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PALGRAVE STUDIES
IN URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY

Gentrification around
the World, Volume II
Innovative Approaches

Edited by
Jerome Krase · Judith N. DeSena
Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology

Series Editors
Italo Pardo
School of Anthropology and Conservation
University of Kent
Canterbury, Kent, UK

Giuliana B. Prato
School of Anthropology and Conservation
University of Kent
Canterbury, Kent, UK
Half of humanity lives in towns and cities and that proportion is ex-
pected to increase in the coming decades. Society, both Western and non-
Western, is fast becoming urban and mega-urban as existing cities and a
growing number of smaller towns are set on a path of demographic and
spatial expansion. Given the disciplinary commitment to an empirically-
based analysis, anthropology has a unique contribution to make to our
understanding of our evolving urban world. It is in such a belief that
we have established the Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology series.
In the awareness of the unique contribution that ethnography offers for
a better theoretical and practical grasp of our rapidly changing and in-
creasingly complex cities, the series will seek high-quality contributions
from anthropologists and other social scientists, such as geographers, po-
litical scientists, sociologists and others, engaged in empirical research in
diverse ethnographic settings. Proposed topics should set the agenda con-
cerning new debates and chart new theoretical directions, encouraging
reflection on the significance of the anthropological paradigm in urban
research and its centrality to mainstream academic debates and to society
more broadly. The series aims to promote critical scholarship in interna-
tional anthropology. Volumes published in the series should address theo-
retical and methodological issues, showing the relevance of ethnographic
research in understanding the socio-cultural, demographic, economic and
geo-political changes of contemporary society.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14573
 Jerome Krase · Judith N. DeSena
Editors

Gentrification around
the World, Volume II
Innovative Approaches
Editors
Jerome Krase Judith N. DeSena
Brooklyn College St. John’s University
City University of New York Queens, NY, USA
Brooklyn, NY, USA

Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology

ISBN 978-3-030-41340-8 ISBN 978-3-030-41341-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41341-5

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.

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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Preface

Simply put, this book is about the process of gentrification with a global
perspective. It is a collection of scholarly but readable essays, which ana-
lyze the process of gentrification in cities around the world through the
lenses of various academic disciplines. The editors sought contributions
that investigated the social, political, and economic significance of gentri-
fication based on original research. This particular volume examines inno-
vative approaches in focus and/or methodology. The book is divided by
regions specifically, the Global North and Global South and continents
within them. Selections utilize primarily qualitative methodologies that
emphasize ethnographic, participatory, as well as visual approaches.
Gentrification, along with resultant displacement, has accelerated
within global cities and spread throughout the world. While the concept
originated more than a half-century ago from observations in London
by Ruth Glass (1964), gentrification is expressed today in a multitude of
occasionally bewildering forms. Capital, along with advanced communi-
cation systems, has literally created a gentrifying global village. Yet, there
appears to be greater homogeneity from place to place. This volume also
reflects the many themes and “types” of gentrification presented in re-
search. Examples are: commercial gentrification, corporate gentrification,
tourism gentrification, “greenification,” regeneration, and transnational
gentrification to name a few.
As ethnographers who often take visual approaches to their subjects,
the editors’ professional and personal travels in the world have allowed

v
vi PREFACE

them to observe and take note of changes that were similar to those they
were studying in Brooklyn and New York City. For example, in Paris,
glitzy coffee shops were found adjacent to tailor shops staffed by im-
migrants. In Dublin, upscale housing was being developed near older,
smaller, and more modest housing. In Palma de Mallorca, a restaurant
named “Brooklyn” was identified, while in Berlin there was a Brook-
lyn barbershop. A vintage clothing store named Williamsburg was seen
in Madrid, and in Lisbon, one noted the construction of luxury hous-
ing (studios to penthouse duplex apartments), advertised with views of
the Tagus River. Upscaling, trendy neighborhoods are found through-
out Rome in areas that were once avoided. Thus, the idea for this global
gentrification project evolved. We are certain that this collection of well-
crafted essays will generate broad discussions of international and compar-
ative theoretical and practical issues.
DeSena would like to acknowledge the support of her family, friends,
and colleagues. Neil Sheehan offered many ideas, observations, and com-
ments. Francis Sheehan served as technical support for the assorted digital
platforms used to create the manuscript. Paul Sheehan heightened her en-
ergy as he entered college. DeSena also thanks St. John’s University for in-
cluding “global” as part of the mission. In particular, Jeffrey Fagen, Dean
of St. John’s College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, supported her ability to
“see” gentrification in cities in Europe. Furthermore, she would also like
to pay tribute to her colleagues in the Discover New York program for a
multidisciplinary environment allowing for the integration of various per-
spectives in her research. Finally, DeSena would like to acknowledge her
co-editor (at times co-author), mentor, and friend for being an exemplary
scholar, while maintaining his sense of humor.
Krase acknowledges the patience of his wife Suzanne Nicoletti and his
many colleagues, family members and friends who have been collabora-
tors, and occasional subjects, of his studies of urban life and culture which
began shortly after Ruth Glass coined the term. As to thanks for institu-
tional support for his work on global gentrification, he has been the ben-
eficiary of grants from the Professional Staff Congress of the City Uni-
versity of New York, the Fulbright Foundation, the International Urban
Symposium, the Kosciuszko Foundation, Murray Koppelman, and the
Polish Ministry of Higher Education. Finally, DeSena and Krase would
like to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of our two-
volume proposal on Gentrification around the World and the editorial
 PREFACE vii

and support staff of Palgrave Macmillan as well as Palgrave Studies in Ur-

ban Anthropology book series editors Giuliana B. Prato and Italo Pardo.

Brooklyn, USA Jerome Krase

Queens, USA Judith N. DeSena

Reference
Glass, Ruth. 1964. London, Aspects of Change. London: Center for Urban Studies.
 Praise for Gentrification around the
World, Volume II

“These volumes are truly global in their analysis of gentrification and

related phenomena including marginalisation, exclusion and urban
change. Each contribution is accessible and sensitive to articulations of
the local and global. Collectively, the volumes cover a wide range of issues
bearing upon processes of gentrification, combining hard-won empirical
insights with compelling theoretical reflections on displacement and urban
change. The work presented here is testament to the ongoing endeavours
of the International Urban Symposium (IUS) as a supportive and vibrant
scholarly community as well as the influence and reach of Urbanities:
Journal of Urban Ethnography.”
—James Rosbrook-Thompson, Senior Lecturer at Anglia Ruskin
University, Cambridge, UK

“Krase and DeSena’s Volume II extends their first volume’s

gentrification case studies to a qualitative focus on ways to
comprehend the processes of gentrification. Divided simply by the
Global North and Global South, the editors created a collection
examining the deeper, underlying concepts behind gentrification. Using
case studies covering working-class Polish shopkeepers to hipsters, the
entertaining cases are sure to facilitate debates.”
—William G. Holt, Associate Professor and Coordinator of Urban
Environmental Studies, Birmingham-Southern College, USA

ix
x PRAISE FOR GENTRIFICATION AROUND THE WORLD, VOLUME II

“Krase and DeSena provide a timely and essential addition to the social
and cultural geography of gentrification with this remarkable collection
of accounts gentrification from across the globe. Through a variety of
innovative approaches, the contributors show the many ways
gentrification impacts cities, neighborhoods and individuals. They
also relate in detail how it reshapes the socioeconomic fabric, as well as
the iconography of places. From Helsinki’s housing estates to Buenos
Aires’ shantytowns, local perspectives allow the reader to understand the
power of gentrification as it transforms the physical fabric of our cities,
our behaviors, social norms, and even our mindsets.”
—Alessandro Busà, author of The Creative Destruction of New York
City: Engineering the City for the Elite (2017)
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
Jerome Krase and Judith N. DeSena

Part I Global North: North America

2 Life on the Algorithmic Estate: The Neo-Feudal Logic of

Corporate Sovereignty 15
Stephanie Polsky

3 New Business in the Old Neighborhood: Young Polish

Shopkeepers’ Responses to Commercial Gentrification in
Greenpoint, Brooklyn 37
Aneta Kostrzewa

Part II Global North: Europe

4 Social Transformation and Urban Regeneration: Three

Interpretations on the Phenomenon of Gentrification in
the Historic Center of A Coruña (Spain) 65
Alberto Rodríguez-Barcón, Estefanía Calo,
and Raimundo Otero-Enríquez

xi
xii CONTENTS

5 Shimmering Surfaces, Toxic Atmospheres, Incendiary

Miracles: Public Housing and the Aesthetics of
Re-Valorization in Salford UK 83
John van Aitken and Jane Brake

6 Anti-Displacement Social Movements in Lisbon: A

Perspective from the Trenches in the Fight Against
Transnational Gentrification 107
Luís Filipe Goncalves Mendes

7 The Politics of Visibility: Gentrification and Immigration

in East London 131
Timothy Shortell

8 MyyrYork: Rejuvenating a Housing Estate Neighborhood

for the Next Generation of Residents 159
Johanna Lilius

Part III Global South: Africa

9 Revanchist Kigali: Retro-Victorian Urbanism and the

Gentrification of a Twenty-First-Century Metropolis 189
Samuel Shearer

10 Tools for Citizen Participation in Segmented Societies:

The Case of Barranco 219
Waltraud Müllauer-Seichter

11 Gentrification Processes in the City of Buenos Aires: New

Features and Old Tendencies 243
María Mercedes Di Virgilio
 CONTENTS xiii

Part IV Global South: South Asia

12 Gentrification and Post-industrial Spatial Restructuring

in Calcutta, India 269
Tathagata Chatterji and Souvanic Roy

13 The Systemic Gentrification of Education in India: A

Media Case Study 289
Eddie Boucher

Index 315
 Notes on Contributors

Eddie Boucher is an Assistant Professor of Integrative Studies in Social

Science at Michigan State University. His interdisciplinary research agenda
in cultural studies broadly investigates the intersections of global systems,
structures, and conduits of power as well as strategic examples of resis-
tance to such power. He has published research on the impact of global
education initiatives in India, and he is currently researching the role of
handicraft pedagogy in the Indian state of Rajasthan. Boucher’s teach-
ing and service projects include social-justice-oriented study abroad and
service abroad learning with students to India.
Estefanía Calo is Doctor in Sociology and works in the Department
of Sociology and Communication Sciences (University of A Coruña—
UDC). Currently, her research interests are focused on urban processes re-
lated to housing and new alternatives for urban space management linked
to sustainability, the right to housing, and the right to the city in the
context of the commons and collaborative economy initiatives.
Tathagata Chatterji is Professor of Urban Management and Gover-
nance, Xavier University Bhubaneswar, India. His research interests are ur-
ban economic development, global cities, and political economy of urban-
ization. He had published two books—Local Mediation of Global Forces in
Transformation of the Urban Fringe and Citadels of Glass—India’s New
Suburban Landscape; he received the Gerd Albers Award in 2016 from the
International Society of City and Regional Planners (ISOCARP), for his

xv
xvi NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

research on comparative modes of urban governance in India. He gradu-

ated in Architecture from Calcutta University, did postgraduation in Ur-
ban Design from Kent State University, USA, and doctorate in Urban
Planning and Governance, from the University of Queensland, Australia.
He is a Member of the Planning Institute of Australia.
Judith N. DeSena, Ph.D. is a Professor of Sociology at St. John’s Uni-
versity. Her work centers on community, neighborhoods, and gender
studies. Her latest research agenda investigates how gentrification affects
community relationships in Brooklyn, New York. She has authored a
number of books and edited readings in sociology, urban studies, ethnic
studies, and gender studies. Her latest books, Gentrification and Inequal-
ity in Brooklyn: The New Kids on the Block (Lexington Books, 2009), and
co-author with Jerome Krase, Race, Class, And Gentrification in Brooklyn:
A View from the Street, are analyses of gentrification and the neighborhood
dynamics it creates.
María Mercedes Di Virgilio is an Argentinean sociologist with a Ph.D.
in Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires, and is CONICET
(Argentinean National Research Council) Associate Researcher at the In-
stituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani (University of Buenos Aires).
She is a Full Associate Professor in Methodology of Social Research at
the School of Social Sciences, University of Buenos Aires. From March
2014 to date, she plays as Advanced Studies Secretariat, School of So-
cial Sciences, University of Buenos Aires. She was recently awarded a
Teacher Mobility Scholarship (Ministry of Education, Secretariat for Uni-
versity Policies) to develop the project “Processes and practices of resi-
dential and daily mobility within the context of Latin American cities”
(2013) at the Institut des Hautes Études de l’Amérique latine, Sorbonne
Nouvelle-Paris 3.
Aneta Kostrzewa holds a Ph.D. degree in Sociology from the City Uni-
versity of New York Graduate Center with specialization in urban sociol-
ogy and migration studies. Her research interests revolve around the top-
ics of social inequality and social identity formation in the era of global
urban competition. Her research has mainly encompassed the impacts
of global capital flows and urban redevelopment on ethnic communi-
ties in Brooklyn. She currently teaches undergraduate sociology courses
at CUNY York College in Queens, NY.
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xvii

Jerome Krase being Scholar-Activist, Emeritus and Murray Koppelman

Professor, Brooklyn College, CUNY, writes and photographs urban life.
His sample books include Self and Community in the City (1982), Race
and Ethnicity in New York City (2004), Ethnic Landscapes in an Urban
World (2007), Seeing Cities Change (2012), Race, Class and Gentrifica-
tion in Brooklyn (2016), and Diversity and Local Contexts: Urban Space,
Borders and Migration (2017). Urbanities co-editor, he is active in the
American, and International Sociological Associations, International Ur-
ban Symposium, Society for the Study of Social Problems, Society for the
Study of Symbolic Interaction, and H-NET Humanities on Line.
Blogs: Brooklynsoc.org, Traces at I-Italy.org.
Many Academic and Professional Listserves as well as Facebook,
Linkedin, ACADEMIC.EDU, ResearchGate.
Johanna Lilius, Ph.D., M.Sc. (geography) is a Postdoctoral Researcher
in the Department of Architecture, Aalto University, Finland. Her re-
search has covered urban middle-class families, urban and suburban re-
generation, urban planning as well as multi-locality.
Luís Filipe Goncalves Mendes is a Geographer and Guest Lecturer at
the Lisbon School of Education (2010/…) and the Institute of Ge-
ography and Spatial Planning of the University of Lisbon (IGOT-UL)
(2012/…). Since 2003, he carries Permanent Researcher functions in the
Centre for Geographical Studies of the University of Lisbon (CEG/UL)
of IGOT-UL, in which he has developed research in the fields of ur-
ban studies (notably gentrification and urban regeneration), geographical
education, and teaching of geography. He is author of more than one
hundred and fifty titles: numerous papers, presentations, book chapters,
books, technical opinions and reports, in addition to other publications
in the area of research topics mentioned above. He has also worked in
the last three years as an activist in the social movement for the right to
housing Morar em Lisboa.
Waltraud Müllauer-Seichter studied Social Anthropology and Hispanic
Studies at the University of Vienna (1988). In 1995, earned a Ph.D. at
the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology (University of Vienna).
From 2000 to 2002, she belonged to the Spanish Scientific Research
High Council (CSIC) as a postdoctoral researcher (subjects: green public
space and park uses). Since 2002, she is a Senior Lecturer in the De-
partment of Social and Cultural Anthropology, UNED, Madrid (Spain).
xviii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Since 2004, she is doing research work within a comparative framework

between European and Latin American (Perú and Colombia) urban so-
cial experiences, especially in the fields of inequality, social exclusion, and
racism. These are understood as underlying variables in decision-making
processes that entail urban transformations through differential public use
of social green spaces in the city.
Raimundo Otero-Enríquez is graduate and Doctor in Sociology, and
is currently an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology and
Communication Sciences (University of A Coruña—UDC). His current
research focuses on the analysis of global processes of urban deconcentra-
tion and gentrification, as well as on the study of Spanish urban history.
Stephanie Polsky is the Senior Project Researcher at the Vienna Univer-
sity of Technology Institute of Art and Design. Dr. Stephanie Polsky is an
interdisciplinary writer and academic whose work focuses on contempo-
rary culture, political economy, and cultural identity and the revelatory
points of intersection held among them. She is currently preparing the
manuscript of her third book entitled The End of the Future: Governing
Consequence in the Age of Digital Sovereignty, which explores how the
rapid proliferation of digital infrastructures has radically reconfigured the
terms and topography of representation, politics, and cultural expression
in particular ways that subtly advance neoliberal governance, neo-colonial
warfare, environmental denigration, and social and economic coercion.
Alberto Rodríguez-Barcón is Doctor in Sociology and works as Post-
doctoral Researcher at the Research Centre for Territory, Transports and
Environment (CITTA) at the University of Porto (Portugal). His current
research topics are related to gentrification, touristification processes, and
urban conflict.
Dr. Souvanic Roy is a Professor of Urban Planning and Founder-
Director of the School of Ecology, Infrastructure and Human Settlement
Management in Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology
(IIEST), Shibpur, India. He is engaged in teaching, research and advocacy
in urban policy and planning, housing, and participatory development.
He has coordinated number of research projects funded by national and
international agencies. He is currently the mentor of Haldia Smart City
Project on behalf of Ministry of Urban Development, Government of In-
dia, and consultant to Integrated Conservation and Development Plan of
Danish Historic Core of Serampore, West Bengal. He served as a member
of the Working Group for National Advocacy on Urban Renewal Mission
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xix

comprising of Tata Institute of Social Science (TISS), Mumbai, and 15

other NGOs across the country.
Samuel Shearer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of African
and African American Studies at Washington University in St. Louis where
he teaches urban humanities. His research focuses on urbanization, de-
sign, popular cultures, and mobility in Great Lakes City Region of Cen-
tral and Eastern Africa. He is currently writing a book about urban design,
ecologies, and displacement in twenty-first-century Kigali.
Timothy Shortell is Professor of Sociology at Brooklyn College of the
City University of New York. He is author of Everyday Globalization
(Routledge, 2016) and co-editor of Walking in Cities (Temple Univer-
sity Press, 2015) and Walking in the European City (Ashgate, 2014), both
with Evrick Brown, and The World in Brooklyn (Lexington, 2012), with
Judith N. DeSena, as well as numerous articles on urban mobilities and
visual semiotics. He is currently the editor of Visual Studies, the journal
of the International Visual Sociology Association.
Jane Brake and John van Aitken are artists, photographers, and writers
who collaborate as Institute of Urban Dreaming. They live in Pendleton
Salford, UK, and since 2004 have been creating a multimodal, plurivocal
record of the area as it has been transformed through accumulation by
dispossession and gentrification.
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Polish Deli in Brooklyn reinvents itself as a “European”

specialty store (Credit Aneta Kostrzewa) 44
Fig. 3.2 Many traditional ethnic stores are closing down due to
gentrification pressures, Manhattan Avenue, Greenpoint
(Credit Aneta Kostrzewa) 46
Fig. 3.3 Traditional Polish meat market, Manhattan Avenue,
Greenpoint, Brooklyn, 2020 (Credit Aneta Kostrzewa) 50
Fig. 3.4 Polish delicacies, with English translation for sale at Polka
Dot, 2020 (Credit Aneta Kostrzewa) 53
Fig. 3.5 Polka dot, Polish delicatessen on Manhattan Avenue catering
to Greenpoint’s Polish and Non-Polish residents, 2020
(Credit Aneta Kostrzewa) 54
Fig. 4.1 Map of composition and location of the historic center
(Source Author’s own work) 67
Fig. 4.2 Gentrified areas and stages of residential refurbishment in
Cidade Vella (Source Author’s own work) 69
Fig. 4.3 Examples of residential refurbishment in Cidade Vella (Source
Author’s own work) 70
Fig. 4.4 Remodeling of the promenade and front of ‘A
Mariña-Parrote’ (Source Author’s own work) 71
Fig. 4.5 ‘Before’ and ‘after’ the remodeling of the Praza de Campo
da Leña square (district of Atochas ) (Source Author’s own
work) 72
Fig. 4.6 Before and after of the Atocha Baixa alley regeneration
(Source Author’s own work) 74

xxi
xxii LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 4.7 New buildings and modest homes in Atocha Alta (Source
Author’s own work) 75
Fig. 4.8 Images of the district of Orzán: ruined buildings, new
commercial premises and brothels (Source Author’s own
work) 76
Fig. 4.9 Past and present of the restored area of Papagaio (Source
Author’s own) 78
Fig. 5.1 East toward Manchester from 5th floor flat, Thorn Court
(Source Photo by John van Aitken and Jane Brake, December
2018) 84
Fig. 5.2 South toward Media City from 5th floor flat, Thorn Court
(Source Photo by John van Aitken and Jane Brake, December
2018) 85
Fig. 5.3 Thorn Court seen through Adelphi Wharf building site
(Source Photo by John van Aitken and Jane Brake, March
2019) 88
Fig. 5.4 Advertising hoarding, X1 development Media City (Source
Photo by John van Aitken and Jane Brake, February 2019) 93
Fig. 5.5 Thorn Cladding and section after removal (Source Photo by
John van Aitken and Jane Brake, March 2019) 100
Fig. 8.1 Myyrmäki—the Mecca of street art in the Helsinki
Metropolitan Area (Photo by author) 163
Fig. 8.2 MyyrYork—well-maintained concrete residential buildings
and underpasses with street art (Photo by author) 164
Fig. 8.3 The Village Road (Photo by author) 167
Fig. 8.4 The piano is used by a variety of people, however,
mostly by the young (Photo by author) 170
Fig. 8.5 Myyrmäki station, with one of the soon to be demolished
shopping malls on the right (Photo by Emma Ahlroos) 171
Fig. 8.6 The lot was originally intended for an extension to
the mall and will soon be developed into housing, with
street-level shops on the ground floors (Photo by author) 172
Fig. 8.7 Underpasses are desirable spaces for street artists
(Photo by author) 173
Fig. 8.8 The presence of the immigrants is not visible in the
street art except for foreign flags (Hungarian and Czech
Republic) (Photo by author) 174
Fig. 8.9 Street art is also subject to vandalism (Photo by author) 176
Fig. 8.10 “Welcome home.” Street art beautifying concrete
(Photo by author) 177
 LIST OF FIGURES xxiii

Fig. 11.1 Square meter average value. North Corridor, City of

Buenos Aires. Apartments occupied in good condition,
2/3 rooms (Source Reporte Inmobiliario. http://www.
reporteinmobiliario.com/miembros/informes. Accessed 4
March 2019. Photo Credit the author) 249
Fig. 11.2 Villa 31 Street (Source Field material Project PICT
2015-1491, 15 April 2019. Photo Credit the author) 257
Fig. 11.3 Nobody leaves Barrio 31 (Source Field material Project
PICT 2015-1491, 18 December 2018. Photo
Credit the author) 260
Fig. 13.1 Street sign promoting tutoring services for test preparation
in Jawahar Nagar, Jaipur (Credit the author) 307
Fig. 13.2 Street vendors selling used test-prep books from makeshift
carts in Jaipur’s Johari Bazaar (Credit the author) 308
Fig. 13.3 Test-prep signage and stores in Jaipur’s pink city. Depicted
here are various advertising, test-prep books for sale, and
test-prep bookstores in the Johari and Bapu Bazaar areas
of Jaipur (Credit the author) 309
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Jerome Krase and Judith N. DeSena

As was the first in our two-volume edited work on Gentrification

around the World, this second on Innovative Approaches contains mul-
tidisciplinary explorations of the myriad ways that gentrification, glob-
ally defined, has impacted cities, neighborhoods, groups, and individu-
als. For both projects, the editors gathered detailed works that inves-
tigated the social, political, and economic significance of gentrification
and related displacement that was previously unpublished and based on
original research. Topics, as they relate to gentrification, include but are
not limited to: social class, development, im/migration, housing, political
economy, power dynamics, inequality, displacement, social segregation,
homogenization, urban policy, planning, and design. Especially valuable
are the papers on gentrification outside of Western Europe and the United
States of America. This particular volume examines what we believe are
especially innovative approaches in focus and/or methodology.

J. Krase (B)
Brooklyn College, City University of New York, Brooklyn, NY, USA
e-mail: jkrase@brooklyn.cuny.edu
J. N. DeSena
St. John’s University, Queens, NY, USA
e-mail: desenaj@stjohns.edu

© The Author(s) 2020 1

J. Krase and J. N. DeSena (eds.), Gentrification around the World,
Volume II, Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41341-5_1
2 J. KRASE AND J. N. DESENA

The chapters in this volume are divided simply by regions, specifically

the Global North and Global South. This collection includes chapters,
using various perspectives on gentrification in the United States of Amer-
ica, Spain, Portugal, Great Britain, Finland, Peru, Argentina, and India.
Selections utilize primarily, but not exclusively, qualitative methodologies
that emphasize ethnographic, participatory, as well as visual approaches.
We hope our efforts in Gentrification around the World: Innovative
Approaches will result in broad discussions of cross-national and compar-
ative theoretical and practical issues among academics as well as activists
and practitioners. While the first volume focused mostly on individual
cases of gentrification and displacement, this, the second volume, is more
abstract and represents different ways of thinking about both gentrifica-
tion and displacement. The themes of various “types” of gentrification,
for example, tourism, corporate, commercial, transnational, and the gen-
trification of education, are represented in this volume. Included in the
chapters are discussions focused on investment and development, and
consequences of global capitalism, which serve to drive the process of
gentrification and attract the affluent.
In our book Race, Class, and Gentrification in Brooklyn: A View from
the Street (2016/2018), we interrogated how displacement engendered
by gentrification was both fostered and fought against and asked, rhetor-
ically, “What is lost by gentrification?” “Who is harmed?” The chapters
in this volume address increased property values for owners, better local
shopping opportunities, and the increase in the neighborhood’s political
power due to gentrification. As will be shown, gentrification brings with
it improvements in local city services, better public parks, schools, secu-
rity, and law enforcement. Certainly, it is better to live in a once poor
and neglected community that has been thoroughly gentrified than its
precursor.
In general, the ultimate consequence of gentrification is the physical
displacement (Cybriwsky 1978; Marcuse 1986; LeGates and Hartman
1986) or “replacement” (Freeman and Braconi 2004) of lower status peo-
ple and small businesses by more affluent and sometimes “elite” groups.
This is due to basic economic factors. People can no longer afford to stay.
Local businesses undergo a transition from “mom and pop” establish-
ments to retail chains and upscale boutiques that sell products and services
different from those favored by the older residential cohort. Lower status
residents also have fewer housing choices and as affordable units disap-
pear so do they. Prior to physical displacement, individuals and businesses
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

can experience social displacement as well. Social displacement occurs in

a neighborhood when one group gains “… a dominant position at the
expense of another” (Chernoff 2010, 301). Principal criteria for social
displacement are age, lifestyle, and stages in the lifecycle. A good example
of this is when bars, restaurants, and dance clubs catering to “hipsters”
took over the working-class commercial streets in Williamsburg. In the
process, the personal sense of community for some people is lost along
with their ties to it. In turn, social as well as economic displacement can
contribute to physical or rather geographic displacement by encouraging
those who can leave their “old” neighborhood.
Some view these gentrification and displacement outcomes as “natural”
and therefore are not stimulated to act. Others reject them as inevitable
consequences are moved to act. As do many other scholar activists and
urban social scientists today, we believe these essentially neoliberal and
classic urban ecological responses can be contested as issues of social jus-
tice.
For us questions such as “Who has a right to the city?”, “What is
urban justice?”, and “What is a just city?” require an affirmative response.
Although a full discussion of this issue is beyond the scope of this volume,
we feel a few comments in reference to the distributive social justice prin-
ciples of John Rawls and especially those in regard to urban territory of
David Harvey are a necessary foundation for the readers’ understanding
of our point of view. For a society to be called “just,” it must guarantee
its members equal access to the liberties, rights, and opportunities it can
offer and simultaneously to care for the least advantaged. This depends,
however, on the acceptance of the idea of a social contract freely entered
into by its members to which Rawls and Kelly believed free rational peo-
ple would ascribe. The principles of justice in the contract “specify the
basic rights and duties to be assigned by the main political and social
institutions, and they regulate the division of benefits arising from social
cooperation and allot the burdens necessary to sustain it” (2003, 7).
Harvey refers to Rawls in his discussion of eight principles of territorial
distributive justice to address the uneven distribution of urban resources
and rights. From these, he chose three in the following order—need, con-
tribution to the common good, and merit—that “are sufficiently compre-
hensive to subsume many of the issues which could legitimately be raised
under the other headings” (1973, 100–101). However, he cautions that
the concept of territorial distributive justice is not all-inclusive but a prin-
ciple for resolving conflicting claims—“a just distribution, justly arrived
at” (See also Olander 2015).
4 J. KRASE AND J. N. DESENA

Most germane for our study is Harvey’s most important principle of

“Need – Individuals have rights to equal levels of benefit which means
that there is an unequal allocation according to need” (100). This book
highlights the need for urban policy that is balanced, equitable, and com-
plete. Everyone has a right to the city.

Global North
North America
In Chapter 2, Stephanie Polsky notes that gentrification is most often
associated with a process wherein a group of higher economic and cultural
status comes into physically displace those of a lower economic or cultural
status from the local residential and commercial regions they inhabit. A
great deal of research has focused on this phenomenon in Silicon Val-
ley with a strong emphasis on its physical, visible manifestations. Such
research focuses specifically on the ways in which gentrification impacts
local patterns of consumption, the structure and patterns of public life,
and the socioeconomic appearance of the local itself. This chapter, by
contrast, aims to conceptualize gentrification as a phenomenon impact-
ing upon individuals as much as places. It looks at its effects on their
psyches through processes of social organization that seek to re-establish
cultural beliefs, norms, and behaviors which most closely conform to the
principles of physical gentrification. Not coincidentally, in Silicon Valley,
those most willing to accede to the mind-set associated with gentrifica-
tion are also those who maintain the greatest cultural capital within this
region.
Aneta Kostrzewa examines the impacts of gentrification on ethnic
entrepreneurship in Chapter 3. She argues that while classic gentrifica-
tion narratives emphasize structural forces that effect change, the core
analysis of this study turns to ethnic actors’ agency. Faced with mount-
ing economic pressures—declining number of co-ethnic customers, sky-
rocketing commercial rents, and upscale tastes of the incoming gentri-
fiers—many traditional ethnic shopkeepers struggle to keep their stores
and their livelihoods. At the same time, a group of younger entrepreneurs
innovate and adapt by catering directly to the tastes, needs, and desires
of the middle-class gentrifiers. Paradoxically, by changing store profiles,
and blurring and erasing visible ethnic and working-class markers, the
new ethic entrepreneurs undermine the area’s traditional ethnic character
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

and themselves facilitate gentrification-led retail change. Such commer-

cial distancing from working-class definitions of ethnicity is emblematic
of broader shifts in the meaning and practice of white ethnic identity in
the United States.

Europe
Alberto Rodríguez-Barcón, Estefanía Calo, and Raimundo Otero-
Enríquez, in Chapter 4, provide a visual analysis of the different gen-
trification processes that have been developed in the historic center of A
Coruña, a mid-sized city in the Spanish urban system. Thus, we can iden-
tify up to three differentiated gentrification processes based on their type
of development. Although all of them have common elements, it is pos-
sible to isolate the main factors that trigger the phenomenon. Therefore,
within the four neighborhoods that constitute the historic center of the
city, we can distinguish, first, a phenomenon of commercial gentrification
in a context of rent gap and reconfiguration of the “brand image” of the
neighborhood. Second, we can observe a gentrification model linked to
a historically degraded area, whose intense current touristification process
is associated with a high socioeconomic status. Finally, it is possible to
discern a third model of gentrification after a set of interventions by the
municipal government in strategic enclaves of the neighborhood and a
process of requalification of public space. Results provide a basis for con-
firming that, even in medium urban contexts such as our case study, it
is possible to observe complex and interwoven gentrification models that
interact simultaneously as expressions of global urban capital.
Chapter 5 was written by John van Aitken and Jane Brake. They
emphasize that their work does not seek to enter the long-standing debate
surrounding the critical definitions of gentrification; consequently, we
tend to employ an alternative vocabulary, such as development, redevelop-
ment, displacement, social cleansing, and accumulation by dispossession.
We place emphasis on observing, identifying, analyzing, and in some sense
artistically inhabiting the processes at work in a particular scenario, rather
than searching for an essence or immutable set of characteristics. Based
on the area of Salford, UK, there are many redevelopment projects and
each one manifests particular localized interventions, public-private part-
nerships, and distinct urban imaginaries. These must be placed within the
wider context of local government attempts to transform post-industrial
Salford into a “global city” by 2025 (Salford 2025, n.d.).
6 J. KRASE AND J. N. DESENA

A central object of this chapter is an analysis of the visual culture of

gentrification. This includes the way developers in Salford have utilized
certain aesthetically charged materials, surfaces, and spaces to orchestrate
landscapes and environments in order to communicate to the potential
city dweller or investor. The coordinated iconography of these elements
frames redevelopment within a conceptual and affective reading for these
key publics. These transformed areas provide a stark contrast to the city’s
former industrial or postwar welfare landscapes and are instrumentalized
in narratives of regeneration. In addition, we analyze the placemaking and
marketing materials produced by developers. These materials find form
in photographs, films, and brochures, both in print and online. These
visualizations provide a highly seductive aesthetic and sensory vision of
urban life, blending aspiration and fantasy to produce emotive geogra-
phies (Jansson and Lagerkvist 2009). Making “sites into sights” (Gregory
1999) through such marketing material is now an established part of the
visual economy of gentrification but one that has often eluded the exten-
sive gaze of academic researchers (Bodi et al. 2017).
In Chapter 6, Luís Filipe Goncalves Mendes notes that between 2011
and 2014 in Portugal, a neoliberal turn of fiscal and urban policies
emerged, driven by post-crisis capitalist international austerity interven-
tion. Both national and urban governments discovered the potential of
touristification in regenerating traditional inner-city housing areas to bet-
ter the position of the city in the context of global urban competition.
This resulted in the creation of aggressive programs to attract foreign
investment (such as the Golden Visa and the Non-Habitual Residents
Laws), a new urban lease law, a new tax regime for Property Investment
Funds, and a new law for tourist lodging (short-rental). Consequently, the
popular and historical districts of the center-city have been transformed
into places of consumption and tourism, aggravating tendencies toward
displacement and residential segregation. The result has been the resur-
gence of a wave of protests and new urban social movements in the field
of struggles for the right to housing and the city. In fact, since 2011,
Lisbon’s housing activism has triggered diverse and innovative spaces
of contestation against gentrification and displacement. In addition to a
review of the international literature on anti-displacement movements, the
author employs qualitative methods to connect his macro-analysis of aus-
terity urbanism, to a micro-analysis of his activist ethnographic fieldwork
with anti-gentrification and anti-displacement movements in Lisbon.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Chapter 7 is written by Timothy Shortell. He argues that due to glob-

alization, “cultural strangers” share urban environments in major cities on
every continent. Distinctive forms of social conflict—visibility struggles—
suggest that urban public space is an important part of the contemporary
public sphere. To be seen is a claim to belong. Practicing certain styles of
dress, dietary norms and forms of socialization are among the ordinary
things that urban dwellers do every day. In the context of contentious
politics of immigration and gentrification, inter-group competition con-
tributes to the process of “othering” minority ethnic, religious, and lan-
guage groups. The quotidian activities of commuting, working, shopping,
socializing, and so forth, along with everyday cultural practices, such as
religious worship and participating in voluntary organizations, become
contested; the ethnic majority interprets the everyday practice of culture
by members of visible minorities as an aggressive “invasion” into public
space and the public sphere. As this ethnic inter-group dynamic is unfold-
ing, the changes to urban space that result from intense gentrification
pressure exacerbate the conflict. Using data collected by a method bor-
rowed (and modified) from the Situationists and Iain Sinclair, this chapter
presents a visual, micro-sociological analysis of the spatial semiotics of col-
lective identity in some of the neighborhoods of East London in order to
explore how signs of ethnic, religious, and class identity become part of
the material of public discourse on national identity.
In Chapter 8, Johanna Lilius argues that gentrification is seldom con-
nected with suburban housing estate neighborhoods built in the 1960s
and 1970s. Nonetheless, as many have experienced socioeconomic decline
since the 1980s, these areas have often been at the core of top-down
improvement initiatives in Finland. This chapter, however, explores the
bottom-up role of activist and street art initiatives in the regeneration of
the Myyrmäki neighborhood in the Helsinki Metropolitan Area. Build-
ing on stakeholder and resident interviews, onsite observation and pho-
tographs, literature, newspaper articles, and planning documents, the
chapter demonstrates that this upgrading of the neighborhood is per-
ceived as positive by both city planners and real estate investors in the
area. Moreover, while new developments are increasing housing prices
and rents in the neighborhood, displacement is not inevitable. This is due
to the region’s social mixing policy and generous governmental hous-
ing allowances. However, while activists, real estate investors, and city
planning clearly also target more affluent users (Hackworth 2002), the
8 J. KRASE AND J. N. DESENA

absence of the concept of gentrification in planning documents and in

the discourse of planners is notable.

The Global South

Africa
Samuel Shearer informs the reader in Chapter 9 that since the turn of
the twenty-first century, residents in cities throughout the Global South
have experienced a wave of neighborhood destruction and displacement.
These conditions have renewed a debate in urban theory over the status
of gentrification as a concept and its applicability outside of North Amer-
ica and Western Europe. Some theorists suggest that gentrification refers
to precise economic processes—real estate cycles of divestment and rein-
vestment—that are particular to post-industrial cities with specific histo-
ries of urban flight and return. Others argue that gentrification is useful in
understanding both the processes and the politics of eviction in cities out-
side of post-industrial cores. This contribution engages with this debate
and seeks to push it beyond the question of whether or not gentrifica-
tion is a stable category that can be empirically confirmed everywhere.
Investigated is “retro-Victorian urbanism” which explores eviction, the
destruction of urban space, and the narratives that justify displacement
in contemporary Kigali, Rwanda. In Kigali and many cities like it, gen-
trification does not begin with the production of space for more affluent
uses, but the ruination of thriving built environments as a setup for elite
renewal.

South America
Waltraud Müllauer-Seichter looks carefully at the Lima, Peru, in
Chapter 10. The text focuses on the agents of citizen participation in
the case of the Metropolitano in Lima, Peru. The spatial planning of the
Metropolitano “cut” the Barranco district in two and today represents a
physical and symbolic barrier between the historic and tourist sections and
the socioeconomically poor part, which has hardly any public space and
only a minimal civic infrastructure. This case is especially interesting from
the anthropological point of view, as it is the first time that it has been
possible to observe a more transversal issue—the process of resolving an
issue that is of interest to several social strata—in the short trajectory of
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

citizen participation in Lima, although it also includes all the difficulties

present in a highly segregated society.
Mercedes Di Virgilio, in Chapter 11, describes the course of gentrifica-
tion in the City of Buenos Aires over the last 40 years. Gentrification had
never before been observed in the city. Now, it is taking place in some
villas (shantytowns) and other places located in central areas. These kinds
of initiatives are not new in Latin America, having taken place in cities
such as Rio de Janeiro. In Buenos Aires, the dispossession of residents in
informal settlements, or villas, was a founding mechanism of gentrifica-
tion. It started at the dawn of the 1980s and continues today to change
the appearance of Buenos Aires. The difference between the initial and
current processes lays in the mechanisms of dispossession. In the context
of the old dictatorship (1976–1983), the eradication of the villas was one
of the major elements giving rise to gentrification, such as in the Palermo
neighborhood which was one of the first to be gentrified. Today, gentrifi-
cation is more widespread and is an integral strategy for the urbanization
of slums.

South Asia
In Chapter 12, Tathagata Chatterji and Souvanic Roy reveal the com-
plexities of brownfield urban regeneration in a developing country con-
text, by looking through the prism of post-industrial spatial restructuring
and urban transformation in Calcutta Metropolitan Region. It provides a
counter-narrative to the processes of gentrification of cities of the Global
North. Land conflict resulting out economic and spatial restructuring is
analyzed to understand the roles of actors and agencies of gentrification
and its discontents. The research shows two contrasting faces of gentri-
fication. On the one hand, a top-down state-led, organized-sector urban
renewal is producing high-value real estate to meet the lifestyle demands
of the globalized elite. On the other hand, a bottom-up gentrification
is also occurring through informal petty politician-builder networks and
local adjustments to meet the shelter and consumption demands of the
lower middle class. It draws upon field observations through ethnographic
studies, interviews with municipal officials, informed citizens, property
developers, and local political activists.
In Chapter 13, Eddie Boucher notes that every year across India, fam-
ilies anxiously await the announcement of their children’s standard board
exam results for grades ten and twelve. These high-stakes exams are at the
10 J. KRASE AND J. N. DESENA

very center of India’s education system, and they serve as the gatekeepers
for future educational opportunities and life prospects. These results are
generally announced in late May, and the event garners heightened media
attention across media platforms on the topic of education. It was this
annual event that presented the researcher the opportunity to investigate
the frequency and the content of media messages for the weeks preceding
and following the announcement for three consecutive years from 2017
to 2019. The data samples were drawn from newsprint media, television
and film, and street signage, and data were analyzed using ethnographic
content analysis as a means to intertextually triangulate emergent themes.
The primary research question asked, to what extent does Jaipur’s cultural
media domain expose people to market-model education initiatives, and
how might these messages impact educational practices and social equi-
tability for students across socioeconomic levels? The overarching find-
ing is that education in India is increasing and systemically gentrified and
inequitable, leaving low-income students with limited educational and life
choices.

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don: Routledge.
Chernoff, M. 2010. Social Displacement in a Renovating Neighborhood’s Com-
mercial District: Atlanta. In The Gentrification Debates, ed. J. Brown-Saracino.
London: Routledge.
Cybriwsky, R. 1978. Social Aspects of Neighborhood Change. Annals of the
Association of American Geographers 68: 17–33.
Freeman, L., and F. Barconi. 2004. Gentrification and Displacement: New York
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Gregory, D. 1999. Scripting Egypt: Orientalism and Cultures of Travel. In Writes
of Passage: Reading Travel Writing, ed. J. Duncan and D. Gregory, 114–150.
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Hackworth, J. 2002. Post-recession Gentrification in New York City. Urban
Affairs Review 37: 815–843.
Harvey, D. 1973. Social Justice and the City. London: Blackwell.
Jansson, A., and A. Lagerkvist. 2009. The Future Gaze: City Panoramas as
Politico-Emotive Geographies. Journal of Visual Culture 8: 25–53.
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Association of American Geographers 81 (2): 181–209.
Krase, J., and J.N. DeSena. 2016. Race, Class, and Gentrification in Brooklyn.
Lanham: Lexington Books.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

LeGates, R.T., and C. Hartman. 1986. The Anatomy of Displacement in the

United States. In Gentrification of the City, ed. N. Smith and P. Williams,
178–203. London: Allen & Unwin.
Marcuse, P. 1986. Abandonment, Gentrification, and Displacement: The Link-
ages in New York City. In Gentrification of the City, ed. N. Smith and P.
Williams, 153–157. London: Allen & Unwin.
Olander, C. 2015. Unjust Urbanities: Spatially Reinforcing Patterns of Segre-
gation. Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium, 112:
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 PART I

Global North: North America

 CHAPTER 2

Life on the Algorithmic Estate: The

Neo-Feudal Logic of Corporate Sovereignty

Stephanie Polsky

Campus Economics
Gentrification is most often associated with a process wherein a group
of higher economic and cultural status comes in to physically displace
those of a lower economic or cultural status from the local residential and
commercial regions they inhabit. A great deal of research has focused on
this phenomenon in Silicon Valley with a strong emphasis on its physical,
visible manifestations. Such research focuses specifically on the ways in
which gentrification impacts local patterns of consumption, the structure
and patterns of public life and the socioeconomic appearance of the local
itself. This chapter, by contrast, aims to conceptualise gentrification as a
phenomenon impacting upon individuals as much as places. It looks at its
effects on their psyches through processes of social organisation that seek
to re-establish cultural beliefs, norms and behaviours which most closely
conform to the principles of physical gentrification. Not coincidentally,
in Silicon Valley those most willing to accede to the mind-set associated

S. Polsky (B)
Institute of Art and Design, Vienna University of Technology, Vienna, Austria

© The Author(s) 2020 15

J. Krase and J. N. DeSena (eds.), Gentrification around the World,
Volume II, Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41341-5_2
16 S. POLSKY

gentrification are also those who maintain the greatest cultural capital
within this region.
Within this enclave, ‘gentrification is used as part of urban policy to
“gentrify people”, that is, to make their subjectivities and behaviours
more congruent with the neoliberal principles of the economy’ (Paton
2016, 40). As such what is being witnessed in Silicon Valley should be
perceived as a demonstration of the logic of the contemporary neolib-
eral restructuring of the city to coincide with corresponding geographies
that generate new spatial structures and psychosocial processes. Silicon
Valley’s Tech campuses constantly blur the boundaries between life and
work. Those able to optimally dwell within them as ‘well-resourced men
who are not expected to engage in social reproduction’ (Parker quoted
in Stehlin 2016, 9). Adding to this tension is an expanding digital infras-
tructure that is constantly busying itself with the ranking of individuals
according to specific abilities valued by the technology sector. Therein
residents are subtly compelled to adopt social behaviours and patterns of
consumption that complement the trend towards planetary gentrification
at the same time that Silicon Valley positions itself as one very large incu-
bator for profitable innovation.
Both corporations and their employees find themselves dwelling within
a new era of capitalism where contemporary gentrification exists as one
of a number of ‘competitive processes accelerated through the algorith-
mic transformation of market relations in housing, labor, and education’
(Wyly 2015, 2516). Elvin Wyly asserts that gentrification itself has evolved
and is now set ‘against the structured material inequalities of class in the
capitalist mode of production’ (2015, 2533). Housing, employment and
education have now become asset classes in their own right subject to
aggressive tools of marketisation. They, in turn, become the instruments
subject to perpetual measurement through the ranking of real estate mar-
kets, corporations and universities who must constantly demonstrate their
capacities to accelerate, expand and diversify on a planetary scale.
As a consequence, those individuals working across finance, venture
capital and technological innovation find themselves part of a burgeon-
ing cosmopolitan global elite. Moreover, they find their speculative inter-
ests now increasingly converge with those of the emergent middle classes,
political elites and university-based young entrepreneurs. This is no longer
a question of supply and demand of capable people, but rather of exploit-
ing the minds of these constituencies to believe that their power lies
ultimately in their ability to assimilate and produce knowledge. It is no
coincidence then that the emerging ‘campuses’ of Apple, Google and
 2 LIFE ON THE ALGORITHMIC ESTATE … 17

Facebook are based upon older university towns and cities, as these are
elite locales in which people are striving to gain access to the cultural and
economic capital symbolised through the ideal of an institutional inter-
face. Nor is the fact that these new structural entities are strategically
plotted in ‘between localized spaces of encounter’ and ‘competitive pro-
cesses that are speeding up and becoming more geographically expansive
and dynamic’ (Wyly 2015, 2538).
The construction of new campuses coincides within a greater move-
ment in the tech world to fabricate what will, in the future, become cor-
porate ‘manners’. This process is undertaken largely through grandiose
settlement construction projects, which literally entail a clearing of struc-
tures, societal or natural, which came before them. Silicon Valley’s ‘corre-
sponding geographies “mark out” an ever-expanding sociospatial terrain
of governance—across digital and physical space—where conjuring cre-
ativity and innovation is an omnipresent objective’ (Sanson 2014, 11).
In these instances, the community in question is increasingly coerced to
become resident to labour with the relentless modulation and socialisation
of what might be considered as ‘workspaces’. ‘Such processes reorganize
our lives, rather than our labor, around the pursuit of capital, and value
extracted by creative workers is dispersed across individual firms, private
property developments, and local and national cultural enterprise strate-
gies’ (Sanson 2014, 14).
The ultimate goal in building such cognitive testing grounds is to even-
tually have them become something that is integrated into the fabric of
planetary gentrification with the housing of these hyper-intelligent human
beings acting much like first colony settlements. As the artificial suburban
campus spreads into the ‘real’ city, so too does Silicon Valley’s proto-
type for a society based on the blurring of boundaries between itself and
the rest of the world as an arena for the movement of immaterial capital
within the emerging knowledge economy. This is taking place through a
new choreography of technologies, infrastructures, skills, procedures and
capabilities currently being demoed at their campuses and judged in rela-
tion to their role in value creation. This model suggests that computing
should come into all aspects of what we perceive as lived reality. As such,
urban planning should proceed without any preordained organisation,
but rather be seen as a space that is constantly evolving and expanding
based on differences and varieties within the aggregate of its users. This
model assumes that the independent decision making of a great number
of individuals coalesces into a kind of unconscious intelligence about the
environment and its broader relation to a political economy, based on an
18 S. POLSKY

accelerated response to difference, assimilated into the capitalisation of

interactivity as a whole.
The architecture of corporate campuses aims to integrate itself into
the superstructure of globalisation. As such, they appear to be less con-
cerned by design innovation, than they do with the enclosure of ‘an ideal-
ized, corporate elective community. Prioritized over new style is the com-
pound’s performance as a support system for the extraordinary cognitive
labor that is staged there’ (Bratton 2016, 184). Inside the skin of the
Googleplex, for example, those granted access can help themselves to ‘am-
ple on-site amenities’ including ‘massage, free bikes, indoor rock climb-
ing, and regular symposia with the thought leaders on a range of topics’
(184). In this setting, cognitive labour becomes synonymous with per-
sonal enhancement and lifestyle management. The emphasis here is one
that promotes focus, well-being and pleasurable interactivity with both
like and like-minded others. The campus is presented to its workforce as
a socially optimised living environment, superior in all ways to what is
offered by the amenities of a traditional nuclear family home, or a con-
temporary atomised apartment building.
Benjamin Bratton argues that beneath this superficial layer of appear-
ance, the Googleplex functions ‘as a kind of model sub-urban spatial sys-
tem for the maintenance of global software platforms’ (2016, 184). At
a deeper level still, it perpetuates a symbolic economy of cognitive influ-
ence, affective capital, continuous productivity and decentralised hierar-
chy. Within the Googleplex, the goal is to transform employees into a
transparent community where perpetual movement of one and another
nature is constantly displayed, and play is at the forefront of promoting
innovation. These corporations have learned over time that value can be
extracted from monitoring the living reality of communication and affec-
tive social life within these staged domains.
We have entered into a phase of capitalism where the financial world
has been given the capacity to articulate both social and economic values.
This has resulted in the co-joining of capital to culture in what is now
referred to as ‘financialization’. Max Haiven defines financialisation as ‘an
intertwined economic, political, sociological and cultural process of trans-
formation whereby the ideas, codes, measurements, metrics, metaphors
and power structures of finance come to dominate and recalibrate all man-
ner of institutions, social processes and cultural norms’ (2017). Financial-
isation bears an intimate relation to gentrification insofar as relies on ‘the
 2 LIFE ON THE ALGORITHMIC ESTATE … 19

creative, semi- autonomous ecosystems’ it generates within larger urban

centres to expand capital and define value (2017).
This is particularly true in the case of tech campuses whose recent spec-
ulative real estate ventures complement gentrification by applying their
financial leverage to unapologetically expand their domains of cultural
influence. This mechanism of reactive development functions as a closed
loop ultimately bent towards fitting the entire world inside one curv-
ing arc of radical insularity. Curated and closed off, these campus spaces
augur a future of totalising computation as the cost extracted from their
user’s signing of a social contract guaranteeing their self-realisation. Sili-
con Valley’s strategy to programme the programmers has more recently
become an act of architectural curating. Those privileged enough to play,
relax, experience and innovate in their meticulously designed workplaces
do so without ever encountering those involved in the material labour
that maintains their curbed habitation. The idealisation of the commons
inherent in projects, such as Apple’s new campus, Apple Park, are at base
concerns having not to do with reality, but rather reality management.
The walls and doors at Apple Park are so clear, employees don’t always
see the panes as they hurry about their business, constantly channelled
through spaces cast as inclusive, aspirational, ideational channels. In this
way, they are screened from the blunt appearance of any material obsta-
cles that might lay beyond them. In such instances, creativity becomes a
substance born of subtle, prefabricated direction.

Hacker Way
The employees at Facebook’s corporate campus at 1 Hacker Way face sim-
ilar obstacles when it comes to negotiating the constructed nature of their
immediate work environment. From the offing, the new campus’s exte-
rior facade sustained itself on the pretence that it was something it was
not—the post-industrial High Line in New York City. Rather, its artifi-
cial walkway sits some 70-feet up from the marshlands of Menlo Park,
California. Its design as a walkway compels workers to progress around
a software plotted half-mile loop, rather than a comparatively heteroge-
neous, expansive urban pathway. By comparison, Facebook’s high line
presents its workers with a profoundly limited space on which to plot their
trajectory. Within this same landscape, celebrated architect Frank Gehry,
following Zuckerberg’s request, designed a plaza with h-a-c-k inlaid into
the foundation and an open meeting space called Hacker Square for his
20 S. POLSKY

employees to gather for all night ‘hackathons’ (Foer 2017, 59). Such
activity like his artificial walkway ‘has taken the language of radical indi-
vidualism and deployed it in the service of conformism’ (60). Far from
finding pathways of unauthorised access, Facebook’s class of in-house
‘hacker’ plots their route towards finding solutions according to com-
mon parameters of entry. Much like Zuckerberg’s managerial philosophy
around hacking, Gehry offers, that ‘from the start, Mark wanted a space
that was unassuming, matter-of-fact, and cost effective’ (Gehry quoted in
Metz 2015). Gehry’s first Facebook HQ building, code-named ‘MPK20’,
is meant to mimic its surroundings, not as a marker of creation, but rather
of derivation.
The interior of MPK20 fundamentally exists as one giant space, not in
order to advance geographical efficiency, but rather the transparency of
employees and the governance of their activity from a decidedly inward-
facing perspective. So much so that their employees inhabit a version of
reality that is almost entirely contrived for them by Facebook. Soon after
they leave their San Francisco homes each morning—the most desirable
of which are situated closest to Facebook’s private bus stops—they are
transported free of charge onto plush air-conditioned vehicles, which fur-
nish them with free Wi-Fi, gently nudging them to start producing ideas
for the company well before they actually arrive to work. Once there,
they are afforded free meals and snacks to keep them well fuelled to con-
tinue their productivity. Their continuous movement flows seamlessly into
their lunchtimes, which they can enjoy by sitting on ‘artfully mismatched
designer chairs in the cafeteria’ and brainstorming with peers (Bozikovic
2016). Alternatively, they can cycle over to Facebook’s older ‘classic cam-
pus’, to congregate with other like-minded creative types over free ice
creams at the ‘Sweet Stop’, which is happily free of charge to employees.
Such an atmosphere fosters a progressive inability for its workers to
imagine a life outside of Facebook’s subsumption of reality, or indeed
for it to stoke within its parameters a new form of social anxiety: fear
of missing out. Facebook litters its built environment with opportunities
for valorisation—both of the company and of one’s achievements within
it. At the same time, there are numerous opportunities to ‘perform one’s
complicity’ with its values in order to secure one’s admittance and therein
inoculate oneself against the increasing precaritisation of life beyond the
space of its private commons. From the time of one’s application to work
here, the employee becomes trapped in a never-ending quest for contin-
ued inclusion, lest one should ‘fall from the ranks’, and find themselves
 2 LIFE ON THE ALGORITHMIC ESTATE … 21

among ‘the surplus populations’ of applicants that failed to get here, and
as a consequence ‘are rendered invisible, voiceless, and ultimately non-
existent’ (Pinto and Franke 2016, 29). Here, at least, you get to ‘like it’.
There is no capital registered as part of any of these psychosocial trans-
actions, and yet it is obvious that behind this facade of suburban idyll that
Facebook effectively underwrites everything laid out here in plain sight.
This includes the complicity of its inhabitants to ‘like it’, by carefully
removing any obvious elements of monetisation from the environment
that might break the spell of the company’s benevolent paternalism and
cause class friction among its workforce. The homogeneity of choices that
are designed into this model makes the experience of being on campus
appear harmonious, and masks the conditions of economic distortion that
sustain Facebook’s fanciful image of itself as a thriving village coexisting
with a declining city.

Willow Campus
In early 2018, Zuckerberg’s plans for an expanded corporate campus
mushroomed into aspirations to quite literally build a new village in
Menlo Park set to house ‘the 35,000 employees the corporation predicts
it will have within 10 years’ (Milbach 2018). He is determined that pop-
ulation will remain situated in Menlo Park, ‘effectively doubling the city’s
current population of 33,888’ (Mibach 2018). Zuckerberg claims that he
was forced to build this corporate enclave, and indeed rebuild the crum-
bling city of Menlo Park around it, because of the regional governmen-
t’s ‘failure’ to invest in its vital infrastructure. Similar to any functioning
municipality, his new mixed-use village, to be called ‘Willow Campus’, will
provide its residents with much-needed services, housing and transit solu-
tions, as well as office space. ‘On that site, Facebook wants to build 1.75
million square feet of office space, 1,500 apartments, 125,000-square feet
of retail, a 200-room hotel, a visitor center and 5,319 parking spaces. The
retail aspect of the plan calls for a grocery store and pharmacy’ (Mibach
2018).
The policy-making implications at this newly announced scale are vast
as Facebook plans on taking up some 54 acres of Menlo Park’s civic
area. Through undertaking the construction of Willow Campus, Zucker-
berg will have achieved his ambition to have Facebook function ‘more
like a government than a traditional company’ and in so doing use its
increasingly large community of workers as leverage in ‘setting policy’ at
22 S. POLSKY

ground level (Zuckerberg quoted in Foer 2017, 61). Policy making that
might ordinarily include maintaining transport infrastructure, sheltering
the homeless and the ongoing construction of new affordable housing
will now come about at Facebook’s behest, rather than Menlo Park’s.
The privatisation of publicly owned space is fundamental to this pro-
cess, which is engineered to make sure that the local population find they
have no right of place inside these meticulously fabricated commons, and
their surrounding infrastructures are held in the domain of private owner-
ship. Patrick Wolfe maintains that settler colonialism ‘destroys to replace’
and that expropriation in settler colonial contexts, ‘is a structure, not an
event’ (388). The current mayor of Menlo Park, Kristen Keith, is only too
happy to cede stewardship of essential community services to Facebook
(Neate 2017). What she failed to acknowledge in her ringing endorse-
ment of such projects is that their intricate strategies of tax evasion have
starved cities like Menlo Park of vital revenues hastening the advent of
this crisis.
The desire to establish private sovereignty over certain urban domains
on the part of figures like Mark Zuckerberg, Sergey Brin and Steve Jobs
corresponds directly with the orchestrated bankruptcy of the state, as a
direct consequence of extremely lenient corporate taxation policies at the
local, state and national levels, and lax taxation rules that allow for the
illicit offshoring of billions in corporate earnings. By carefully annexing
their wealth away from their locale of generation, these corporations have
effectively lowered their tax contributions across the globe to zero. While
their public image may be one of making and doing, behind the facade
their enterprise is very much concerned with taking and owning, wherein
gentrification presents yet another opportunity to monopolise wealth.
Zuckerberg has commissioned Rem Koolhaas’ Office for Metropoli-
tan Architecture (OMA) to co-direct the design of its Willow Campus.
OMA’s projects, through their founder, are famously devoted to pro-
moting ‘the capitalist, market-driven metropolis’ based on their belief in
‘the power of capitalism to drive change’ (Dunham-Jones 2013). OMA’s
architectural designs focus on ‘the staging of uncertainty’, the genera-
tion of environments ‘that accommodate processes’, and the construc-
tion of a physical ‘infrastructure for endless intensifications and diversi-
fications, shortcuts and redistributions’ that will ultimately culminate in
‘the reinvention of psychological space’ (Koolhaas quoted in Dunham-
Jones 2013). Douglas Spencer argues that such architecture ‘makes com-
mon cause with managerial governmentality’ and reflects the interests of
 2 LIFE ON THE ALGORITHMIC ESTATE … 23

its clients in constructing spaces that promote ‘social interaction as an

exercise in productive efficiency, the lateral coherence of workers within
a coherent and purposeful whole and the mobilization of image man-
agement and marketing to remediate contestation and conflict’ (2014,
159). In the sense, OMA as the avant-garde of architecture becomes
something of a rearguard, by reifying existing capitalistic frameworks that
mobilise ‘cooperative productivity in the service of accumulation’ (164).
Within such a framework design must become synonymous with adminis-
tration. Within this construction, the labour divisions and inequalities are
met with technical solutionism of human integration into the production
process of ‘community’ where its members are spatially coalesced into a
‘seemingly non-hierarchical, self-aware whole’ (161).
Dwelling within this ideational communities essentially requires adher-
ing to its ostensibly non-political post-ideological conditions of entry, and
acceding to the level of self-discipline required to reimagine oneself in
the image of the corporation, using its special character as an epistemo-
logical guideline. Any relationship to public or democratic values exists
solely as a surface feature within the production of this new form of sub-
jectivity, equipped with a rigorous mentality of communal cooperation,
knowledge exchange and social interaction. Essentially, the era of tech-
nological construction promotes the regularisation and management of
human behaviour in service to the immaterial organisation and distribu-
tion of monetised information. Architecture’s contribution to planetary
urbanisation and regional gentrification aims to produce environments
and territories, mentalities and dispositions that complement the seamless
flow of corporate power from within the existing frameworks of sociopo-
litical relations, and it this way can be said to be politically regressive.
Jorge Otero-Pailos contends that Koolhaas’s desire to maintain ‘an
autonomy from the city’ in his large-scale building projects, ‘at once con-
tinues the American tradition of inserting non-urban spaces into urban
contexts, and liquidates [their] democratic component’ (2000, 379).
Koolhaas’s predilection towards greater and greater scale arcs towards sin-
gularity and universalism. His designs correspond with a desire to gener-
ate boundaries without peripheries. These constructions are spaced which
appear unlimited into their interiority and therein are able to sustain
an illusion of seamlessness. Koolhaas promises his clients ‘a completely
enveloping reality’ and delivers to the degree that his megaprojects are
able to separate their proposed dwellers from the world ‘out there’ and
24 S. POLSKY

in doing so liberate them from maintaining any particular concern for it

(379).
Koolhaas’s projects reflect Zuckerberg’s ambition to generate new
forms of cultural expression that appear to fundamentally preserve ideas
around stability, identity and community, while at the same time disman-
tling existing norms around what constitutes public life. As their inhab-
itant becomes progressively inured to these constructions, it becomes
impossible for them to maintain any relational affinity towards what spaces
might exist beyond them. Over time, such spaces become not only con-
ceptually irrelevant, but categorically inaccessible. Koolhaas’s projects suc-
ceed not only by surmounting the city’s economies of scale but also by
inverting their purpose in a way that re-enlivens the feudal mechanisms
of benevolent confinement.
Koolhaas’s preoccupation with scale is shared with yet another of Sili-
con Valley’s star architects, Norman Foster. Foster is referred to in Ben-
jamin’s Bratton seminal work The Stack as ‘the preeminent architect of the
Google Earth era’ for his monumental scale projects (2016, 181). Brat-
ton surmises, that ‘from Masdar, to the new Reichstag and The Gherkin,
few contemporary offices have done more to expand the perspectival scale
of architectural figuration that his’ (181). His designs have forced a reck-
oning of their great import not from the point of view of the civilian
consumer, but rather that of the commercial drone. Foster’s architec-
tural sensibility speaks to a growing enthusiasm for design to happen on
a mega-structural scale, and thus mimic the ambitions of their Silicon
Valley clients to eventually scale their own projects into a structure of
social totality. Their initial targeting of the urban regions they gather in
their midst for complete conceptual overhaul should be construed as a
prototype for rendering a society to come that fits into ‘a single envelope’
(181). The scale of Foster + Partner’s recent construction of Apple’s new
campus, Apple Park, as a massive enclosure, whose true eminence is best
considered from thousands of feet in the air, certainly appears to conform
to the awesome scale of this ambition.

Apple Park
One of the final acts that Steve Jobs accomplished before his death was to
secure planning permission from the Cupertino township council to build
his master structure, ‘Apple Park’. This awesome structure, a giant pri-
vate compound shaped like a circle, would eventually hold 12,000 Apple
 2 LIFE ON THE ALGORITHMIC ESTATE … 25

employees. Jobs’ amazing building was intentionally planned to appear as

something alien, even potentially oppositional to the local landscape. Jobs
observed, ‘it’s a little like a spaceship landed’ (Jobs quoted in Levy 2017).
Through this new headquarters, Steve Jobs was mapping the destiny of
Apple itself as something that was designed to futureproof, a structure
that could not only survive climate crisis but also equally stand as a stal-
wart of well-being, a Mothership exploring the limits of the great beyond
of a corporate enclosure movement. Apple Park with its ‘giant glass pan-
els, custom-built door handles, and 100,000-square-foot fitness and well-
ness center complete with a two-story yoga studio’, resembles nothing
short of a manner born to reflect the specified vision of its master (Levy
2017). What is not as apparent is that those there to serve the perpetua-
tion of Jobs’ vision will do so at a cost of their own personal sovereignty
and bond to a state that previously entitled them to certain freedoms of
movement. Jobs’ structure functions symbolically as a circle, where the
past comes around again to take command of the future.
Jobs’ ambition harkens back to an early modern concept of the cor-
poration as a mode of organising collective purpose and systems of value.
Jobs’ neo-modern corporate political structure is mirrored in his last act
of architectural dominion. His vision remains panoptical despite its break
with a modern concern for a single point of view from which to main-
tain his cult of personality. Rather than using the luminous penetration
of his mind upon the corporation he founded as a guideline, he had now
commanded each of 12,000 employees to take up a concern for the com-
pany’s continued interests. Through the promise of enhancing their own
well-being, they can express their subtle compliance with a multiplicity of
observation, and beyond that an infinity of possible points of view. Apple
headquarters are founded upon 1 Infinite Loop. With the advent of Apple
Park, the matrices of vision are open wider than ever before, operating as
a spatial prototype to mesh security with transparency. Its multiple points
of entry are flagged to correspond with various data points, involved in
the mining of information within and beyond. Ultimately, this building
reflects a desire to produce endless possibilities for employee convergence.
Jobs’ compound’s many internal elements mimic those of a prison or
a barracks. Contained within it are recreation areas, sleep facilities and a
mass capacity dining hall. And yet what we are seeing is not a model of
disciplinary society based on Foucault’s theorems, but rather something
that appears to coincide with Deleuze’s model of control, at least up to
a point. Beyond that there is an inversion of the panopticon, to become
26 S. POLSKY

something that has abandoned construction of the subject altogether, in

favour of nurturing objective intelligence through algorithmic individua-
tion. Within such a universe temporarily warped by a surfeit of informa-
tion, the deep state of the ‘digital reintegrates the world into a rendered
universe, viewable from all sides, modelled from all angles, predictable
under all variable conditions’ (Galloway 2014, 69).
Here, it becomes possible for a multiplicity of watchers, both human
and machinic to be rewarded for their readiness to collaborate with Jobs’
enduring vision, their multi-point aspirations made to converge now not
within a single man, but rather a single entity. Such an architecture invites
‘the possibility of enclosing the digital upon itself’ and as such functions
as ‘an immunization against life’ itself (Rouvroy 2017). ‘Within such an
apparatus space itself curves to meet and comingle with seemingly limit-
less power directed against those who wittingly, or unwittingly transgress
borders, harbour doubt, or express irreverence towards the given order’
(Galloway 2014, 69). Apple Park’s teleological universe demands that the
subject cedes his rights to alteration, to meaning, to ‘human rights’ or ‘the
right to separate free time from work timing and these kinds of things
subjects could claim’ (Rouvroy 2017). Essentially Apple Park, as a struc-
ture, is resistant to any behaviour that might disrupt the flow of radical
standardisation and the progress of depersonalisation.
The universe Jobs’ wished us to inhabit through Apple Park is one ren-
dered as predictable, but also perhaps more crucially, a universe that can
be free of causality. One that is dependent on collective determination
and a shared destiny through the conscious prevention of certain events
from happening through preemption. Evgeny Morozov refers to such a
phenomenon as ‘algorithmic regulation’, which adds up to ‘an enactment
of [a] political programme in technological form’ (2014). Giorgio Agam-
ben discerns, ‘if government aims for the effects and not the causes, it will
be obliged to extend and multiply control. Causes demand to be known,
while effects can only be checked and controlled’ (2017). Within such
a universe, there is no need for progress, but rather for an ever more
sophisticated presentation of distinction, division and the making discreet
of the artifice involved in enacting power’s proliferation. There is further-
more no tolerance for unchartered territory, other than its speculative
territorialisation.
Within structures like Apple Park, there stands a dialectical relationship
between the territorial and the digital. Within them, control over popu-
lations is maintained at once through what Helga Tawil-Souri refers to
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 complex endothermic, 162;
living and dead, 143;
structure of, 58
Molluscs, 117, 118, 119, 123, 278, 283
Mongolian, 324, 325, 334;
cossack, 324
Monism, 350, 351, 352, 359;
destructive of culture, spirituality, morality, 350;
fail to motivate Christian morality, 358;
makes God immanent in world, 359;
makes will law unto itself, 359;
materialistic, 350, 352
Monist, 350
Monistic view vitiates artistic taste, 352
Monkey, 270, 275
Monomolecules, 165;
are not units, 165
Monotremeta, 296
Montana, 107 note
Moral consequences of failure to discriminate, 360
Morality, 354, 360;
evolutionary conception of, 360
Motor-verbalist, 219
Morphogenetic forces, 58, 284;
Laws, uniform, 284
Morphogeny, organic, 298
Morphology, embryonic and adult, 284
Mountain columns, 113
Mountains, 113, 153
Mouse, brain of, 315
Moustier Cave, 329
Movements, 241, 242;
reflex, 242;
spontaneous, 241, 242.
Mule, 5
Müllerian duct, 281
Multimolecule, 58, 144, 162, 165, 166, 168, 170, 179;
are not units, 165;
colloidal, 166;
crystalloidal, 165, 166;
not a link between molecules and cells, 179;
structure of, 58
Murder, as an experiment, 359
Muscles, 298
Mutants, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 87;
chromosomal, 17, 21, 22, 23
—balanced and unbalanced, 21, 22
—balance, odd and even, 22
—status as “new species” not established, 23;
factorial, 17, 18, 19, 20;
pseudo, 17, 27
Mutation, 16, 16 note, 26, 42, 86, 88, 122, 265, 303, 305, 307,
334;
changes of loss, 18, 43;
chromosomal, 17, 42, 44, 45, 88;
factorial,
19, 20, 42, 44, 45, 88, 305, 334
—a varietal, not a specific change; fortuitous, 265;
heritable, 16, 303, 334;
pseudo, 17, 42, 88
Mutation, 16, 20, 46;
 Theory, 16, 20
Myxœdema, 294

Nahun beds, 95
Natural explanations, 69, 70
Naturalism borrows moral standards, 358
Natural process, 69, 74
Natural science, 186
Natural Selection, 9, 11, 12, 13, 29, 30, 152, 153, 305, 306, 350;
a theory of chance, 11, 350;
has no positive efficacy, 153;
theory has impeded progress of science, 13
Nature, 151, 185;
inorganic impotent to duplicate even laboratory synthesis, not
to speak of vital phenomena, 151
—lacks means of self-vivification, 185;
not automatic, 151
Nautilus, 118, 283
Neanderthal, 314, 315, 317, 325, 326, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333,
335, 337, 342;
bone, show some racial characteristics, 329;
cranium, 331, 332
—capacity underestimated, 333, not ancestral to Cro-Magnon
type, 335;
not more ancient than modern type, 337;
remains, 325, 332
—human, 325;
skull, cranial capacity of, 314, 325;
type of, 330, 332
Neanderthal Man, 314, 315, 317, 323, 326, 341, 342;
distinctly human, 342;
a dwarf, 314;
No.1, 323, 326;
 divided opinion on, 324;
No.2, skeleton, 326
—skull missing, 326
Neanderthal type, 326, 330, 332, 333, 334, 336;
alleged to be distinct species, 332;
alleged to be more ancient, 334;
degenerate, 336;
differences, 334;
race, 334;
no longer considered oldest type, 336
Neanderthaloid, 328, 333, 341, 343;
characteristics occur in modern skulls, 333;
race, 343;
skulls, modern features occur in, 333
Nebular, hypothesis, 181
Negroes, 334
Neo-Darwinism, 10
Neo-Kantian, 203, 219;
phenomenalist, 203
Neo-Lamarkism, 10, 12, 15
Neolithic, 332
Neontologists, 76
Neotoma, 307
Neo-vitalism, 171, 201, 202;
postulates a unique force, an agent “sui generis,”171
Neo-vitalists, 58, 200, 201;
regard vital principle as force “sui generis,” a unique agent,
200, 201
Nephridia, 280
Neptune, 184
Nerve plasm, 265
Neurograms, 213, 214, 222;
extended, 222;
imprinted on neurons, 213, 214;
objects capable of stimulating an extended organ, 222;
objects of, endowed with concrete properties, 222;
proportioned to stimuli, 222;
physical basis of imagery, 214, 222
Neurons, 213, 222, 350;
sensory and central, 213;
utility of sensory, 222
New names for fossil duplicates of modern species, 119, 120
New Stone Age, prehistoric, 337
Nihilism, philosophical, 350
Nitrogen snow, 183 note;
reddish light of, 184 note
Non-cosmopolitan species, 283
Non-enents, 309
Non-opposability of human hallux, 50
Non-phenomenon or substance, 209
Non-specialist, when disqualified and when not, 189-191
Non-viable, 25
Novelty, emergent, 350
Nuclear components, self-perpetuating, 139
Nuclear reorganization, 155, 160, 161, 162;
a restorative process,
155, 161;
means of rejuvenation, 161;
none in somatogenic reproduction, 160;
periodic, 162;
primitive, 162
Nuclear sap, 139
Nucleus, 137, 138, 161;
cellular, 138;
daughter, 161;
distributed, 138;
germinal, 161;
parent, 161
Nucula, 118
Nutrition, a reflexive activity, 175

Object, 217, 223, 224;

concurrence of, extrinsic, 217;
indicated spiritual nature of mind, 224;
(material) abstract, made of representation, 224;
of abstract thought, incapable of making impressions or
leaving records on material receptors, 223
Occipital foramen, 272
Occiput, broad, 332
Ocean beds, elevation of, 114, 115
Ocean bottoms, 113-115
Ocean floor, 115
Octopus, 64
Œnothera, 16, 17, 27, 28;
gigas, 17;
Lamarkiana, 27, 28
Œsophagus, invertebrate, 293
Old Stone Age, 332, 337, 339, 340;
class of, 332;
prehistoric, 337
Oligocene, 309, 317
Onion-coat, 99, 102, 103, 109;
 a convenient device, 109;
Alpine, 109;
hypothesis of, 102, 103
—“transcendental form of,”102;
lithological and biological, 102;
mineral envelopes, 102;
theory, 99
Ontogeny, 39, 79, 275, 285
Oölites, 79
Opisthonephros, 280, 282
Opposability of simian hallux, 50
Opposition, 218, 219, 234, 235;
between imagery and thought, 218, 219;
between psycho-organic and spiritual activity, 234, 235;
entails distinction, 235
Orang-utan, 33, 271
Orders, 37
Organ, 222, 226, 276, 286, 287, 288, 292, 298, 300, 303;
embryonic, 276;
functionless, 286, 287, 292;
incapable of reflection, 226;
material, cannot be effected by the supersensible, 222;
nascent and rudimentary, 287, 288;
distinction, arbitrary, 288;
reduced, 286, 287;
vestigial, 292, 300, 303;
useless, 286
Organelles, 139
Organic activity, rigidly regulated by metabolism, 228
Organic functions, 203, 213, 215;
agent and subject of, not soul alone, 203;
not only functions in man, 215
Organic substances, 149, 150;
laboratory synthesis of, 149, 150;
not to confounded with living or organized substances, 150
Organisms, 154, 155, 163, 201, 202, 203, 246;
a product of the law of Complexity, 167;
multicellular, 155;
none subcellular, 154;
of some species, syntonic, 246;
participates as coefficient factor in physiological and sensory
functions, 203;
soul-informed, 203;
unicellular, 154, 163
Organization, 143, 150;
elude art of chemist, 150
Order, 209;
ideal, phenomenalists confuse it with real order of things, 209;
real, of things, 209
Ordivician, 111
Orientation of forces, centrifugal and centripetal, 179
Origins, 71, 83, 161, 220, 221, 360;
biparental, 161;
common, 81
—of man and brute, 360;
organic, need not be unified in space but should be in time,
71;
of concepts, 220, 221
Orneau, river, 326;
valley, 327
Ornithorhynchus, 59, 287
Ornithosaurs, 80
Orthogenesis, 6, 7, 46 note, 53;
cannot explain adaptation, 53
Osmia, 252
Outcrop, 93
Overthrust, 98, 107, 110;
a triumph of modern research, 107
Ovists, 160
Oximes, 148
Oxychromatin, 139
Oysters, 79

Palæobotany, 117
Palæolithic, 327, 328, 330, 333, 343;
artists, 343;
human remains, 330;
man, 328, 333
Palæontological argument, 66-127;
defects in, 75, 124;
in abstract, 66-75;
in concrete, 75-127;
a theoretical construction, 126
Palæontological evidence, 3, 8, 66, 74-80, 83, 89, 97, 105, 107,
124, 311, 312;
imperfection of, 89;
rated as outweighing physical evidence, 97, 107
Palæontological pedigrees, 3, 76, 78, 81, 82, 84, 126;
definition of, 81;
of horse, 76, 78, 81, 82, 126;
camel, 126,
and elephant, 126
Palæontologists, 76, 86, 87, 88, 91, 119, 190, 310, 313, 321,
334, 344;
incompetent to decide questions of specific origin or
distinction, 87, 88, 89, 334
Palæontology, 3, 82, 83, 88, 92, 95, 96, 114, 119, 126, 195, 311,
312, 313, 344;
facts of, 83, 195;
ignorant concerning origin of man, 344;
orthodox, 95, 96, 119
Palæotherium, 76
Palæozoic, 73, 108, 117, 118, 124 note, 125, 335
Palingenesis, 277, 288
Pan-Pacific Conferences, 344, 346
Panspermia, 182
Parallelism, 57, 58;
vs. divergence, 57
Paramœcium, 138, 161, 178;
aurelia, 138
Parasites, 46, 53
Parasitism, 52
Parathyroids, 292
Parent cell, 156
Parthenogenesis, 158, 159, 160, 162;
artificial, 159, 160
—not violation of law of genetic continuity, 159, 160
Pathology, 141
Patient, 176, 177
Pear-tree, 6, 88
Pebrine, 44
Pecking instinct of chicks, 256
Pecten, 118
Pedigrees, of genera, 84
Pelopæus, 260
Penguin, wings of, 287
Pentacrinus, 119
Perception, 208, 212, 253;
an act of, 208;
of personality, not personality, 212;
sensory, 253
Percepts, objective, 235;
sensory, 219
Periodicity, 56;
of elements, 56;
families of elements, 56
Peri Psyches, Aristotle’s, 196, 197, 215
Perissodactyla, 78
Permian, 104, 118
Persistence, 116, 119, 123;
cannot be subsumed under same principles as
transmutations, 123;
its significance intensified by current theories, 123;
of types, 119;
of unchanged types, 116
Persistent types, generic and specific, 123
Personal identity, sense of, 212
Personality, 205, 211, 212, 238;
a unitary and uniform reality, 212;
alternating, 211;
based on unchanging principle, 212;
perception of, 212
Pessimism, 355, 357
Petit-Puymoyen, industry of, 331
Phæophytin, 147
Pharyngeal arches and clefts, 278, 279
Phase, reversal of, 168, 169
Phenomena, 208, 209;
phenomenalists’ substantialization of, 209
Phenomenalism, 207, 208, 211, 212;
a purely academic philosophy, 211;
identifies mind with “thought stream,”212
Phenomenalistic school, 206
Phenomenalists, 203, 205, 206, 207;
inconsistently admit of physical phenomena while denying
subject of psychic phenomena, 206, 207
Phenotype, 5, 19, 25, 27, 41, 43, 68, 123
Philology, 339;
proves primitive man to have been civilized, not barbaric, 339
Philosophers, 220
Philosophy, 189, 190, 195;
in rôle of critic, 189;
in rôle of sycophant,
190;
materialistic, 195;
relation to science, 189
Phonetic elements, 246
Photosynthesis, 146
Phycocyanin, 149
Phylogeny, 39, 80, 122, 275, 276, 284, 285, 308;
human, 285, 308;
palæontological, 115
Phylum, 37, 38, 69, 116
Physical impressions, 213
Physical science, 352, 354
Physicochemical action, reducible to interaction between
unequally energized masses and particles, 175
Physicochemical forces, executive factors in vital operations,
201
Physiology, 350
Phytol, 147
Picotee sweet pea, 19
Piltdown skull, 320
Pineal eye, 292
Pineal gland, 292, 293, 295;
not functionless, 293
Pioneer colonies, 110
Pithecanthropus, distinctly simian, 342
Pithecanthropus erectus, 309, 313-318, 342;
cranial capacity of, 314;
a giant ape, 315;
existing casts inaccurate, 318
Pituitary body, 292, 293
Pituitrin, 294
Placenta, 276
Planarian, 278
Planetesimal, hypothesis, 181
Plantigrade, 272
Plastids, 139, 141
Platycrinidae, 92
Platyrhine monkeys, 287
Pleistocene, 78, 100, 104, 313, 319, 320, 325;
Lower, 313, 320;
 Middle, 319
Pleurotomaria, 118
Plica, semilunaris, 297
Pliocene, 78, 95, 309, 313, 317, 323;
Upper, 309, 313, 317
Pluteus, 159
Polar body, second, 159
Polariscope, 144
Polymorphism, 122
Polynesians, 325
Polynuclear condition, 138
Polyphemus, the Cyclops, 293
Pompilids, 247, 248, 263, 264
Pompilius, 247, 261
Popular trust not to be abused, 345, 346
Postauricular muscles, 304, 305
Post-glacial time, 289
Preadaptations, 46, 47, 52, 53, 63, 124, 279;
adventitious appearance of, 46, 47;
divergent, 279;
entail modifications of specific magnitude, 47;
evolution as “natural explanation” of, 53;
inherited, 47
Pre-Cambrian, 100, 116, 118, 125;
terranes, 125
—extension great, 125
Preformation, 3, 160
Prehension, 50, 271, 272
Prehistoric, 337
Prehuman, arboreal stage, 309, 217
Presupposition, latent in materialistic logic, 186
Pre-tertiary, 312
Primates, 308
Primitive man, 338, 342, 343;
not irrational, 342, 343;
not a savage, 338
Primula, 19
Principles, 171, 172;
entitive and dynamic, 171, 172
Priocnemis, flavicornis, 248
Priority, 76;
a “sine qua non” condition of ancestry, 76
Process, 206, 209, 225;
divorced from agents, 209;
of reflection entails identity of observer and observed, 225;
subjectless and sourceless, of phenomenalists, 206
Prognathic face, 332
Prognathism, 325, 330, 333, 341;
of upper jaw accentuated, 341
“Progress,”355, 359;
modern, 359;
of science, 355
Progression, 50, 271, 272, 317;
bipedal, 272;
modes of, 271, 317
Prehistory, undocumented, unreliable, 340
Pronephric duct, 281
Pronephros, 280, 281 note
Prophylaxis, 356
Propliopithecus, 309, 311
Prosthenic, 271
Protein, 140, 144, 145, 147, 151;
multimolecule of, 140
Proterotheres, 78
Proterotheriidæ, 78
Proterozoic, 104 note, 117
Protista, 5, 59, 136, 138, 156, 157, 163;
polynuclear condition not rare among, 138
Protoplasm, 141, 143, 144, 151, 160, 161, 175, 181;
dead, 143;
how reinvigorated, 160, 161;
invisible structure, 141;
not a chemical compound but a complex system, 142, 143;
persistent specificity of, 144;
ultramicroscopic structure of, 143;
visible, a picture of, 141
Protococcus, 151;
viridis, 151
Protons, 103, 174
Protophytes, 135, 136
Protoplasmic architecture, 174
Protozoa, 117, 118, 135, 136, 170
Psyche, 179, 200
Psychic, 198, 205, 230, 233;
and physical dualism of Descartes, 198;
functions, 205, 233
—of organic type, 233;
states, correlated with organic states, 230
Psychology, 196, 197, 198, 204, 205, 208, 211, 235, 236, 361;
alone competent to pronounce origin of man, 196;
as science of behavior, 198;
human, 235;
positive, 361;
reveals psychic activities as modification of abiding ego, 205;
sole science that studies man on his distinctively human side,
196;
vulgar, 236;
without a soul, 208, 236
Psychophysical, 198, 206, 236;
dualism, 198;
parallelism, 206, 236
Psychosis, 213, 235, 255, organic, 213, 235
—has for agent and recipient the psycho-organic composite,
213;
psycho-organic, 255
Physiological process not reducible to mere physicochemical
reaction, 199
Potency, 199
Purpose, 11, 249, 255, 258, 259, 298;
Divine, 249;
unconscious of, 255, 259
Purposiveness, 248, 249, 262;
no intelligence, 262;
objective, 248, 249;
unconscious, 248

Quadrumana, 296
Qasr-el-Sagha, 115
Quaternary, 98, 319;
Early, 319

Races, 334, 342

Radiation, pressure of, 183
Radioactive elements, 56
Radio-activity, 118
Radiolaria, 118
Radiometer, 183
Radius, shows curvature, 327
Ragweed, 16
Raft of Red River, 154
Random Assortment, 27, 42;
of chromosomes, 27
Ratio, body-brain, 317
Rays, 119
Reactants, 209
Reaction, 243, 252;
elementary, motor, 252;
historical basis of 243
Reaction-systems, 26, 204
Reason, 235, 240, 244, 245, 259, 267, 343;
not evolved, 267;
sole means of human preservation, 343;
superorganic power of, 244, 245
Reasoning, 207, 220
Recapitulation, 48, 275, 278, 279, 285;
embryonic, 48, 275, 278, 279
Receptors, 57, 213, 222;
extended, necessary to perceive material stimuli, 222
Recessive chin, 311
Recognition, 207
Recombination, 27, 42;
chromosomal, 27;
factorial, 27
Reconstructions, 89, 90, 92, 321;
of fossil skulls, 321;
psychological motivation of, 89, 90;
scientific, 89, 90, 92
Recuperation, autonomous, 163
“Recurrent faunas,”110
Reduction, 42, 157
Reflection, 224, 225, 226, 240, 256;
a fact, 225, 226;
alleged impossibility of, 225;
only possible to spiritual agent, 224;
undeniable fact of, 225
Reflexes, innate and conditioned, 238
Reflexion, 225
Reflexive orientation, 174, 176;
of energies, no living being, 176;
of forces in living organism, 174;
in living being, 201
Regression of organ, 305
Regulation, 253;
intelligent, 253;
sensory, 253
Rejuvenation, 155, 161, 163;
three kinds of, 161
Rejuvenescence, 160, 161, 162
Reign of Terror, 357;
French, 357;
Russian, 357
Reindeer, 332
Re-integration of atoms, impossible, 163
Relationships, 254;
causal and telic, 254;
supersensible, 254
Religion, 354, 361;
only sanction of morality, 361
Remains, Javanese, 318
Repair-work, 251, 252
Reproduction, 5, 24, 25, 26, 56, 68, 69, 137, 141, 156, 157, 158,
159, 161;
biparental (bisexual), 24, 158;
cytogenic, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161;
link between life-cycles, 156;
nonsexual, 156—three kinds of, 156, 157;
reducible to cell-division, 163;
sexual, 25, 156, 157
—autosexual, 158, 159
—bisexual, 158
—unisexual, 158
somatogenic, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161
—limited, 161
—no rejuvenation in, 161
Reptiles, 61, 80, 281, 282, 296, 301;
flying, 80;
palæozoic and modern, 296
Resemblance, 38, 54, 58, 63, 79, 80, 284, 340, 341;
compatible with separate ancestry, 63, 80
—even specific, does not entail common origin, 79, 80;
family, 54, 56;
generic, 38, 56;
heterogenetic, 80;
ordinal, 56;
phyletic, 56;