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Co-edited by
Rajashi Ghosh · Holly M. Hutchins
HRD Perspectives
on Developmental
Relationships
Connecting and
Relating at Work
HRD Perspectives on Developmental Relationships
“This excellent volume enriches and expands our understanding of the power
and potency of developmental relationships. It is a “must read” for HRD scholars
and practitioners seeking to leverage the benefits of mentoring for learning and
development within and outside the workplace. By capturing a diverse range of
perspectives and topics, this prescient collection offers valuable insights not only
for the present—but also for the future. This is the right book at the right time.”
—Dr. Belle Rose Ragins, Sheldon B. Lubar Professor of Management—University
of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
“In bringing together this collection of chapters, Rajashi Ghosh and Holly
Hutchins have curated a resource that educators, learning professionals, and
organizational leaders will regularly consult to inform their practice. The chap-
ters address a range of approaches and contexts that collectively highlight the
significance of fostering developmental relationships that are so crucial for indi-
vidual and organizational health and growth. Each chapter will stimulate your
thinking, and some will challenge you to reconsider current practice and how
developmental relationships must work towards greater inclusivity. I recommend
this book for educators, students, and learning professionals at all stages of their
career.”
—Dr. Carole Elliott, Professor of Organisation Studies, Sheffield University
Management School, UK
HRD Perspectives
on Developmental
Relationships
Connecting and Relating at Work
Editors
Rajashi Ghosh Holly M. Hutchins
Drexel University University of North Texas
Media, PA, USA Denton, TX, USA
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
I dedicate this book to my wife, Brandy, and daughters Avery and
Charlotte, who continue to develop me everyday in living and loving. Also,
to all the individuals that have intentionally and unintentionally
mentored and shaped how I engage with the world. Finally, to Rajashi,
who embodies the spirit and gracious intent of being a true colleague and
partner.
—Holly M. Hutchins
I dedicate this book to my husband, Chayanendu, and children, Ritika,
Oishika, and Rishaan whose loving presence helps me learn and develop in
new ways everyday. Also, to all my friends and colleagues who have
nurtured my thoughts, ideas, and soul and been there for me through thick
and thin! Finally, I want to specially dedicate this book to Holly without
whom, this project could not have come to fruition. My collaboration with
Holly is a living example of connecting and relating that we want to
celebrate through this book.
—Rajashi Ghosh
Acknowledgments
vii
Contents
ix
x CONTENTS
Index 527
Notes on Contributors
Holly Bennett works for Médecins Sans Frontières as the Evaluation &
Capitalisation Manager of the Mentoring and Coaching Hub based in
Oslo, Norway. Holly is a European Mentoring and Coaching Council
(EMCC) Accreditation Assessor. She is a coach and mentor, with a
Post Graduate Certificate in Mentoring and Coaching from Sheffield
Hallam University, and is an EMCC Global Accreditation Volunteer and
Accreditation Assessor for European Individual Accreditation (EIA).
Dr. Laura L. Bierema is a Professor, University of Georgia, College
of Education, the program of Adult Learning, Leadership, and Organi-
zation Development. Dr. Bierema’s research interests include workplace
learning, career development, women’s development, organization devel-
opment, executive coaching, leadership, and critical human resource
development. Dr. Bierema holds both bachelor’s and master’s degrees
from Michigan State University and a doctorate in adult education from
the University of Georgia. She has over 160 publications, including ten
books and the award-winning text Adult Learning: Linking Theory &
Practice with Dr. Sharan B. Merriam and the recent co-edited book
Connecting Adult Learning and Knowledge Management: Strategies for
Learning and Change In Organizations with Dr. Monica Fedeli. Dr.
Bierema served as Associate Dean for Academic Programs in the UGA
College of Education from 2013 to 2017.
xiii
xiv NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
xxv
xxvi LIST OF FIGURES
xxvii
xxviii LIST OF TABLES
Introduction
When asked to reflect on the important events that have made a differ-
ence in their careers and lives, individuals will quickly reference the
people and connections that made these experiences noteworthy. These
relationships are decidedly “developmental” as they promote interdepen-
dent generative connections that result in growth and learning among
individuals. The role of developmental relationships has been acknowl-
edged as critical in supporting both workplace learning (de et al., 2014;
Lankau & Scandura, 2007) and performance (Carter & Youssef-Morgan,
2019; Scandura & Hamilton, 2002), the two overarching purposes often
H. M. Hutchins
University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
e-mail: holly.hutchins@unt.edu
R. Ghosh (B)
Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA, USA
e-mail: rajashi.ghosh@drexel.edu
since persons of color and white women were limited in access to develop-
mental opportunities. She also suggested that future researchers explore
additional outcome variables to assess the impact of developmental rela-
tionships and in considering the utility of informal learning pioneered by
Marsick and Watkins (1990) as part of the development of individual,
team, and organization learning and performance.
In the years since, the field of HRD has certainly responded to Biere-
ma’s call with increased attention to how and in what ways developmental
relationships are critical to learning and development. Ellinger’s emer-
gent work in examining leader–follower relationships through coaching
(Ellinger & Bostrom, 1999) would establish the theoretical foundation
for guiding studies on managerial effectiveness in supporting employee
learning and performance (Ellinger et al., 2011; Hamlin et al., 2006).
McCauley’s (2005) edited issue of Advances in Developing Human
Resources (ADHR, 7:4) on mentoring explored multiple perspectives and
mechanisms in how mentoring occurred in organizations. Featured were
studies on the emergent role of virtual mentoring (Bierema & Hill,
2005), CEO perspectives on the utility of mentoring (Rosser, 2005), the
interplay of race and gender in peer mentoring (Thomas et al., 2005),
the role of learning (Hezlett, 2005) and learning goal orientation (Egan,
2005) within mentoring relationships. McDonald and Hite’s (2005a, b)
article on the role of HRD in addressing ethical issues of dysfunctional
mentoring experiences would also seed the beginnings of their even-
tual book, Career Development: A Human Resource Perspective (2015)
where they explored mentoring as one of many developmental interven-
tions supporting career development. Marsick and Watkins also continued
to refine and extend the role of informal and incidental learning as a
source of development in relationships not only in modeled practice as
co-authors, but in their collective research (Marsick, 2009; Marsick &
Watkins, 2001; Watkins et al., 2014) that situated informal learning as a
foundational area of HRD inquiry among researchers and practitioners.
We found similar trends and critiques in our own review of devel-
opmental relationship research (2010–2020) within the four Academy
of Human Resource Development’s (AHRD) four sponsored journals
suggesting that the field has moved some steps forward. Researchers are
still overwhelmingly focused on examining the efficacy of mentoring and
coaching on workplace career development. In 2014, Ellinger, Egan, and
Kim co-edited an ADHR special issue (16:2) that provided conceptual,
implementation, and assessment direction to scholars and practitioners
1 SITUATING DEVELOPMENTAL RELATIONSHIPS … 5
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PART I
T. W. Greer (B)
University of Houston, Houston, TX, USA
e-mail: twgreer@Central.UH.EDU
S. E. Minnis
Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, NC, USA
e-mail: sminnis@email.wcu.edu
Training Onboarding
Mentoring Informal Learning
Career Coaching Socialization
Formal Mentoring
Mentoring has been linked to learning new skills, improving self-
confidence, developing career goals, identifying new opportunities for
advancement, and receiving more promotions (Chandler et al., 2010;
Dreher & Ash, 1990; Kram & Brager, 1992; Ragins & Cotton, 1999;
Scandura, 1992)—all of which contribute to successful career transi-
tions. The benefits of formal mentoring have been well documented
and warrant the wide use of this HRD intervention. Formal mentoring
programs are sanctioned by an organization and designed to replicate the
benefits of mentoring as a structured developmental process in which
organizations control who is mentored, when they are mentored, and
how they are mentored (Chao, 2009).
The developmental relationships that arise from formal mentoring
programs are typically formed from matching a mentor and a mentee
(Wanberg et al., 2006). These relationships are arranged for a specific
duration and are usually shorter in duration than a spontaneous devel-
opmental relationship (Blake-Beard, 2001; Chao, 2009; Wanberg et al.,
2006). Within formal mentoring relationships, the mentor often advises
the career development of the mentee, who typically has less organiza-
tional experience than the mentor. This career advisement can include
providing support, promoting and sponsoring the mentee, teaching, and
counseling. The primary focus in formal mentoring relationships is on
the mentee’s development toward professional goals, usually set by the
organization that initiated the mentoring program (Chao, 2009).
20 T. W. GREER AND S. E. MINNIS
Informal Mentoring
Informal mentoring relationships emerge organically out of unstructured
social interactions and are not governed by the timelines and guidelines
that characterize formal mentoring programs (Wanberg et al., 2006).
Informal mentoring develops out of interpersonal comfort rather than
assignment by an organization and includes many of the same activi-
ties as formal mentoring, such as sponsoring, teaching, and additional
career support (Douglas, 1997; Wanberg et al., 2006). The informal
mentoring relationships can last up to 8–10 years as the mentor guides the
care and psychological development of the mentee in addition to other
types of support (Douglas, 1997). When compared to formal mentoring,
informal mentoring relationships can result in more intense and more
committed developmental relationships, adding more value and mutual
support for both parties (Chao, 2009; Raabe & Beehr, 2003). Whereas
formal mentors are likely to improve their visibility in the organization
because of the organizational support of the mentoring relationships,
informal mentoring is often invisible and unconstrained (Chandler et al,
2010; Chao, 2009).
Coaching
Coaching is a short-term, task-oriented developmental relationship that
focuses on specific learning and development goals related to improving
employee performance (Egan & Hamlin, 2014; Ellinger & Kim, 2014).
According to Hamlin et al. (2008), coaching “is designed to improve
existing skills, competence and performance, and to enhance their
personal effectiveness or personal development or personal growth”
(p. 295). Cox et al. (2014) conceptualized coaching as a developmental
relationship comprised of four elements of relatively equal importance:
“(a) the client as individual, (b) the coach as individual, (c) coaching rela-
tionships and processes, and (d) context” (p. 142). Given the personal
nature of coaching goals, the coaching relationship can be customized
and uniquely designed for a coach-coachee dyad (Egan & Hamlin, 2014).
Accordingly, coaches can choose the coaching methods and tactics that
are most appropriate for the stated goals of the developmental relationship
(Cox et al., 2014).
A coach has four responsibilities to accomplish within the coaching
process, including encouraging the coachee’s self-discovery; clarifying,
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The importance of this step was well understood in Russia. Its
legality was proven. Iona wrote an epistle to his flock, a special one
to Kief, and several to Western Russia. In those epistles he justified
his installation, a work not superfluous in that time, for even in
Moscow there were men who considered his elevation as contrary to
Orthodox usage.
Then came the tidings that Tsargrad had fallen, and that Constantine
had died while defending the city, May 29, 1453. This sad event in
the Orthodox East aided the complete liberation of Russia from
Tsargrad.
The Grand Prince Vassili died in 1462, before he had reached his
fiftieth year. In the second half of his reign, Vassili the Blind [437]was
no longer the active, rather simple, and somewhat light-minded
person that he had been in his youth. Not so much years as bitter
suffering and experience, and especially the loss of his eyesight,
developed adroitness and stern resolution. He brought into his own
hands almost all the principalities near Moscow, and advanced very
greatly the union effected by his immediate successor. At his death
Russia included, besides the enlarged principality of Moscow, four
independent lands, that is, Pskoff and Novgorod, with the Tver and
Ryazan principalities.
The taking of Galitch by Kazimir the Great was the first exploit [438]in
distributing the lands of Russia among Polish nobles and the clergy,
and also of taking lands from Russian owners, and giving them to
Poles. This system had extended to Podolia from Galitch, a part of
which had been joined to Poland. But in Vitold’s day Podolia had
been given back to Russia almost entirely. In cities and castles were
representatives of the Grand Prince supported by Russo-Lithuanian
garrisons.
Polish magnates near the king, perhaps with his connivance, thought
out a stratagem. They sent a private letter to Butchatski, forbidding
him to obey Yagello’s order to yield Kamenyets, and
[439]commanding him to arrest Prince Baba and the messenger. The
letter was placed in a tube which was covered with wax and made to
look like a candle. This counterfeit candle was taken to Butchatski by
an attendant of the king’s messenger, who said, as he delivered it:
“You will find in this candle all the light needed.” Real candles were
burned before images, and were sent to chapels and churches,
therefore this candle roused no suspicion. Butchatski cut the candle,
found the letter, and followed its instructions.
In 1431 the king led a large army into Volynia. The Poles were
distinguished for their fury in that war; so irrepressible was it that the
people were forced to hide in forests and swamps, and in
inaccessible places. The king, to spare native regions, tried to curb
the troops under him; he even warned people of his coming, and
thus incurred the taunt that he was sparing his rebel brother. The
Poles sacked Vladimir; Volynia was burned. Svidrigello, with
Wallachians and Mongols, was preparing to meet the invasion, but
discovering the great strength of the king’s forces, he withdrew and
burned Lutsk to save it from the enemy. In the Lutsk castle he put
Yursha, a Russian, who defended that stronghold so stubbornly that
the Poles could not take it. Angered by this defeat, they accused the
king of malevolent slackness, and of intentional blunders. [440]
In the Polish camp disease attacked the men, and a distemper broke
out among the horses. Food failed. German knights declared war,
and invaded northern provinces. These calamities caused the king to
offer peace. The Grand Prince accepted, and concluded a truce
without consulting the Germans. Svidrigello retained what he had
when the war broke out, that is Eastern Podolia, and Volynia entire.
He had vindicated independence for the lands under him, but
beyond that the result of the war was merely plunder and bloodshed.
During this war Yagello died at the age of eighty-six. Thus ended a
reign of fifty years, a reign memorable in Eastern Europe. The two
great results of his life were the union of Lithuania and Poland, and
the reduction of the royal power till it was a mere shadow. Now the
nobles, with Olesnitski at the head of them, became all-powerful.
Instead of combining his provinces, and [441]organizing an army,
Svidrigello sought alliances, treated with Sigismund, with the
Germans, with the Khan, and with the Pope. All this proved his
unfitness, and weakened the attachment of the Orthodox party.
Besides he was passionate, given to anger, and cruel. He
sometimes punished with death those adherents of Sigismund whom
he captured. For example, he had one of the princes, Olshanski,
sewn up in a bag and drowned in the Dvina. Worse than all of his
evil deeds, he burned at the stake the metropolitan Gerásim, for an
unknown reason, but presumably for communicating with Sigismund.
So the war ended with victory for Sigismund, but he had little profit
from his triumph. The humiliating position in which the new prince
had put his own office roused opposition among Lithuanians and
Russians. Especially active were Olgerd’s descendants in fighting
against this son of Keistut, who had seized power unjustly, as it
seemed to them. Their indignation was increased by the cruelty with
which Sigismund hunted down every opponent. Men of the highest
distinction were imprisoned and deprived of their property, while
others were put to death without cause.
When Sigismund summoned a Diet, the report went out quickly that
that was only a trap to ruin princes and boyars. Unable to cast down
the tyrant, for he was surrounded by Polish defenders, they formed a
conspiracy, at the head of which stood a Russian, Prince Chartoriski,
Dovgerd, voevoda of Vilna, and Lelyush, [442]who commanded in
Troki. The conspirators used the hay tribute to carry out their
stratagem.
In the night before Palm Sunday, March, 1440, three hundred sleighs
bringing hay were drawn into Troki. In each sleigh two or three
armed men were secreted, and with each went a driver,—in all a
thousand men or more. The following morning Sigismund’s son,
Michael, went, accompanied by his father’s attendants, to early mass
in the cathedral. During mass the men hidden in the hay came out,
shut the gates of the fortress, and were led into the castle by
Chartoriski. Sigismund, without leaving his bed, was hearing mass
offered up by a priest in a chapel adjoining his chamber. He had a
tame bear which served as a guard near his person; when the beast
wished to enter he scratched at the door for admission. Chartoriski,
seeing the bear in the courtyard, and knowing its habit, scratched on
the door in imitation. The door was opened, and the conspirators
entered. Skobeiko, equerry to Sigismund, but now false to him,
seized an iron poker from the fireplace, and struck the prince on the
head with such violence that his blood and brains stained the walls
of the chamber. Slavko, a favorite and intimate of the Grand Prince,
tried to shield his master; but he was hurled through the window and
instantly killed. The body of the dead prince was conveyed in a
sleigh to the lake, and left on the ice there; later it was buried, near
Vitold’s grave, in the Cathedral of Vilna.
When news of this terrible crime spread through Troki, there was a
great outbreak. Michael and his attendants took refuge in a small
castle on an island of the lake near Troki. Lelyush seized the main
castle in the name of Svidrigello, and hung out his white banner
above it. Dovgerd did the same in Vilna, but in Vilna the upper castle
was taken by adherents of Michael. Meanwhile couriers raced off for
Svidrigello. He hurried back from Moldavia, and appearing at Lutsk,
was received with gladness by the people. Men imprisoned in
strongholds of Lithuania and Russia were freed, but Svidrigello,
instead of hastening to Vilna and Troki and securing the throne,
which had come to him a second time, loitered in Lutsk till affairs
changed again, and not to his profit.
Not slight was the task which confronted young Kazimir. The
preceding wars with their manifold miseries, the frosts, untimely and
terrible, the failure of harvests, famine, the pestilence, and other
visitations are mentioned continually in the chronicle. Besides, many
regions refused to accept him as Grand Prince. The king would not
acknowledge him, and the Poles were ever ready to uphold his
opponents, so as to break up the Grand Principality, and take in its
fragments one after another more easily. Hence Svidrigello received
Volynia and part of Podolia from the Polish king. Michael, son of that
Sigismund murdered at Troki, joined with Mazovian princes, and
gave them Berestei. Jmud, which rose against Kazimir, sided with
Michael. Smolensk was rebellious in like manner, but Ivan Gashtold,
the Grand Prince’s guardian and chief of his council of magnates,
pacified all. Even [444]Michael came finally to Vilna, and made peace
with Kazimir, receiving from him those same places which
Sigismund, his father, had held till he was murdered.
This peace, however, proved hollow, for Michael was raging against
Kazimir in secret, and plotting to take the throne from him at any
cost.
Once, when the Grand Prince was learning to hunt, some hundreds
of men well armed and mounted appeared in the forest. The moment
notice was given of their coming, Andrei Gashtold, the son of Ivan,
seized young Kazimir and galloped away with him to Troki. Gashtold,
the father, sent warriors to hunt down the horsemen. Some were
killed, others made captive; among the latter were five Russian
princes, the brothers Volojinski, who were put to death straightway in
Troki. Gasthold then hurried off toward Bryansk to meet Michael. But
Michael had fled to Moscow, and his lands were confiscated
straightway.
With Svidrigello the action was simpler. He abandoned the king, and
gave oath to Kazimir, who was his nephew. Kazimir left Svidrigello,
his old, childless uncle, in Volynia, giving Kief with all its connections
to Alexander, his cousin, a grandson of Olgerd and son of Vladimir.
Smolensk was not managed so easily, but still it was managed, and
kept for the Grand Principality.
Young Kazimir, grown accustomed to Russia, liked its ways and its
language. Besides, the sovereign had power in Russia, while in
Poland he had none. So when first his election was suggested, he
answered evasively, saying that his brother’s death was still doubtful.
At last the Poles used diplomacy to force him. They feigned to elect
a Mazovian, Prince Boleslav, and to prepare for the coronation. This
election meant war for the land claimed by Boleslav, and also a new
war with Michael by Boleslav himself. The prospect of two wars, and
the words of his mother brought conviction to Kazimir. In June, 1447,
he was crowned with solemnity in Cracow.
The position of the king was unenviable. At first he was under the
influence of Gashtold and others, and also of his own feelings, but as
king he was powerless to counteract the demands of Polish nobles,
who, besides the union of Russo-Lithuanian provinces, asked for
confirmation of certain rights granted by Yagello, and demanded still
others restricting royal action. There were two Polish parties at this
time, those of Great and Little Poland. Great Poland formed what is
now Poznan, Little Poland that part of the present Austrian Poland
which has its center at Cracow. The men of Great Poland were
mainly indifferent to questions [446]in the Grand Principality, because
they were distant. Little Poland, on the contrary, turned every effort
toward those questions. Immense lands, great careers, and much
power were to be won through getting Lithuania and Russia. The
head of the Little Poland party was Olesnitski, the chancellor. He
held the first place in all councils; behind him stood the party in
Cracow. The queen mother supported the chancellor. The young
king yielded much to Olesnitski, who had made Sigismund Grand
Prince, and was now working ardently for Michael, and urging the
king to give him lands in Lithuania and be reconciled. The king would
not listen to this; he did not forget that this same Michael had striven
to kill him.
Michael, after fleeing from Gashtold, had tarried in Moscow for some
time, and, with help of the Mongols, had endeavored to seize lands
from Lithuania. Vassili the Blind had supported him, while Kazimir
had upheld the opponents of Vassili. Failing at last, Michael went to
Moldavia, then to Silesia, and afterward back to Moscow. But by this
time Vassili of Moscow had agreed with Lithuania, consequently he
refused to help Michael further. At last Michael died, it is stated
through poison given by some abbot,—poison of such power that the
prince died immediately. Then the abbot, terrified by the thought of
vengeance from Michael’s cousin, Sophia, the daughter of Vitold,
also drank of the poison and died.
After that the king had great trouble in allaying the bitter hatred and
rancor of parties, and in the next Diet, formed of Poles only, he
yielded, confirming all the rights demanded, and taking an [447]oath
never to alienate from Poland any lands which had ever belonged to
it, among others the lands of Lithuania, Moldavia, and Russia. More
important still, the king bound himself to keep near his person at all
times a council made up of four Poles, and to remove the
Lithuanians who were hostile to Poland.
In 1455 Olesnitski, the cardinal, died, at a time when the Poles were
beginning a war which proved most serious.
In Prussia there had long been a dull and stubborn conflict between
towns and lay landholders on one side, and the Order, composed of
Knights of the Cross, on the other. The Order, retaining all authority,
burdened the people with great dues and taxes, and hampered the
Hanse towns in their traffic. Certain landholders had formed against
the Order a league called the Brotherhood. To this Brotherhood
almost all the large trading towns joined themselves. In the struggle
which followed, the Pope and the Emperor inclined toward the Order.
The league turned to Kazimir, and signed a pact making the
Prussian lands subject to Poland, reserving for itself various
privileges as to trade, taxes, and government.
But now the need came to defend this position. The German Order,
notwithstanding its fall, had much force still left, as well as the energy
to resist for a long time, and even in 1454 it inflicted on Kazimir a
notable defeat on the field of Choinitsi. After that the war lasted with
changing results for twelve years. Then the Order, having exhausted
its forces, sued for peace, and in 1466 received it at Thorn through
the aid of the papal legate.
By this peace the lands of Culm and Pomerania, with the cities
Marienburg, Dantzig and Elbing, went to Poland, but Eastern
Prussia, with Königsberg, its capital, remained with the Order, which
assumed certain feudal relations to Poland. The main reason why
the war was so long and ended without conquering the Order
completely, is found in the quarrels and struggles between the Poles
and the Russo-Lithuanians. The latter refrained almost entirely from
taking part in the conflict, and the whole weight of it fell upon Poland.
Though the same sovereign was both king and Grand Prince, he had
so little authority in Poland, and was so hampered by parties that he
had no power to make the three countries act as one body. Dlugosh,
the Polish historian, declares that in the Grand Principality Russians
and Lithuanians [448]opposed to the Poles had secret relations with
the Order, against which the Poles were then warring.
The first prince in Kief descended from Gedimin, and under a Grand
Prince of that descent also, was Gedimin’s grandson, Vladimir, son
of Olgerd. In his long rule of thirty years, from 1362 to 1392, the old
city rested to a certain extent, and recovered considerably from the
terrible destruction wrought by Batu and other Mongol khans.
But the Polish king felt so strong now in Western Russia that he
determined to give a blow to the system, and put an end to Kief’s
separate existence. Kazimir, remembering that the Russo-Lithuanian
boyars had demanded that he should live in Lithuania at all times, or
send viceroys, indicating Simeon while they did so, not only refused
to give Kief to any son of Alexander, but appointed a viceroy, Martin,
son of Gashtold. The Kief people now refused to admit this man, but
Martin brought with him an army, took Kief by assault, and seated
himself in the so-called “Lithuanian castle.”
Kazimir had adopted the method of Vitold, and was supplanting the
princes by his own men. The princes, of course, did not yield without
a struggle. A conspiracy was formed; at the head of it was
Alexander’s son, Michael, and his cousin Feodor Bailski, also a
grandson of Vladimir. The plans of the conspirators have not been
made clear to us; according to some historians, they intended to
seize Kazimir, dethrone, or kill him, and make Michael Grand Prince.
According to others, they planned to take possession of certain
eastern districts, and put them under the Grand Prince of Moscow.
Smolensk was deprived of its old princely stock, and the city was
held, through commanders, as a kind of corner-stone to the
Lithuanian state in northeastern regions.
In 1446 the king sent Azi Girei to the Crimea with a convoy of his
own men, commanded by Radzivill, and on his arrival, the murzas
made him Khan. Besides the Crimean populations, Girei had under
him the Nogai Horde, which lived between the Sea of Azoff and the
Dnieper. In general he is considered the real founder of the Khanate.
This separation of the lands along the Black Sea from the Golden
Horde on the Volga was attended by a strife which was increased
through inherited hatred between the descendants of Tohtamish and
Kutlui.
The Genoese colonies felt the weight of this Crimean Horde, which
extended its lordship throughout the steppes on the north of the