.
But we did not; for from below, a swarm of other figures
appeared. Marinogs! The half-breeds! A picked corps of Marinog
youths. They were good swimmers. They possessed the power of
electric shock. More than a hundred of them were rising now to Og’s
assistance.
Atar and I stopped our onslaught. Around us on every hand our
scattered forces were fighting the fishes. But the little groups of men
fighting were now very few; everywhere bodies were sinking inert,
with swarms of fishes plucking at them. . . .
We screamed for all to follow us who could; and mounted. A few
of our men tried to follow—but not one succeeded. The oncoming
Marinogs, fresh and lustful, caught them all.
And with hearts cold within us, Atar and I dashed on upward,
alone.
 CHAPTER XXX
Nona regained her mount above the forest and continued on to
join her girls. I can tell you this part of the battle only as Nona told it
to me—briefly, for my Nona talks little of her own deeds. The girls on
the dolphins were beyond the forest, down near the sea-bottom. And
they were engaged with the enemy when Nona arrived.
It was the last of the Maagog columns, just entering the forest
when the dolphins attacked it. A very brief engagement. A few score
of the last, heavy-swimming Maagogs. And without trouble the girls
cut them down—drove them into the forest.
Atar and I, rising alone from our defeat, met our main army
coming down to help us. The light-sleighs had carried the news.
Hastily we told them of our disaster. It was my fault, no doubt; I
should never have split my forces. How easy it is to look back and
say what should have been done!
Atar was anxious to descend at once, with all our men, in one
desperate attack. But I was learning the art of warfare.
Inexperienced still, yet now not wholly so. We must wait here, I told
them, for Nona and the girls to return. And by then the enemy would
be on this side of the forest. In the open, we would attack them with
all our forces at once, as Atar said.
“Look!” shouted Atar.
Above us, in the direction of the forest, the blur of swiftly moving
forms showed, with lines of white, V-shaped, behind them.
It was Nona and the girls—victorious in what they had
undertaken. The news heartened us. We had lost a few of the girls
and dolphins—and two hundred and fifty of our best men. But we
had done the enemy all told a more than equal amount of damage.
For half an hour we waited. Atar and I twice cautiously
descended. The Maagogs seemed all out of the forest—and were
advancing on Rax. High over them in the water, we followed; and
almost within sight of Rax, we dove down in a mass upon them.
 It was a scene of carnage which at first seemed inextricable
confusion. My forces spread out—attacked the enemy everywhere at
once. The Maagogs seemed to prefer the sea-bottom; they clung
there and fought stubbornly.
At Atar’s insistence, I held my dolphin at first in mid-water, out of
range of the fighting. Below me was the center of the struggling
mass—the main force of sword-armed Maagogs. Against them, in
the glare of Atar’s light-sleighs, I hurled my older men. They were
fighting down there in the brilliant light. We were outnumbered in this
section, but I could see that my men were more than holding their
own.
Off to the left—toward the forest—a cloud of the black fishes had
come up. With them were the Marinog electric men; and against
them I sent my own two hundred and fifty youths—and the girls and
dolphins.
It was this segment that I most feared. I could see them now; the
men were locked in hand-to-hand conflict—lashing the water—
hundreds of little groups. The black fishes were mingled with them;
and about the whole struggling mass, the girls on the dolphins
dashed back and forth.
How long I watched I do not know. I was alone, save that near at
hand were Caan and his dark-sleighs, holding themselves in
readiness.
A Marinoid fighter came wavering up to me, wounded and
gasping.
I descended. The fighters in this central melee had split into two
separate sections—and on one side were far outnumbered. Atar was
down here; he saw me, and rushed forward.

“Nemo—on this side we lose.”

It was impossible to transfer quickly any considerable number of
my men from one side to the other.
“Take the lights from the losing side,” I shouted; and when Atar
had dashed away, I swam my mount up to Caan.
With his dark-sleighs, we swept down into the threatened area.
Men were fighting all around us; the dead were everywhere. The ink-