Incarceration and Generation Volume Ii Challenging Generational Relations 1St Edition Silvia Gomes Maria Full Chapter PDF

Incarceration And Generation, Volume
II: Challenging Generational Relations

1st Edition Silvia Gomes Maria
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/incarceration-and-generation-volume-ii-challenging-g
enerational-relations-1st-edition-silvia-gomes-maria/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...
Imperialism And Capitalism, Volume II: Normative

Perspectives 1st Edition Edition Dipak Basu
https://ebookmass.com/product/imperialism-and-capitalism-volume-
ii-normative-perspectives-1st-edition-edition-dipak-basu/
Joodse Magie 1st Edition Silvia Hill
https://ebookmass.com/product/joodse-magie-1st-edition-silvia-
hill/
Flow Assurance. Volume II Qiwei Wang
https://ebookmass.com/product/flow-assurance-volume-ii-qiwei-
wang/
Gentrification around the World, Volume II: Innovative

Approaches 1st ed. Edition Jerome Krase
https://ebookmass.com/product/gentrification-around-the-world-
volume-ii-innovative-approaches-1st-ed-edition-jerome-krase/
Sustainable Consumption and Production, Volume II:
Circular Economy and Beyond 1st ed. Edition Ranjula
Bali Swain
https://ebookmass.com/product/sustainable-consumption-and-
production-volume-ii-circular-economy-and-beyond-1st-ed-edition-
ranjula-bali-swain/
Violence Against Women and Criminal Justice in Africa:

Volume II: Sexual Violence and Vulnerability 1st
Edition Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz
https://ebookmass.com/product/violence-against-women-and-
criminal-justice-in-africa-volume-ii-sexual-violence-and-
vulnerability-1st-edition-ashwanee-budoo-scholtz/
The Digital Journey of Banking and Insurance, Volume II

1st ed. 2021 Edition Volker Liermann
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-digital-journey-of-banking-and-
insurance-volume-ii-1st-ed-2021-edition-volker-liermann/
Spatial Economics, Volume II: Applications Stefano

Colombo
https://ebookmass.com/product/spatial-economics-volume-ii-
applications-stefano-colombo/
Huawei Goes Global: Volume II: Regional, Geopolitical

Perspectives and Crisis Management 1st ed. Edition
Wenxian Zhang
https://ebookmass.com/product/huawei-goes-global-volume-ii-
regional-geopolitical-perspectives-and-crisis-management-1st-ed-
edition-wenxian-zhang/
PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
PRISONS AND PENOLOGY
Incarceration
and Generation,
Volume II
Challenging Generational Relations
Edited by
Silvia Gomes
Maria João Leote de Carvalho
Vera Duarte
Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology
Series Editors
Ben Crewe, Institute of Criminology,
University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Yvonne Jewkes, Social & Policy Sciences,
University of Bath, Bath, UK
Thomas Ugelvik, Faculty of Law,
University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway
This is a unique and innovative series, the first of its kind dedi-
cated entirely to prison scholarship. At a historical point in which
the prison population has reached an all-time high, the series seeks to
analyse the form, nature and consequences of incarceration and related
forms of punishment. Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology provides
an important forum for burgeoning prison research across the world.
Series Advisory Board: Anna Eriksson (Monash University), Andrew
M. Jefferson (DIGNITY - Danish Institute Against Torture), Shadd
Maruna (Rutgers University), Jonathon Simon (Berkeley Law, University
of California) and Michael Welch (Rutgers University).
More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14596
Silvia Gomes ·
Maria João Leote de Carvalho · Vera Duarte
Editors
Incarceration
and Generation,
Volume II
Challenging Generational Relations
Editors
Silvia Gomes Maria João Leote de Carvalho
Nottingham Trent University CICS.NOVA - Interdisciplinary Centre of
Nottingham, UK Social Sciences
School of Social Sciences and Humanities
Vera Duarte Universidade NOVA de Lisboa (NOVA
University Institute of Maia—ISMAI FCSH)
Maia, Portugal Lisbon, Portugal
Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology

ISBN 978-3-030-82275-0 ISBN 978-3-030-82276-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82276-7
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher,
whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting,
reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical
way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software,
or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt
from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with
regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Cover credit: Smartha/Alamy Stock Photo
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland
AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
Writing a book in a time of pandemic has been an incredibly challenging

process. The editors are forever indebted to all the authors for having
accepted the challenge to contribute with their time and expertise to
this book and for making different geographies more visible through this
crossover of incarceration and generational studies.
We would like to acknowledge Palgrave Macmillan for the support
provided in making this book possible, particularly to Josie Taylor for
the keen insights and for believing in this project since its beginning. We
are grateful to Arun Kumar Anbalagan for the ongoing editorial support
and technical editing. Our gratitude goes also to the reviewers of the first
book proposal, whose detailed and constructive comments were essential
to the final structure of the book in two volumes.
A special word of thanks to Adriana Barreiros and Fran Seftel for their
crucial role in the processes of language editing and proofreading.
We would also like to thank the reviewers of the chapters for their
efforts in providing significant insights to improve the content and
quality of each text. We highly appreciate the double role performed by
some of the authors by acting as referees.
v
vi Acknowledgements
Maria João Leote de Carvalho would like to thank the FCT—

Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia for financing her research through
a postdoctoral research grant (Ref. SFRH/BPD/116119/2016), under
Operational Human Capital Program (POCH) funds, co-financed by
the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Ministry of Science, Technology
and Higher Education (MCTES).
A final and truly special word of appreciation to all the other authors
who started with us on this journey and, regrettably, due to the circum-
stances related to the pandemic we are currently living in, were forced to
abandon this project.
Praise for Incarceration and Generation,
Volume II
“Long underdeveloped and overlooked, the intense generational effects

and relations of incarceration take center stage in this two-volume tour de
force. International, comprehensive, rigorous, and engaged, this contri-
bution gives the study of punishment a vital framework from which to
conceptualize a new form of generation studies in critical relation to an
expanding penal landscape.”
—Michelle Brown, University of Tennessee, USA
“In the face of the pervasive use of detention as a form of manage-

ment and control of a variety of populations, and given the persistent
reality of penal and non-penal incarceration in the lives of many people
over the years and across generations, this is a timely edited collec-
tion. Covering several jurisdictions and cultural contexts, and combining
different disciplinary perspectives, the two volumes offer an illuminating
angle to assess the impacts of incarceration by examining how it is lived
in diverse life stages and how it becomes present in intergenerational and
intragenerational relations.”
—Manuela Ivone Cunha, Universidade do Minho, Portugal
vii
viii Praise for Incarceration and Generation, Volume II
“Incarceration impacts not only the individual, but also their families and
society. Because incarceration rates are so high, it is vital to understand
the impact of incarceration. This book presents a well-rounded perspec-
tive on the impact of incarceration on our society, from intergenera-
tional transmission to the impact of criminalising migrants, in countries
around the world, including Cameroon, Mexico, Brazil, and other coun-
tries in Latin America, Norway, Spain, Portugal, England, and Canada.
It’s an excellent source for anyone interested in the impact of prisons in
several ways, especially from a more international and multidisciplinary
perspective.”
—Sytske Besemer, expert on intergenerational transmission, currently a
UX researcher for the integrity team at Facebook, USA
“Incarceration and Generation is the result of a truly international

and interdisciplinary cooperation, with a broad comparative scope,
pluralist in methodology, and strongly motivated by the commitment of
contributing to the effectiveness of human rights in situations of deten-
tion. It makes us rediscover the reality of imprisonment by inquiring its
impact on that essential characteristic of humans as living beings: the
fact that they grow and age. Scrutinizing the consequences of imprison-
ment on people at different moments through their lifespan, and on the
relationship between different generations, this work enriches the schol-
arship about prisons, and, at the same time, takes part in a broader and
indispensable reflection about the human condition nowadays.”
—Pierre Guibentif, Maison des Sciences de l’Homme (MSH), Université
Paris-Saclay, France
“Not quite life-course criminology, not quite family studies, this treat-
ment of ‘generation’ and incarceration covers children’s issues, parenting,
intergenerational transmission, age and aging, and other topics relevant
to our movement through the life cycle and through history. Readers will
appreciate the blend of conceptual, quantitative, and qualitative work,
Praise for Incarceration and Generation, Volume II ix
the diversity in geographic representation, and the coverage of both time-

less problems and current events. This book is an excellent resource for
scholars and for students.”
—Sonja E. Siennick, Florida State University, College of Criminology and
Criminal Justice, USA
“This volume presents original, rich and diverse perspectives on incarcer-

ation and its impacts on different life stages and the broader concept of
generation. Combined, it is a fascinating account of a complex subject
which will add significantly to the academic literature and to our wider
understand of the phenomena involved.”
—Ursula Kilkelly, University College Cork, School of Law, Ireland
Contents
1 Incarceration and Generational Relations—Exploring

a Theoretical and Empirical Field of Research 1
Sílvia Gomes, Maria João Leote de Carvalho,
and Vera Duarte
2 Intergenerational Continuities in Imprisonment:
Findings from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent
Development 41
Katherine M. Auty, Henriette Bergstrøm,
and David P. Farrington
3 Towards a Holistic Approach to Systemic Child
Participation for Child-Friendly Justice 71
Cédric Foussard and Ha Ryong Jung
4 Victims or Victimizers? An Insight of Imprisoned
Youths in Latin America 107
Ana Safranoff and Antonella Tiravassi
xi
xii Contents
5 Fathering from Prison: Managing Relations

and Reflecting upon Intergenerational Impacts 137
Rafaela Granja
6 Effects of Incarceration on Families in Cameroon
Prisons: Perspectives of Imprisoned Mothers, Minors
and the Elderly 169
Helen Namondo Linonge-Fontebo
7 Incarceration and Intergenerational Family Relations
in Organized Crime 201
Ana Guerreiro, Sílvia Gomes, and Pedro Sousa
8 Lives in Cages: A Media Analysis of Incarceration
Experiences Across Generations on the US-Mexico
Border 227
Jack Mills, Raquel Oliveira, and Silvia Gomes
9 Measuring the Intergenerational Effects
of Incarceration 273
Manudeep Bhuller, Gordon B. Dahl, Katrine V. Løken,
and Magne Mogstad
Index 311
Notes on Contributors
Katherine M. Auty is a Senior Research Associate in the Prisons

Research Centre at the Institute of Criminology, University of
Cambridge. She completed her Ph.D. at the Forensic Psychiatry Research
Unit, Barts and The London School of Medicine, examining the inter-
generational transmission of criminal offending, psychopathy and other
personality disorders using data from the Cambridge Study in Delin-
quent Development. Her current research focuses on understanding
prison culture and its relationship to outcomes for prisoners.
Henriette Bergstrøm is a Senior Lecturer in Criminal Psychology in the
School of Law and Social Sciences at the University of Derby, UK. Henri-
ette’s current research focus is on the development of psychopathy within
a developmental and life-course criminology perspective.
Manudeep Bhuller is an Associate Professor of economics on tenure-
track at the University of Oslo, Norway. He also holds an appointment
as a research fellow in the Research Department at Statistics Norway.
His research interests are in labour economics, economics of education
and economics of crime. Previously, he was a postdoctoral scholar at the
xiii
xiv Notes on Contributors
University of Chicago. He received a Ph.D. from the University of Oslo

in 2014.
Gordon B. Dahl is a Professor of economics at the University of Cali-
fornia, San Diego. He serves as Area Director for Labor Economics
for the CESifo Network and is an associate editor for the American
Economic Review and Economic Inquiry. Dahl’s research interests are
in labour economics and applied microeconomics, including a wide set
of issues that range from how income affects child achievement, to peer
effects among coworkers and family members, to the impact of incarcera-
tion on recidivism and employment, to intergenerational links in welfare
use. He received a Ph.D. from Princeton University in 1998.
Vera Duarte holds a Ph.D. in Sociology by Universidade do Minho
(2011) and is an assistant professor at University Institute of Maia
(ISMAI, Portugal) and a researcher at Interdisciplinary Centre of Social
Sciences (CICS.NOVA, University of Minho, Portugal) and at the
Research Unit in Criminology and Behavioral Sciences (UICCC/ISMAI,
Portugal), where she was the Director until 2020. She has been involved
in teaching and research into the sociology of deviance and crime,
juvenile and gender delinquency.
David P. Farrington, O.B.E., is Emeritus Professor of Psychological
Criminology at the Institute of Criminology, Cambridge University and
Director of the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, a 50-
year follow-up of 400 London males. He received the Stockholm Prize
in Criminology in 2013. He was President of the American Society of
Criminology in 1998-99. He is the first and only person to receive the
four major awards of the American Society of Criminology: the Edwin
Sutherland Award in 2002 for outstanding contributions to criminology,
the Sellin-Glueck Award in 1984 for international contributions to crim-
inology, the August Vollmer Award in 2014 for outstanding contribu-
tions to the prevention of delinquency and the Herbert Bloch Award in
2018 for outstanding service contributions to criminology.
Cédric Foussard is an expert on justice for children, working at an
international level. He is currently the Advocacy and Global Learning
Advisor for Terre des Hommes Foundation—Access to Justice program.
Notes on Contributors xv
For more than a decade he was the Director of The International Juve-
nile Justice Observatory, an international not-for-profit organization that
promoted a global approach to child rights, especially for children in
conflict with the law. Here, Foussard led a multidisciplinary team, to
develop research and advocacy strategies, as well as to propose poli-
cies and legislative instruments and to encourage the implementation of
good practices. He has developed a strong juvenile justice network of
more than 10,000 experts from all over the world, and regional think
tanks in Europe, North and Latin America, Asia-Pacific and Africa.
Foussard has organized, as well, numerous international events and
training in collaboration with UN Agencies such as UNODC, UNICEF,
OHCHR and regional bodies like the European Commission, Council
of Europe, Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Foussard is currently
the lead organizer of the World Congresses on Justice for Children which
the last edition “Strengthening justice systems for children: Challenges,
including disengagement from violent extremism”, was impulsed by an
international consortium of organizations focused on children’s rights
and The UNESCO through the Information for All Programme.
Silvia Gomes is currently a Lecturer in Criminology at Nottingham
Trent University (UK) and a Researcher at the Interdisciplinary Center of
Social Sciences (CICS.NOVA, Portugal). She holds a Ph.D. in Sociology
(2013). She is co-coordinating the Thematic Section on Sociology of Law
and Justice of the Portuguese Sociological Association. Author of several
books, book chapters and papers in scientific journals, her main areas
of research are focused on crime and media, prison studies, crime and
ethnicity, social inequalities, intersectional approaches and more recently
on reentry, recidivism and criminal desistance. Her recently co-edited
books are Female Crime and Delinquency in Portugal: In and Out of the
Criminal Justice System (2018, Palgrave) and Prisons, State and Violence
(2019, Springer).
Rafaela Granja holds a Ph.D. in Sociology (2015) and is a researcher
at the Communication and Society Research Centre (CECS), Univer-
sity of Minho, Portugal. Her research explores topics of technological
surveillance of criminalized populations, the interconnections between
xvi Notes on Contributors
family, genetics and crime and reconfigurations of family relation-

ships inside and outside the prison. She has awarded a Grant from
“Scientific Employment Stimulus” (2nd Edition) promoted by the
Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT—Fundação
para a Ciência e Tecnologia), a researcher-centred, highly competitive
scheme, aimed at providing support for the most talented and creative
researchers. Her publications include the books “Genetic surveillance
and crime control: social, cultural and political perspectives” (Rout-
ledge, forthcoming 2021), “Forensic Genetics in the Governance of
Crime” (Palgrave, 2020) and “Modes of Bio-Bordering: The Hidden
(Dis)integration of Europe” (Palgrave, 2020), as well as several scientific
articles in indexed high-impact journals.
Ana Guerreiro is a Ph.D. student in Criminology with a
Fellowship funded by Foundation for Science and Technology
(SFRH/BD/143202/2019) at School of Criminology of the Faculty
of Law, University of Porto, through the CJS—Interdisciplinary Centre
on Crime Justice and Security, Portugal. Invited Lecturer in Criminology
at the University Institute of Maia (ISMAI). Her main research areas
are gender studies, gender-based violence, organized crime and crime
prevention.
Ha Ryong Jung is a human rights Lawyer specializing in children’s
rights and child protection, particularly in the field of justice for chil-
dren that encompass child-friendly justice frameworks and safeguards
for children in contact with the law. He has focused on the Southeast
Asian region for the past few years, coordinating the National Launch
of the UN Global Study on Children Deprived of Liberty in Cambodia,
empowering children and youth and reinforcing laws and procedures on
access to justice and protection for children. He holds a JD from Harvard
Law School.
Maria João Leote de Carvalho is a researcher at the Interdisciplinary
Centre of Social Sciences (CICS.NOVA), School of Social Sciences and
Humanities, from the Universidade NOVA de Lisboa. She holds a Ph.D.
in Sociology (FCSH-UNL), and currently she is conducting Postdoctoral
research on youth justice and young adult criminal law regime with the
Notes on Contributors xvii
support of FCT (Ref. SFRH/BPD/116119/2016). She has been involved

in research and teaching in the fields of sociology of deviance, crime and
violence and children and youth studies. She is Scientific Consultant at
the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Working Group on Child Poverty
from the EAPN-Portugal and member of the Child-Friendly Justice—
European Network. In 2016, she was appointed as Counselor to the
National Council of the National Commission for the Promotion of the
Rights and Protection of Children and Young People, Portugal.
Helen Namondo Linonge-Fontebo is a Senior Lecturer in the Depart-
ment of Women and Gender Studies and Secretary General in the
Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, University of Buea,
Cameroon. She earned a Doctor of Literature and Philosophy in Soci-
ology, from the University of South Africa, South Africa and holds a
Master’s degree in Women and Gender studies and a B.Sc. Double
Major degree in Women’s Studies and Law from the University of Buea,
Cameroon. She is an alumnus of the Study of the United States Institute
(SUSI) on Religious Pluralism and Public Presence from the University of
California, Santa Barbara. Her major research interests are Gender, Law,
human rights, sexuality and feminist theory. She has published a book,
several articles and book chapters both in national and international
journals.
Katrine V. Løken is Professor of Economics at the Norwegian School
of Economics. Løken’s research interests include labour economics and
applied econometrics. Her main focus is on the long-term effects of early
investments in childhood and more recently she has worked on topics
related to crime, incarceration and victimization. She received a Starting
Grant in 2017 from the European Research Council on “Criminality,
Victimization and Social Interactions”. She is a co-editor of the Review
of Economic Studies. She received a Ph.D. from the University of Bergen
in 2010.
Jack Mills is currently a Ph.D. Student at Florida State University
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice. He received bachelor’s
xviii Notes on Contributors
degrees in criminology and political science from Florida State Univer-

sity. His developing areas of research are control and consensus, courts,
hate and bias, immigration, media studies and translational criminology.
Magne Mogstad is the Gary S. Becker Professor in Economics at the
University of Chicago. He serves as the Director of the Ronzetti Initia-
tive for the Study of Labor Markets at the Becker Friedman Institute
and is a co-editor of the Journal of Political Economy. Mogstad’s research
is motivated by the broad question of how to address market failures
and equalize opportunities. He is a recipient of the 2020 Sherwin Rosen
Prize, the 2017 IZA Young Labor Economist Award and the 2015 Alfred
P. Sloan Foundation Fellowship. He received a Ph.D. from the University
of Oslo in 2008.
Raquel Oliveira is currently a Lecturer at the University of the West
of England, UK. She holds a Ph.D. in Criminology and Criminal
Justice from Florida State University (2020) that she completed with
the support of a Fulbright scholarship and a Doctoral Scholarship from
the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT). Raquel
is a member of the Analyses and Metric Validation Research Group
(CNPQ—UNESP, Brazil—2012) and of the Interdisciplinary Center
of Social Sciences (CICS.NOVA). Her main research interests include
life-course criminology, psycho-bio-social correlates of crime and violent
offending.
Ana Safranoff holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from the Pompeu Fabra
University. She is currently a researcher at the National Council for
Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET, Argentina), based at
Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos sobre Inseguridad y Violencia
(CELIV/UNTREF). After finishing her doctoral thesis, her research has
been focused on the study of different aspects of gender and social
inequalities in the prison environment, as well as in the context of
couples. These investigations resulted in articles published in interna-
tional academic journals, such as Women Criminal Justice, Violence Against
Women and the European Journal of Criminology. She has also partici-
pated in technical reports on these topics for international organizations,
such as IDB, UNICEF, ILO and Red Cross.
Notes on Contributors xix
Pedro Sousa holds a Ph.D. in Economics from ISEG (University of

Lisbon), Currently he is a Professor at the Faculty of Law and the School
of Criminology of the University of Porto. He is Director of the School of
Criminology and is affiliated with the Interdisciplinary Research Center
on Crime, Justice and Security (CJS), Portugal. His research activity is
carried out around economic and financial crimes, costs of crime, orga-
nized crime, criminal networks and evaluation of interventions in the
justice system. The outcomes of this research have been presented at
conferences and published in international scientific journals, in books
and in book chapters.
Antonella Tiravassi is a Sociologist and a Professor of Sociology at the
University of Buenos Aires, Argentina. She graduated with an interna-
tional specialization in Health and Human Rights from the University
of Geneva. She is now applying for a Master’s Degree in International
Political Sociology at UNTREF (University of Tres de Febrero) and her
thesis focuses on the ordeals of the trajectory of immigrant women in
prison. She has worked for international organisms such as IADB (Inter-
American Development Bank) and the European Community Founda-
tion Friedrich Ebert (FES). She has also been coordinating projects and
designing indicators for monitoring and evaluating social programs in
different government agencies such as the Ministry of Social Develop-
ment, (SIEMPRO-SISFAM) and in the private sector (YPF Founda-
tion). She is an academic researcher for the CELIV-UNTREF in topics
regarding justice, violence and gender. At the moment, she is working on
gender and diversity politics in different organisms such as ELA, Banco
Nación Argentina, ILO and IADB.
List of Figures
Chapter 7
Fig. 1 Organized crime group 1 217
Fig. 2 Organized crime group 2 218
Chapter 9
Fig. 1 Incarceration rates in the US, Western Europe,
and Norway, 1980–2018 (Notes The Western European
countries used to construct the population-weighted
average include Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland,
France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy,
Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland, and the UK. Source: World Prison
Brief, Institute for Criminal Policy Research) 274
xxi
xxii List of Figures
Fig. 2 Incarceration Rates and GDP per Capita (Notes Sample

consists of 160 countries with population greater
than 0.5 million and with available data on incarceration
and GDP. Incarceration rates and GDP are for the latest
available year. GDP per capita is adjusted for purchasing
power parity (PPP) and reported in 2010 US dollars.
The Western European countries used to construct
a population-weighted average are Austria, Belgium,
Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland,
Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway,
Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and, the UK.
Sources: World Prison Brief, Institute for Criminal
Policy Research; World Economic Outlook, International
Monetary Fund; World Bank) 275
Fig. 3 First-stage graph of incarceration on judge stringency
2020 Notes This figure is taken from Bhuller et al. [2020],
page 1290. The probability of incarceration is plotted
on the right Y-axis against leave-out mean judge stringency
of the assigned judge, shown along the X-axis. The plotted
values are mean-standardized residuals from regressions
on court by year interacted fixed effects, and a set
of demographic and crime type control variables. The
solid line shows a local linear regression of incarceration
on judge stringency. Dashed lines show 90% confidence
intervals. The histogram shows the density of judge
stringency along the left Y-axis [top and bottom 2%
excluded]) 300
List of Tables
Chapter 2
Table 1 Imprisoned fathers versus imprisoned sons 58
Table 2 Parameter estimates for hierarchical logistic regression
models predicting imprisoned G2 males (N = 392) 59
Table 3 Mediation analysis 61
Chapter 4
Table 1 Factors associated with the likelihood of men deprived
of liberty in Latin America having been beaten
during their stay at the police station. Main effects.
Logistic regression 123
Table 2 Factors associated with the likelihood of men deprived
of their liberty in Latin America being beaten
during the past six months in prison. Main effects.
Logistic regression 124
Chapter 5
Table 1 Prisoners’ characterization 148
xxiii
xxiv List of Tables
Chapter 7
Table 1 Sociodemographics of the accused individuals (N = 278) 214
Table 2 Family ties inside organized crime groups (N = 100) 216
Table 3 Sentencing outcomes (N = 278) 220
Chapter 8
Table 1 Frequency count per theme resulting from the thematic
analysis of 302 news articles 239
Chapter 9
Table 1 Studies estimating the causal effects of parental
incarceration using panel data designs 290
Table 2 Studies estimating the causal effects of parental
incarceration using random judge designs 296
1
Incarceration and Generational
Relations—Exploring a Theoretical
and Empirical Field of Research
Sílvia Gomes, Maria João Leote de Carvalho,
and Vera Duarte
Incarceration and Generation: Challenging Generational Relations is the

second volume of a two-book series around the intersections between
incarceration and generation. The present volume presents and debates
S. Gomes (B)
Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, UK
e-mail: silvia.damotagomes@ntu.ac.uk
M. J. L. de Carvalho
CICS.NOVA - Interdisciplinary Centre of Social Sciences, School of Social
Sciences and Humanities, Universidade NOVA de Lisboa (NOVA FCSH),
Lisbon, Portugal
e-mail: mjleotec@sapo.pt
V. Duarte
University Institute of Maia—ISMAI, Maia, Portugal
e-mail: vduarte@ismai.pt
S. Gomes · V. Duarte
CICS.NOVA - Interdisciplinary Centre of Social Sciences, School of Social
Sciences and Humanities, Lisbon, Portugal
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1
Switzerland AG 2022
S. Gomes et al. (eds.), Incarceration and Generation, Volume II,
Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82276-7_1
2 S. Gomes et al.
key intergenerational relations issues within incarceration. The first

volume, entitled Incarceration and Generation: Multiple Faces of Confine-
ment, explores the experiences, dynamics, cultures, interventions and
impacts of incarceration in various generations, from childhood to
adulthood and older age.
Our main goal with these two volumes is to present different perspec-
tives on the complex nature of the multiple intersections between
incarceration and generation through a variety of chapters that cover
different geographic judicial and administrative contexts of incarcera-
tion, as well as different areas of research in law and social sciences. This
makes it possible to identify, analyse and debate, from multiple angles,
the social construction of the term generation within the framework of
different justice policies and prison practices. Without exhausting all the
possible connections between incarceration and generation, the different
perspectives brought to these volumes help substantiate the importance
of acknowledging generation as a key concept in incarceration studies,
encouraging academics to reflect on the relevance of considering this
domain as a distinct field of research.
The concepts of incarceration and generation have been presented and
discussed in the first volume (see Gomes et al., 2021, volume I). We
argued for the need to broaden the concept of incarceration to include
all its forms, given the renewed complexity of the social issues related
to the measures involving deprivation of liberty worldwide (Bosworth,
2017; Fassin, 2011, 2017). This broader concept encompasses all forms
of the so-called ‘traditional’ coercive institutional confinement, such as
prisons, jails and juvenile detention centres, and other forms of admin-
istrative and institutional imprisonment. With regard to the concept of
generation, we explored the different categories and meanings associated
with the term–as a principle of kinship descent, as a cohort, as a life
stage and as a historical period (Ketzer, 1983). We argued that generation
should not be limited to being defined as a cohort or using a life course
approach. We understand generations as a social construction, and, as
such, we include in this two-book series the plurality of possible mean-
ings of this concept. In the first volume, we explored generation as a life
stage. In this second volume, we widen the discussion to include chapters
that focus on generation as a principle of kinship descent–particularly to
1 Incarceration and Generational Relations—Exploring … 3
explore issues relating to family and incarceration–and also as a cohort

and as a historical period (see Kertzer, 1983, p. 126).
Within the scope of this second volume, the focus is placed on
the challenges of generational relations in incarceration. The present
chapter explores aspects of the intersections between incarceration and
generation(s). In that context, it focuses on how intragenerational and
intergenerational relations can operate in confinement and/or how they
could impact confinement experiences. It does so, firstly, by expanding
the conceptual discussion around generation, framing it within the scope
of crime studies literature, particularly on life course and family studies,
and, secondly, by providing a brief state-of-the-art review of the liter-
ature on the intersections of incarceration and generational relations.
This framework provides structure and guidance to the setting of the
entire volume’s rationale, which is to examine generational relations in
incarceration, with chapters focusing particularly on intergenerational
continuities in imprisonment, intergenerational justice and citizenship,
the impacts of incarceration on multiple generations and within families
and media representations of the intergenerationality of incarceration.
At the end, the potential of incarceration and generation studies as an
independent field of research is discussed.
1 Expanding the Conceptual Delimitation

of Generation: Intergenerational
and Intragenerational Challenges
Bristow (2016) affirms ‘the concept of generation denotes the biological
reality of being, the historical reality of living, and the epistemological
problem of knowing’ (2016, p. 1). These diverse views of generation
have been discussed by many authors across different fields of study.
Kertzer (1983) proposed four categories to aggregate the concept and
its different meanings: (1) generation as a principle of kinship descent–
mostly used by anthropologists to encompass a set of kinship relations in
a particular community, while demographers use it as a measure to iden-
tify the length of a generation; (2) generation as a cohort–used mostly in
the work of demographers to identify the succession of people moving
4 S. Gomes et al.
though the age strata; (3) generation as a life stage–as used in relation to
the opposition between younger and older generations, especially when
trying to show a generational conflict; and (4) generation as a historical
period–used more commonly in history, but also in life course crimi-
nology, in the sense that a generation can cover a wide range of cohorts,
often linked to specific events (Kertzer, 1983, p. 126).
Although these categories may appear circumscribed and exclusive,
there are several limits to each one of them individually (see Gomes et al.,
2021, volume 1), and they are not completely exclusive. In Elder’s defini-
tion of generation, we can see that generation as a historical period and
as kinship can be associated under the same theoretical and analytical
approach. Based on his longitudinal studies of child and adult devel-
opment, Elder (1974, 1985, 2001) formulated a life course perspective
positing the process through which social and historical contexts, partic-
ularly during childhood and adolescence, affect the trajectory of an
individual’s development through the lifespan. At the same time, this
author observes that life course studies, at least the initial ones, focused
on the family context, such as kinship ties, social transmission, inter-
generational relations, the life cycle in which one generation reproduces
another and generational status, while most recent studies focus on
themes such as lives and times, the timing of linked lives and human
agency (Elder, 2001, pp. 16–17). As such, several key concepts in the
fields of life course and family studies must be discussed so that we
can set the definition, content and boundaries of generational relations,
both intergenerational and intragenerational, particularly in social crime
studies.
Life course: The life course perspective seeks to relate the social
meaning of age throughout the life cycle, the intergenerational trans-
mission of social patterns and the effects of social history and social
structure on the study of human behaviour over time (Elder, 1992).
As such, this perspective plays an important role in helping to under-
stand the intergenerational impacts of crime and delinquent behaviour as
well as of incarceration. In this section, this perspective will be presented
in order to develop the framework for the concepts mentioned above,
both by taking into consideration the fact that a social event may affect
individuals differently in different stages of their lives–childhood or
adulthood–and by exploring the family context, such as kinship ties and

social transmission.
Elder (1992, 2001) incorporates macro elements in his analysis of the
trajectories and transitions of the behaviour of individuals throughout
their life cycle. The author argues that there are fundamental mechanisms
through which the social environment changes and trajectories influence
the cause and substance of human lives (Elder, 2001, pp. 5–7). These
mechanisms are identified as ‘lives and historical times’, ‘social timing’,
‘linked lives’ and ‘human agency’. Depending on the time when one was
born, especially in such volatile and changing societies, one might be
exposed to different historical worlds, with their own constraints and
options. Therefore, individual life trajectories may reflect these different
historical times. The social meanings of age also deserve special attention,
since they bring a temporal and age perspective to the social events that
are experienced (such as giving birth) and the roles that are performed
(such as being a mother or a son). Social timing is related to the inci-
dence, duration and sequence of roles and to age-relevant expectations
and beliefs. According to the life stage principle, the personal impact of
any change depends on where individuals are in their lives at the time
of the change. Therefore, the most central principle in the study of life
trajectories is the notion of interdependent lives. Individuals are generally
embedded in social relationships with relatives and friends throughout
the life cycle. More broadly, the principle of interdependent lives refers
to the interaction between the individuals and their social world–family,
friends and co-workers–throughout the life cycle. To a large extent,
macro-historical transformations are experienced by individuals through
these micro-institutional worlds. Finally, human agency refers to the fact
that individuals plan their lives and make decisions that build their life
trajectory within the constraints of their world (Clausen, 1993).
Part of the relevance of this approach lies in the dynamic perspective
of understanding how behaviour, such as deviant or criminal behaviour,
develops over time and how it is systematically influenced by events in
different age groups that occur over the lifespan (Piquero & Mazerolle,
2001). Although events in a certain life stage, such as childhood, might
be more prominent and impactful in an individual’s life (Elder, 2001;
6 S. Gomes et al.
Ryder, 1965), investigation has established the existence of wide varia-

tions in the behaviour of adolescents and adults who committed crimes.
These variations are not merely explained by childhood trends. Further-
more, these changes in adult criminality appear to be structured by social
transitions and adult life events in the lifespan (Rutter et al., 1990;
Sampson & Laub, 1990), underscoring the usefulness of the life course
perspective (Sampson & Laub, 2001, pp. 31–32). For example, Moffit
(1993, 1997) identified two groups of offenders: ‘adolescent-limited’
and ‘life-course persisters’. Adolescent-limited offenders engage in delin-
quent acts during adolescence (and sometimes early adulthood) as a
result of their frustration in wanting and not being able to legitimately
obtain adult privileges, resources and responsibilities. In this situation,
adolescent-limited offenders are swayed by the delinquent activity of
their peers. Life-course persisters are antisocial in their behaviour as chil-
dren, engage in delinquent acts at an early age, and progress to more
serious forms of criminal involvement over time (Moffit, 1997).
This observation of nuances and variation of behaviour in a particular
age group or life stage throughout the lifespan overwhelmingly supports
an intragenerational analysis of (deviant and criminal) behaviour.
However, a generational perspective also benefits from understanding
events when linking age groups or life stages, by incorporating aspects
such as family ties or the socialisation process. An individual’s age is one
of the most common predictors of differences in attitudes and behaviours
(Farrington, 1986; Loeber & Farrington, 2014; Ulmer & Steffensmeier,
2014), but studies have also been showing that the behaviour of parents
predicts the behaviour of their children (Farrington et al., 1996; Huebner
& Gustafson, 2007). In fact, intergenerational transmission refers to the
association between a parent’s behaviour and the children’s behaviour
(van Dijk et al., 2019). As such, family appears here as a crucial element
in intergenerational studies–a fact that is also acknowledged by the life
course perspective (Elder, 2001).
Family: The relationship between family and delinquent and crim-
inal behaviour, which has impacted the intergenerational studies on
incarceration, has been extensively studied across different fields (Blok-
land & Nieuwbeerta, 2005; Fagan & Wexler, 1987; Farrington, 2011;
Huizinga et al., 2003; Laub & Sampson, 2003; LeBlanc & Fréchette,
1989; Seydlitz, 2016a, 2016b; Stephen, 2006; Tremblay et al., 2003;

Thornberry, 2016, 2020; Wells & Rankin, 1991). Many studies have
focused on the family’s impacts during childhood and adolescence, since
these are key developmental stages in the life course (Elder, 2001; Ryder,
1965).
Family is the main institution of informal social control, whose action
is significant in maintaining the social bond between the individual and
society (Shorter, 1975). First, it is important to discuss the transmis-
sion of social values and norms within the family and to understand
whether family values go in the direction of social conformity (Savage,
2014). Family is seen as the primary cultural context, in which children
acquire, internalise and reconstruct normative guidelines and definitions
that meet social conformity. But children do not merely internalise the
external adult culture. Rather, they become a part of adult culture, there-
fore contributing to its (re)production through their negotiations with
adults, as well as a part of the cultures of their peers, in a fragmented
puzzle of social and educational references (Corsaro ). Childhood studies
increasingly show how children are contributing to their own socialisa-
tion and, in consequence, to the edification of other older generations
and society as a whole (James & Prout, 1990; Mayall, 2002; Wyness,
2006). Therefore, children are currently seen as an active part in building
society, by participating in a time and space in which they increasingly
find themselves away from the close supervision of the family (Almeida,
2009; Carvalho, 2013). In this process, other factors (socioeconomic,
cultural, religious and race-related, among others) also intervene, influ-
encing family interactions, relations and practices by which social control
is exercised (Leiber et al., 2009). However, this can happen in several
different directions. Family may constitute one of the main sources of
the social non-conformity of the younger generations that could ulti-
mately result in the enforcement of measures involving deprivation of
liberty (Mucchielli, 2001). Positive relationships among family members,
including children, could be shaped towards deviant and criminal models
created by parents or other family members. From this perspective,
some family dimensions are decisive to explain child and youth deviant
behaviour (Buist et al., 2020). Often, the family structure and the inter-
action within the family sphere, namely in the form of poor quality
8 S. Gomes et al.
of interaction between parents and children and deficient exercise of

effective parental supervision, are predictors of delinquency (Apel &
Kaukinen, 2008; Cusson, 2006; Mucchielli, 2001; Spohn & Kurtz,
2011).
Secondly, we must understand the nature, frequency and intensity
of the social control that the family exerts over its members, especially
the younger ones. This control is embodied in its structure and internal
organisation, established ties and the nature of the relationships between
its members (parental supervision and educational discipline; parental
conflicts; parent–child relationships, communication and intergenera-
tional relations) (Rankin & Wells, 2016; Seydlitz, 2016a; Yoder et al,
2016). Family is the context in which the necessary skills for social action
begin to be produced (Ariès, 1973; Blöss, 1997; Singly, 1991). There
are action strategies that are only defined in the relationship between
family members, which determine their subsequent evolution (LeBlanc
& Janosz, 2002; Scales et al., 2004; Seaton & Taylor, 2003). The exis-
tence of family references proves to be decisive in the evolution of any
individual trajectory (see Linonge-Fontebo, 2021, volume II).
The importance of the family network in accessing structures of
opportunities as well as differentiated lifestyles is a relevant factor that
has been widely documented in the scientific literature on crime, delin-
quency and incarceration (Arditti et al., 2003; Besemer et al., 2018;
Elliot & Reid, 2019; Siegel & Luther, 2019; Luther, 2015; Murray &
Farrington, 2005; Turney & Wilderman, 2013).
New perspectives on the diversity and complexity of familiar groups
point to a reformulation of concepts and to different readings on social
reality (Goody, 2001; Kellerhals et al., 1989). The privatisation and the
deinstitutionalisation of family relations across the world are multidi-
mensional realities (Wall & Amâncio, 2007; Newman, 2008; Naldini,
2017). The spaces for socialisation are constantly evolving and bear no
resemblance to the ones where the older generations grew up. Each
family stands out as one of the privileged places for the social construc-
tion of reality in its dimensions of physical, relational and symbolic
space, with its own trajectory, involving different strategies of rupture
and continuity through time (Saraceno, 2003; see Granja, 2021, volume
II). Family trajectories through different generations must be observed as
a product of particular combinations of the encompassing structures with

strategic, legitimate opportunities, from which processes of social interac-
tion result. It is not just that we are observing a bigger social and cultural
diversity in families; with increasing household changes, individuals are
experiencing a wide variety of concurrent and more complex family and
generational relationships through the life course (Segalen & Martial,
2019; Wall et al., 2018). There is greater recognition of the diversity of
family structures and models, since, as Williams (2004) defends,
Over our lifetimes many of us will cohabit, marry, separate, parent

on our own, or do all of these. Our family support networks may
well include parents and step-parents, children, close friends, same-sex
partners, ex-partners or ex-sons- and daughters-in-law. There is greater
acknowledgement of the diversity of living arrangements and family
forms. Other social changes have altered the contours of family lives
and personal relationships: more mothers work, we are an ageing society,
more people live on their own, and global migration means that family
commitments cross continents. (Williams, 2004, p. 11)
The emergence of forms of family (re)composition gives greater visibility

to the role of kinship networks (Razy & Baby-Collin, 2011), which,
along with the father and mother, occupy a prominent place in many
domestic groups. In some cases, they appear abruptly, with no space for
the integration of new relationships of authority or the reconstitution of
broken affections. Literature shows that the family’s experience, i.e., the
quality of the family relationships that are established, is more impor-
tant than the structure of the family (Spohn & Kurtz, 2011; Thornberry,
2016, 2020).
The problematisation of family ties, the (in)dependence and
autonomy of the members of the family, especially women and children,
and more recently, the elderly, as more vulnerable groups, underpinned
new approaches in parallel with those adopted with regard to women
(Mayall, 2002). While, on the one hand, families suffer structural
constraints that shape them and affect their internal dynamics and their
relationship with the outside, on the other hand, to a certain extent, they
also have an autonomy that will lead them, even when subject to similar
social conditions, to present different modes of response to situations.
10 S. Gomes et al.
The notion of family mobilises the relational aspect, which is essen-

tial in understanding how formal control entails the regulation of this
function when someone is placed under measures involving depriva-
tion of liberty (Carvalho, 2015). Each life trajectory is intersected by
other lives, inscribed in a transversal framework of interdependent rela-
tionships–following the concept of linked lives presented above (Elder,
2001)–that call for broader indicators at the level of the family and socia-
bility networks. Thus, institutions of social control are faced with a range
of situations concerning families to which it is necessary to respond.
There is an opening of the family context, an approximation between
what belongs to the public and the private spheres, with a marked blur-
ring of boundaries between one and the other. This is more relevant in
a time of global mass displacement and migrations. Worldwide, millions
of families, individuals from all generations, are on the move hoping
for a better life. Family remains a major driver of migration, such as in
the cases of family reunification, marriage between national citizens and
immigrants or of these with foreigners living abroad, or even regarding
the international adoption of children. In this sense, as Razy and Baby-
Collin (2011) argue, it is no longer possible to conceive the phenomenon
of migration in spatially and temporally dichotomous terms, since the
migrant social actors are no longer just here or just there, enclosed
by specific borders, but simultaneously here and there. This perspec-
tive moves towards the consideration of a dynamic approach, that of a
‘transnational family’ (Razy & Baby-Collin, 2011). Indeed, it is neces-
sary to take into account new forms of making and breaking families, of
recomposing their ties in a time of intense individual mobility as well as
of a growing digitalisation of society.
2 The Intersection of Incarceration

and Generational Relations: Theoretical
and Empirical Studies
The literature that demarcates the conceptual and analytical bound-
aries of generational, intergenerational and intragenerational relations,
particularly in crime studies, which we have explored so far, helps to

frame and understand how intragenerational and intergenerational rela-
tions can impact incarceration experiences. This section provides a brief
state-of-the-art review of the literature on the intersections of incarcera-
tion and generational relations, covering longitudinal studies on crime,
delinquency and incarceration as well as studies that explore the intergen-
erational impacts and challenges of incarceration in families, especially
for incarcerated parents and children with incarcerated parents.
There is a wide range of relevant longitudinal studies on delinquency,
crime and incarceration. In the USA, Sheldon Glueck and Eleanor
Glueck can be considered pioneers, with over 30 years of research on
delinquency (1959). In the UK, Donald West, in 1961, and later David
Farrington, from 1969 onward, conducted longitudinal studies through
the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development. Without exhausting
all the references in this field, the longitudinal studies that stand out as
being the most significant are the Tüningen Criminal Behaviour Devel-
opment Study, by Kerner (in 1965); the Houston Longitudinal Study,
by Kaplan (in 1971); the Montreal Two-Samples Longitudinal Study,
by LeBlanc (in 1974); the Montreal Longitudinal and Experimental
Study, by Tremblay and colleagues (in 1984); the Seattle Social Devel-
opment Project, by Hawkins and colleagues (in 1985); the Rochester
Youth Development Study, by Thornberry and colleagues (in 1986); the
Denver Youth Study, by Huizinga and colleagues (in 1988); the Pitts-
burgh Youth Study, by Loeber et al. (in 1988); the Project on Human
Development in Chicago Neighbourhoods, by Sampson and Laub (in
1995); the Zurich Project of the Social Development of Children, by
Eisner (in 2003); the Netherlands-based Criminal Career and Life-course
Study, by Nieuwbeerta and colleagues (in 2009); and the Stockholm Life
Course Project, by Sarnecki and Carlsson (in 2010).
Drawing on these studies and many more, much has been discussed on
the intergenerational challenges of crime, delinquency and incarceration.
For instance, the number of studies on intergenerational transmission of
delinquent behaviour is relatively small but has grown considerably in
the last few years in several countries (Eichelsheim & Van de Weijer,
2018; Spapens & Moors, 2020). Research on the intergenerational
transmission of violence demonstrates that parental behaviour is very
12 S. Gomes et al.
important for predicting the criminal behaviour of children (Besemer,

2012; Besemer & Dennison, 2018; Besemer & Farrington, 2012; Foster
& Hagan, 2009, 2015; Thornberry, 2020) and that fathers are the
most important relative for this prediction (e.g., Farrington et al., 1996;
Hirschi, 1969). Farrington (2011) described six explanations for the
intergenerational transmission of criminal behaviour: intergenerational
exposure to multiple risk factors, environmental risk factors, teaching
and co-offending, genetic mechanisms, assortative mating, and official
bias from the justice system. These appear to be empirically intertwined,
and a combination of these mechanisms can explain intergenerational
transmission. Additionally, within organised crime networks, families
seem to play an important role in the intergenerational transmission of
violence and criminal behaviour, particularly because of how kinship ties
are built around keen trust relations. Nonetheless, generational studies
of families involved in organised crime are almost non-existent (see
exceptions Spapens & Moors, 2020; Guerreiro et al., 2021, volume II).
In the same way as for the intergenerational transmission of crim-
inal behaviour, studies have been showing that being incarcerated is an
important life event, much like having a convicted parent is a risk factor
for criminality and conviction among children (see Auty et al., 2021,
volume II; Besemer & Farrington, 2012; Murray & Farrington, 2005;
Murray et al., 2012b; Wildeman & Andersen, 2017; Young et al., 2020).
However, this transmission suffers gender variations (Farrington et al.,
1996; Besemer et al, 2016; Sullivan, 2019). Drawing on the Cambridge
Study in Delinquent Development, Farrington et al. (1996) found stronger
links between criminal behaviour between and within generations in
same-gender relationships compared with opposite-gender relationships.
Besemer et al. (2016) investigated intergenerational transmission in
Sweden by using data from three generations of the Stockholm Life
Course Project and by employing the group-based trajectory method-
ology. Overall, authors found that children of convicted fathers are about
two times more likely to be convicted than children of non-convicted
fathers, and children of convicted mothers are about 2.6 times more
likely to be convicted themselves. This ratio for intergenerational trans-
mission is similar to the one found in other countries, such as England
(Farrington et al., 2009), the Netherlands (Bijleveld & Wijkman, 2009)
and the USA (Farrington et al, 2001; Piquero, 2008; Thornberry, 2009;
Thornberry et al., 2009). The results demonstrate a strong intergenera-
tional transmission of criminal behaviour, but offspring convictions are
related to the fact that fathers have a conviction rather than to what the
trajectory of their conviction looks like (Besemer et al., 2016).
According to Kjellstrand et al. (2019), with nearly three million minor
children experiencing parental incarceration on any given day, interest
in the impact of this incarceration on children has intensified. In fact,
parental incarceration has been associated with long-term harm to chil-
dren (Besemer & Dennison, 2018). Several studies have been assessing
the intergenerational consequences of parental incarceration (Sullivan,
2019), suggesting it has a detrimental impact on behavioural, educa-
tional and health outcomes for children (Haskins et al., 2018; Murray
et al., 2012a), such as infant mortality, externalisation of behavioural
problems, mental health concerns, educational and developmental chal-
lenges and relationship problems (Kjellstrand et al., 2019; Murray &
Farrington, 2005; Siegel & Luther, 2019). Parenting stress caused by
family imprisonment can impact the ability of caregivers to offer a
secure parent–child relationship after a close family member is incarcer-
ated (Besemer & Dennison, 2018; see Auty et al., 2021, volume II).
The children of prisoners are a highly vulnerable group with multiple
risk factors, adverse childhood experiences and a greater likelihood of
adverse outcomes in comparison with their peers (Murray & Farrington,
2005; Murray et al., 2012a; Siegel & Luther, 2019). Among the risk
factors, we might include an increased risk of coming in contact
with child protective services (Johnson & Waldfogel, 2002), housing
insecurity (Wildeman, 2014), stigma (Comfort, 2007), homelessness
(Wildeman, 2014) and health issues (Turney, 2014; Wildeman et al.,
2018). We might also include poor educational outcomes for children,
as studies show that parental incarceration affects academic performance
(Hagan & Foster, 2012; Haskins, 2016; Turney & Haskins, 2014) and
increases behavioural problems (Haskins, 2015; Turney & Wildeman,
2015). On this matter, McCauley (2020) explored the effect of parental
incarceration on both academic and non-academic outcomes in high
school. The author concluded that maternal and paternal incarceration
impacted academic and non-academic outcomes differently, as the first
14 S. Gomes et al.
affected behavioural outcomes (such as fighting and truancy) and the

second affected behavioural, connectedness and disciplinary outcomes.
A systematic review of the literature was conducted by Murray et al.
(2012b) to summarise the available empirical evidence on the asso-
ciations between parental incarceration and the children’s subsequent
antisocial behaviour, mental health problems, drug use and educational
performance difficulties. According to the authors, the most rigorous
studies showed that parental incarceration is associated with a higher
risk of children displaying antisocial behaviour, but not mental health
problems, drug use or poor educational performance.
Furthermore, the impact of parental incarceration goes beyond a
certain life stage, such as childhood, and is not limited to short-term
consequences in childhood and adolescence (Gaston, 2016). There-
fore, parental incarceration might impact individuals throughout their
lifespan. Gaston (2016) and Siegal et al. (2021) examined the adult
children’s views of the long-term effects of parental incarceration and
discussed how this situation continued to shape their transition to
adulthood. Gaston (2016) shows that parental incarceration is linked
with long-term mental health problems, such as depressive symptoms,
for some offspring, but only for certain subgroups. Luther (2015), on
the other hand, provides insight from interviews with college students
and shows how social support from caring adults, such as caregivers,
incarcerated parents, grandparents, older siblings, teachers and coaches,
promoted resilience and helped facilitate success in light of parental
criminality and incarceration. Therefore, as mentioned in the previous
section, the quality of relations exercised by parents and caregivers plays
an important role in understanding childhood experiences.
If we acknowledge the fact that there is an overrepresentation of
certain social groups in incarceration (Waquant, 2000; Western & Pettit,
2010; Turney, 2015), then we will understand the extent of the impact
of incarceration across the generations in already vulnerable popula-
tions, which creates an intergenerational cycle of poverty and social
inequalities (Western, 2018). For instance, Quilty et al. (2004) argued
that indigenous children are much more likely to experience parental
incarceration than non-indigenous children in Australia. Elliot and Reid
(2019) developed the concept of family criminalisation to discuss the
intergenerational impact of criminalisation and incarceration in low-

income Black American families. Authors show that Black mothers
define their parenting strategies based on both the fear of having their
children targeted and criminalised and the fear of being criminalised
themselves as bad mothers, leading to eventually losing their parenting
rights.
Therefore, not only children, but entire families can experience
multiple difficulties after parental incarceration, such as traumatic sepa-
ration, emotional stress, loneliness, stigma, unstable childcare arrange-
ments, strained parenting, reduced income, home, school and neigh-
bourhood moves and concerns about the children’s loss of involvement
with their incarcerated parent (Arditti et al., 2003; Fowler et al., 2017;
Murray et al., 2012b). Parents generally perceive their incarceration as
negatively impacting their children and family in multiple ways, and
express concern about their children’s well-being (Granja, 2017; Correa
et al., 2020; see Granja, 2021, volume II).
Another important reality in the discussion of the intergenerational
consequences of incarceration is the situation of incarcerated immigrants
and their families. This area of research is not being fully explored,
as literature on the generational consequences of incarceration focuses
mostly on the penal system. Coercive methods of deterrence, such as
immigration detention centres, have been, for centuries, a central instru-
ment used by States to protect their borders and control and regulate
the entry of foreign citizens into their territories (Kronick et al., 2018).
The rate of migrant individuals, including children, and families held
in detention has increased significantly in recent years and became a
global issue (see Ballesteros, 2021, volume I; Gonzalez & Patler, 2020;
see Ruiz Fincias, 2021, volume I; Mills et al., 2021, volume II). Immi-
gration detention has a variety of collateral consequences for individuals
and their families. However, there are few studies examining the experi-
ences of immigrants and their families as they go through the process
of being in contact with immigration detention (Patler & Gonzalez,
2020; see Ballesteros, 2021, volume I). Drawing on interviews conducted
with detained parents, non-detained spouses/partners and their school-
age children, Gonzalez and Patler (2020) show that parental immigration
detention can have intergenerational consequences for children, as their
16 S. Gomes et al.
academic outcomes are impacted by trauma, stigma and the strain of

parental incarceration. To better illustrate the intergenerational chal-
lenges of this particular group, the authors suggest the use of the concept
of “compound vulnerability” to address the simultaneous experience of
parental incarceration associated with the uncertainty of immigration
legal processes that can result in deportation and permanent family
separation (Patler & Gonzalez, 2020).
Despite the growing body of literature addressing the intergenera-
tional impact and challenges of incarceration, authors have been calling
for more research to examine the differential effects of parental incar-
ceration and the heterogeneity of outcomes for children (Murray et al.,
2012b; Kjellstrand et al., 2019; see Bhuller et al., 2021, volume II).
And not just more research, but more compelling research within the
scope of intergenerational studies (Branje et al., 2020; Thornberry, 2009,
2020). For instance, Thornberry (2009) defends that intergenerational
studies should comply with four criteria: (1) they should utilise prospec-
tive data on the parents’ generation and the children’s involvement in
deviant behaviour; (2) the measures of antisocial behaviour should be
as independent as possible and based on different reporters; (3) there
should be comparable measures of the parents’ and the children’s anti-
social behaviour encompassing the same ages or developmental stages
in life; (4) studies should also have prospective data on the life-course
development of parents to identify mediating factors that impact inter-
generational continuity or discontinuity in antisocial behaviour. These
critical criteria of intergenerational studies differentiate them from longi-
tudinal studies (Thornberry, 2009). Whereas longitudinal studies focus
on the concurrent relationship between the parent’s antisocial behaviour
and the child’s adolescent behaviour, intergenerational studies allow
comparisons between the generation of the parents and that of the child
(Thornberry, 2009).
Additionally, in our view, this debate should be broadened even more
to include other generational challenges related to incarceration. One of
the challenges in this regard is expanding the research on generational
transmission beyond the parent–child dyad. Parent–child relationships
have been at the centre of most of the intergenerational research on
crime, delinquency and incarceration. However, a somewhat neglected
problem is the nature and dynamics of the generational relations between

siblings (Bullock, 2002; Thornberry & Krohn, 2003; Scales et al., 2004).
Some research highlights the fact that siblings tend to share a high degree
of similarity in their levels of social adaptation, which is shown in a
very clear way with regard to delinquency and drug use (Bullock, 2002).
Siblings serve as models of acceptable or unacceptable behaviour, which
extend beyond the limits of influence of the other members of the family.
However, in order to address this subject, other variables are required,
namely within family dynamics. If siblings should be seen as ‘travel
companions in the coercive process of the family’ (Patterson, 1984, cit.
in Bullock, 2002, p. 347), the analysis of the family should be systemic.
This means that it is necessary to take into account the fact that, as
they interact, all members of the family system directly and recipro-
cally influence each other’s behaviour (Bullock, 2002). Also, older sibling
delinquency has been frequently associated with younger sibling delin-
quency (Farrington, 2004; Fonseca, 2004; Loeber et al., 2004), although
gender differences tend to emerge. In certain cases, it was found that
positive relationships with older sisters were a protective factor, reducing
the risk of developing delinquent practices and behavioural problems;
in contrast, relationships of the same nature with older male siblings
were more associated with triggering these problems. The existence of
coercive-hostile relations in the phratry is also related to delinquency in
younger siblings of either sex (Bullock, 2002). Hence, sibling relations
might be understood as falling within the scope of both intragenerational
and intergenerational studies, depending on the ages and life stages of
the siblings that are being considered in a certain research. They will fall
within the scope of intragenerational studies if the siblings share the same
generation or cohort and within the scope of intergenerational studies
if they are part of different generations or cohorts. Additionally, sibling
relations might be incorporated into incarceration and generation studies
by showing that the parallelism with delinquent behaviour might also
exist for incarceration. For instance, Aaron and Dalliare (2010) found
that sibling delinquency may play a central role in mediating the parental
incarceration-delinquency association for youth.
Other studies might focus on the multiple family links that can be
impacted by incarceration. For instance, Turney (2015) explored the
18 S. Gomes et al.
link between incarceration and relationship dissolution. Drawing on a

longitudinal survey, the author observed that paternal incarceration is
associated with relatively immediate relationship dissolution between the
parents. This happens mostly among parents who were living together
prior to the incarceration, and it is explained by both the duration of
the incarceration and the changes in the quality of the relationship. In
turn, this ends up adding to the collateral consequences of parental incar-
ceration for children. Other studies might even extend the concept of
generation beyond the family link, exploring the consequences of incar-
cerating different generations together (see Staranoof & Tiravassi, 2021,
volume II).
The majority of the studies have a strong focus on intergenerational
relations, but not so much on intragenerational debates. Even if longi-
tudinal studies show nuances and variation of behaviour in a particular
age group or life stage throughout the lifespan (e.g., Blokland, 2005;
Carlsson, 2012; Kyvsgaard, 2003; Laub & Sampson, 2003; Moffit, 1993,
1997; Sampson & Laub, 1990, 1993, 2003; Sampson et al., 2005),
this intragenerational analysis of deviant and criminal behaviour is not
discussed much in terms of the incarceration and/or its impacts. Using
data from the Netherlands-based Criminal Career and Life-course Study,
Nieuwbeerta et al. (2009) show how the first-time incarceration works as
a risk factor for an adult cohort, since it is associated with an increase in
criminal activity in the three years following release. Thus, these authors
not only bring to the analysis an overlooked age cohort (as most studies
focus on youth), but also observe how incarceration impacts the life
course of a certain group. Mears and Siennick (2016, p. 12) also suggest
that parental incarceration may constitute a turning point that holds the
potential to negatively affect children as they progress into adulthood.
Specifically, the incarceration of a parent constitutes the first level of the
experience of incarceration (and its effects) for a given generation, and
this experience may have long-lasting effects throughout the life course
in terms of direct incarceration experiences at a later stage. Therefore,
and following the authors’ argument, life-course perspectives are crucial
to understanding incarceration effects. By adopting them, we can discuss
the intragenerationality of incarceration, both as an effect on a particular
generation throughout the lifespan and as a life event that repeats itself
in a particular generation throughout the lifespan. Expanding on these

intragenerational relations in different types of incarceration through the
entire life course, Mallart (2019) shows how certain social groups tran-
sition from one place of confinement to another throughout their entire
life course. Based on ethnographic research conducted in certain urban
areas called cracolândia (crackland) and in prison facilities in the city of
São Paulo (Brazil), the author shows how different generations are forged
by multiple periods of confinement. Looking at a broad range of institu-
tions, from shelter homes for children and teenagers to recovery centres,
asylums, psychosocial care centres and prisons, among many others, the
author illustrates the punitive continuum that results from the penal
system and the assistance system (Campello & Mallart, 2017; Mallart,
2019).
3 Incarceration and Generation:

An Overview of Volume II
This book assumes an epistemological, theoretical and methodolog-
ical diversity, taking a multi-scale perspective by mobilising researchers
from different universities and research centres representing various local
geographies. In addition, some chapters go beyond a specific local
context and provide an international overview of specific issues. The
present volume examines intergenerational relations in the context of
incarceration, with chapters focusing particularly on intergenerational
continuities in imprisonment, intergenerational justice and citizenship,
the impacts of incarceration on multiple generations and within families
and media representations of the intergenerationality of incarceration.
It integrates the multidimensionality and expertise of authors from
different social, geographical and cultural contexts, which makes it
possible to identify, analyse and debate a variety of topics, from multiple
angles.
The first contribution to this volume draws on data from a prime
longitudinal study, the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development.
Katherine M. Auty, Henriette Bergstrøm and David P. Farrington
(Chapter 2.Intergenerational Continuities in Imprisonment: Findings from
20 S. Gomes et al.
the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development ) present a unique anal-

ysis of the prevalence of instances of imprisonment in two generations of
the study to establish whether there is an association between the impris-
onment of a father and that of his son. Intergenerational continuities in
criminal behaviour are well documented, but it is not known whether
such continuities extend to the experience of imprisonment. The results
indicated that having an imprisoned father doubled the odds of impris-
onment for the son. The strength of the relationship also lends support
to the intergenerational transmission of imprisonment both between
mothers and children and between fathers and sons.
Adverse experiences during childhood can result in negative impacts
that persist throughout an individual’s lifespan. In this sense, acting
preventively during childhood is a key step in avoiding intergenerational
delinquent trajectories and intergenerational transmission of imprison-
ment. The need to adopt a holistic view of child participation across the
entire justice system provides the basis for the chapter by Cédric Foussard
and HaRyong Jung (Chapter 3. Towards a Holistic Approach to Systemic
Child Participation for Child-Friendly Justice). Addressing the rights of
children deprived of liberty in various detention settings, the authors
advocate a shift from the conventional discourse on child participation
in justice towards a holistic approach to systemic child participation in
order to achieve a child-friendly justice. They adopt an original approach
that goes beyond the concept and problems of detention, better alterna-
tive options and reintegration measures, all of which have been covered
extensively in literature and in other chapters of this book (see Goldson
& Randazzo, 2021; Finca-Ruiz, 2021; Zeiljamns et al., 2021, volume
I). On the basis of that approach, the authors place the discussion on
the core notion that children deprived of liberty–whose voices often go
unheard–should not be considered in isolation. According to the authors,
children should be seen as a part of the larger system when it comes
to systemic participation and impact across all the stages of judicial
and other legal proceedings. Recognising that adults traditionally take
decisions and operate justice systems on behalf of children, the inter-
generational dimension of participation thus needs to be reframed to
promote agency for all children in matters that have serious consequences
and a central impact on their lives.
In line with the previous chapter concerning the debate on how

the generational differences and power relations between actors from
the formal control systems and the populations in incarceration could
be expressed, the chapter by Ann Staranoof and Antonella Tiravassi
(Chapter 4. Victims or victimizers? An Insight of Imprisoned Youths in Latin
America) moves the focus from childhood to youth and young adult-
hood. The authors make a relevant contribution that sheds light on a
major problem in Latin America: the vertical violence within prisons.
Drawing on the findings from the “Survey of Persons Deprived of Their
Freedom”, conducted in eight Latin American countries, and on a long
tradition of Latin America studies on the violence exercised by means
of formal control against vulnerable populations (see Sallas et al., 2021,
volume I), the authors bring to the discussion the victimisation perpe-
trated by police officers and prison staff in relation to the young and
adult population behind bars. Thus, this chapter fills a gap in the existing
literature by expanding the knowledge on the study of vertical victimisa-
tion perpetrated by institutional representatives, paying special attention
to the victim’s age group at the time of detention. The main find-
ings point out the need for a more in-depth reflection on the social
and legal construction of the concepts of youth and young adulthood
in contemporary societies, inquiring about the nature of the judicial
responses applied to them, which goes hand in hand with the conclu-
sions of other studies conducted on the Global North and presented in
different chapters in this book (see Zeiljmans et al., 2021; Carvalho et al.,
2021, volume I). A recommendation common to the works of research
presented in these two volumes and cutting across a variety of latitudes
and social, cultural and justice contexts stresses the importance of estab-
lishing distinct contexts of detention and alternatives to detention for
those who are under-aged and 18 and those experiencing emerging adult-
hood, in order to address their specific developmental needs, which differ
from the needs of other generations.
Keeping the focus on the dimensions of intergenerational relations
within incarceration, the two following chapters offer valuable comple-
mentary views on parental issues regarding ‘fathering’–being a father–or
‘mothering’–being a mother–from within prison and its constraints. As
22 S. Gomes et al.
anticipated in some of the chapters in this volume, a strong intergenera-

tional association between parent and child criminality could be observed
in correctional literature, although correlations are unlikely to capture
causal effects (see Auty et al., 2021; Bhuller et al., 2021, volume II).
Beyond establishing causal effects, we cannot ignore the intergenera-
tional dynamics, challenges and impacts that incarceration represents
for families. In the context of a Portuguese male prison, the chapter by
Rafaela Granja (Chapter 5. Fathering from prison: Managing relations and
reflecting upon intergenerational impacts) advances the knowledge on how
imprisoned men manage their fatherhood and reflect upon the intergen-
erational impacts of their imprisonment. Based on qualitative research
and an in-depth analysis of different narratives from male prisoners, the
author explores the challenges and tensions felt by imprisoned men in
terms of childcare practices, economic provision and sustaining their
identity as fathers in a context characterised by imposed separation, penal
restrictions and scarcity of resources. This chapter is ground-breaking in
its scope within the subject of the intergenerational impacts of impris-
onment in families, since studies tend to focus mainly on mothers,
disregarding the role of men as fathers.
If Granja challenges us on the topic of what it is to be a father in
prison and the potential intergenerational impacts of incarceration on
their children, Helen Namondo Linonge-Fontebo (Chapter 6. Effects
of Incarceration on Families in Cameroon Prisons: Perspectives of Impris-
oned Mothers, Minors and the Elderly), in turn, addresses the effects of
incarceration on female prisoners and their children, adopting a gender-
sensitive approach and using standpoint feminist theory to give a voice
to women’s perspectives. Taking an in-depth look at the Cameroon peni-
tentiary system, this chapter offers a unique view on the spill-over effect
of intergenerational incarceration. On the one hand, it advances knowl-
edge on the coping strategies employed by female prisoners to deal
with motherhood issues–pregnancy, childbearing and childcare–in the
context of specific African prisons, in which they are held in the same
space with other generations, namely the elderly and children. On the
other hand, the author highlights the vulnerabilities on the intersection
between penal policy and prison practices, a current issue covered in
other chapters of this book (see Goldson et al., 2021; Carvalho et al.,
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
persons of rank, and dines with them, his wife stands [82]behind and
serves him; but in the towns, the ladies are more distinguished, and
would willingly assume an equal, if not a superior, power to their
husbands. When they go out of doors they wear long cloaks, which
cover all their other clothes, and are either grey, brown, or blue. The
men sometimes make use of them, when they are obliged to go into
the rain. The women have the advantage of being in a deshabille
under these cloaks, without any body’s perceiving it.
We sometimes saw wind-mills near the farms. They were generally

built of stone, with a roof of boards, which, together with its flyers,
could be turned to the wind occasionally.
The breadth of the river was not always equal to-day; in the
narrowest place, it was about a quarter of an English mile broad; in
other parts it was near two English miles. The shore was sometimes
high and steep, and sometimes low, or sloping.
At three o’clock this afternoon we passed by the river, which falls into
the river St. Lawrence, and comes from lake Champlain, in the
middle of which latter is a large island. The yachts which go between
Montreal and Quebec, go on the south-east side of this island,
because it is [83]deeper there; but the boats prefer the north-west
side, because it is nearer, and yet deep enough for them. Besides
this island there are several more hereabouts, which are all
inhabited. Somewhat further, the country on both sides the river is
uninhabited, till we come to the Lac St. Pierre; because it is so low,
as to be quite overflowed at certain times of the year. To make up for
this deficiency, the country, I am told, is as thickly inhabited further
from the river, as we found it along the banks of the river.
Lac St. Pierre is a part of the river St. Lawrence, which is so broad
that we could hardly see any thing but sky and water before us, and I
was every where told, that it is seven French miles long, and three
broad. From the middle of this lake as it is called, you see a large
high country in the west, which appears above the woods. In the lake
are many places covered with a kind of rush, or Scirpus palustris,
Linn. There are no houses in sight on either side of the lake,
because the land is rather too low there; and in spring the water
rises so high, that they may go with boats between the trees.
However, at some distance from the shores, where the ground is
higher, the farms are close together. We saw no islands in the
[84]lake this afternoon, but the next day we met with some.
Late in the evening we left lake St. Pierre, and rowed up a little river
called Riviere de Loup, in order to come to a house where we might
pass the night. Having rowed about an English mile, we found the
country inhabited on both sides of the river. Its shores are high; but
the country in general is flat. We passed the night in a farm-house.
The territory of Montreal extends to this place; but here begins the
jurisdiction of the governor of Trois Rivieres, to which place they
reckon eight French miles from hence.
August the 3d. At five o’clock in the morning we set out again, and
first rowed down the little river till we came into the lake St. Pierre,
which we went downwards. After we had gone a good way, we
perceived a high chain of mountains in the north-west, which were
very much elevated above the low, flat country. The north-west shore
of lake St. Pierre was now in general very closely inhabited; but on
the south-east side we saw no houses, and only a country covered
with woods, which is sometimes said to be under water, but behind
which there are, as I am told, a great number of farms. Towards the
[85]end of the lake, the river went into its proper bounds again, being
not above a mile and a half broad, and afterwards it grows still
narrower. From the end of Lake St. Pierre to Trois Rivieres, they
reckon three French miles, and about eleven o’clock in the morning
we arrived at the latter place, where we attended divine service.
Trois Rivieres, is a little market town, which had the appearance of a
large village; it is however reckoned among the three great towns of
Canada, which are Quebec, Montreal, and Trois Rivieres. It is said to
ly in the middle between the two first, and thirty French miles distant
from each. The town is built on the north side of the river St.
Lawrence, on a flat, elevated sand, and its situation is very pleasant.
On one side the river passes by, which is here an English mile and a
half broad. On the other side, are fine corn-fields, though the soil is
very much mixed with sand. In the town are two churches of stone, a
nunnery, and a house for the friars of the order of St. Francis. This
town is likewise the seat of the third governor in Canada, whose
house is likewise of stone. Most of the other houses are of timber a
single story high, tolerably well built, and stand very much asunder;
and the streets are crooked. The shore here [86]consists of sand, and
the rising grounds along it are pretty high. When the wind is very
violent here, it raises the sand, and blows it about the streets,
making it very troublesome to walk in them. The nuns, which are
about twenty-two in number, are reckoned very ingenious in all kinds
of needle-work. This town formerly flourished more than any other in
Canada, for the Indians brought their goods to it from all sides; but
since that time they go to Montreal and Quebec, and to the English,
on account of their wars with the Iroquese, or Five Nations, and for
several other reasons, so that this town is at present very much
reduced by it. Its present inhabitants live chiefly by agriculture,
though the neighbouring iron-works may serve in some measure to
support them. About an English mile below the town, a great river
falls into the river St. Lawrence, but first divides into three branches,
so that it appears as if three rivers disembogued themselves there.
This has given occasion to call the river and this town, Trois Rivieres
(the Three Rivers).
The tide goes about a French mile above Trois Rivieres, though it is
so trifling as to be hardly observable. But about the equinoxes, and
at the new moons and full moons in spring and autumn, the
difference between the [87]highest and lowest water is two feet.
Accordingly the tide in this river goes very far up, for from the above
mentioned place to the sea they reckon about a hundred and fifty
French miles.
Whilst my company were resting, I went on horseback to view the

iron-work. The country which I passed through was pretty high,
sandy, and generally flat. I saw neither stones nor mountains here.
The iron-work, which is the only one in this country, lies three miles
to the west of Trois Rivieres. Here are two great forges, besides two
lesser ones to each of the great ones, and under the same roof with
them. The bellows were made of wood, and every thing else, as it is
in Swedish forges. The melting ovens stand close to the forges, and
are the same as ours. The ore is got two French miles and a half
from the iron works, and is carried thither on sledges. It is a kind of
moor ore 25, which lies in veins, within six inches or a foot from the
surface of the ground. Each vein is from six to eighteen inches deep,
and below it is a white sand. [88]The veins are surrounded with this
sand on both sides, and covered at the top with a thin mould. The
ore is pretty rich and lies in loose lumps in the veins, of the size of
two fists, though there are a few which are near eighteen inches
thick. These lumps are full of holes, which are filled with ockre. The
ore is so soft that it may be crushed betwixt the fingers. They make
use of a grey lime-stone, which is broke in the neighbourhood, for
promoting the fusibility of the ore; to that purpose they likewise
employ a clay marle, which is found near this place. Charcoals are to
be had in great abundance here, because all the country round this
place is covered with woods, which have never been stirred. The
charcoals from ever-green trees, that is, from the fir kind, are best for
the forge, but those of deciduous trees are best for the smelting
oven. The iron which is here made, was to me described as soft,
pliable, and tough, and is said to have the quality of not being
attacked by rust so easily as other iron; and in this point there
appears a great difference between the Spanish iron and this in ship-
building. This iron-work was first founded in 1737, by private
persons, who afterwards ceded it to the king; they cast cannon and
mortars here, of different [89]sizes, iron stoves which are in use all
over Canada, kettles, &c. not to mention the bars which are made
here. They have likewise tried to make steel here, but cannot bring it
to any great perfection, because they are unacquainted with the best
manner of preparing it. Here are many officers and overseers, who
have very good houses, built on purpose for them. It is agreed on all
hands, that the revenues of the iron-work do not pay the expences
which the king must every year be at in maintaining it. They lay the
fault on the bad state of population, and say that the few inhabitants
in the country have enough to do with agriculture, and that it
therefore costs great trouble and large sums, to get a sufficient
number of workmen. But however plausible this may appear, yet it is
surprizing that the king should be a loser in carrying on this work; for
the ore is easily broken, very near the iron-work, and very fusible.
The iron is good, and can be very conveniently dispersed over the
country. This is moreover the only iron-work in the country, from
which every body must supply himself with iron tools, and what other
iron he wants. But the officers and servants belonging to the iron-
work, appear to be in very affluent circumstances. A river [90]runs
down from the iron-work, into the river St. Lawrence, by which all the
iron can be sent in boats throughout the country at a low rate. In the
evening I returned again to Trois Rivieres.
August the 4th. At the dawn of day we left this place and went on
towards Quebec. We found the land on the north side of the river
somewhat elevated, sandy, and closely inhabited along the water
side. The south-east shore, we were told, is equally well inhabited;
but the woods along that shore prevented our seeing the houses,
which are built further up in the country, the land close to the river
being so low as to be subject to annual inundations. Near Trois
Rivieres, the river grows somewhat narrow; but it enlarges again, as
soon as you come a little below that place, and has the breadth of
above two English miles.
As we went on, we saw several churches of stone, and often very

well built ones. The shores of the river are closely inhabited for about
three quarters of an English mile up the country; but beyond that the
woods and the wilderness encrease. All the rivulets falling into the
river St. Lawrence are likewise well inhabited on both sides. I
observed throughout Canada, that the cultivated [91]lands ly only
along the river St. Lawrence, and the other rivers in the country, the
environs of towns excepted, round which the country is all cultivated
and inhabited within the distance of twelve or eighteen English miles.
The great islands in the river are likewise inhabited.
The shores of the river now became higher, more oblique and steep,
however they consisted chiefly of earth. Now and then some rivers
or great brooks fall into the river St. Lawrence, among which one of
the most considerable is the Riviere Puante, which unites on the
south-east side with the St. Lawrence, about two French miles below
Trois Rivieres, and has on its banks, a little way from its mouth, a
town called Becancourt which is wholly inhabited by Abenakee
Indians, who have been converted to the Roman catholic religion,
and have Jesuits among them. At a great distance, on the north-west
side of the river, we saw a chain of very high mountains, running
from north to south, elevated above the rest of the country, which is
quite flat here without any remarkable hills.
Here were several lime-kilns along the river; and the lime-stone
employed in them is broke in the neighbouring high grounds. It is
compact and grey, and the lime it yields is pretty white. [92]
The fields here are generally sown with wheat, oats, maize, and
pease. Gourds and water-melons are planted in abundance near the
farms.
A Humming bird (Trochilus Colubris) flew among the bushes, in a

place where we landed to-day. The French call it Oiseau mouche,
and say it is pretty common in Canada; and I have seen it since
several times at Quebec.
About five o’clock in the afternoon we were obliged to take our

night’s lodgings on shore, the wind blowing very strong against us,
and being attended with rain. I found that the nearer we came to
Quebec, the more open and free from woods was the country. The
place where we passed the night, is distant from Quebec twelve
French miles.
They have a very peculiar method of catching fish near the shore
here. They place hedges along the shore, made of twisted oziers, so
close that no fish can get through them, and from one foot to a yard
high, according to the different depth of the water. For this purpose
they choose such places where the water runs off during the ebb,
and leaves the hedges quite dry. Within this inclosure they place
several weels, or fish-traps, in the form of cylinders, but broader
below. They are placed upright, [93]and are about a yard high, and
two feet and a half wide: on one side near the bottom is an entrance
for the fishes, made of twigs, and sometimes of yarn made into a
net. Opposite to this entrance, on the other side of the weel, looking
towards the lower part of the river, is another entrance, like the first,
and leading to a box of boards about four foot long, two deep, and
two broad. Near each of the weels is a hedge, leading obliquely to
the long hedge, and making an acute angle with it. This latter hedge
is made in order to lead the fish into the trap, and it is placed on that
end of the long hedge which looks towards the upper part of the
river; now when the tide comes up the river, the fish, and chiefly the
eels, go up with it along the river side; when the water begins to ebb,
the fish likewise go down the river, and meeting with the hedges,
they swim along them, till they come through the weels into the
boxes of boards, at the top of which there is a hole with a cover,
through which the fish could be taken out. This apparatus is chiefly
made on account of the eels. In some places hereabouts they place
nets instead of the hedges of twigs.
The shores of the river now consisted no more of pure earth; but of a
species of slate. They are very steep and nearly perpendicular
[94]here, and the slates of which they consist are black, with a brown
cast; and divisible into thin shivers, no thicker than the back of a
knife. These slates moulder as soon as they are exposed to the
open air, and the shore is covered with grains of small sand, which
are nothing but particles of such mouldered slates. Some of the
strata run horizontal, others obliquely, dipping to the south and rising
to the north, and sometimes the contrary way. Sometimes they form
bendings like large semicircles: sometimes a perpendicular line cuts
off the strata, to the depth of two feet; and the slates on both sides of
the line from a perpendicular and smooth wall. In some places
hereabouts, they find amongst the slates, a stratum about four
inches thick of a grey, compact, but pretty soft limestone, of which
the Indians for many centuries have made, and the French at
present still make, tobacco-pipes 26.
August the 5th. This morning, we continued our journey by rowing,

the contrary wind hindering us from sailing. The appearance [95]of
the shores, was the same as yesterday; they were high, pretty steep,
and quite perpendicular; and consisted of the black slate before
described. The country at the top was a plain without eminences,
and closely inhabited along the river, for about the space of an
English mile and a half in-land. Here are no islands in this part of the
river, but several stony places, perceptible at low water only, which
have several times proved fatal to travellers. The breadth of the river
varies; in some parts it was a little more than three quarters of a
mile, in others half a mile, and in some above two miles. The
inhabitants made use of the same method of catching eels along the
shores here, as that which I have just before mentioned. In many
places they make use of nets made of osiers instead of the hedge.
Bugs (Cimex lectularius) abound in Canada; and I met with them in

every place where I lodged, both in the towns and country, and the
people know of no other remedy for them than patience.
The Crickets (Gryllus domesticus) are also abundant in Canada,

especially in the country, where these disagreeable guests lodge in
the chimnies; nor are they uncommon in the towns. They stay here
both summer [96]and winter, and frequently cut clothes in pieces for
pastime.
The Cockroaches (Blatta orientalis) have never been found in the

houses here.
The shores of the river grow more sloping as you come nearer to
Quebec. To the northward appears a high ridge of mountains. About
two French miles and a half from Quebec, the river becomes very
narrow, the shores being within the reach of a musket shot from
each other. The country on both sides was sloping, hilly, covered
with trees, and had many small rocks; the shore was stony. About
four o’clock in the afternoon we happily arrived at Quebec. The city
does not appear till one is close to it, the prospect being intercepted
by a high mountain on the south side. However, a part of the
fortifications appears at a good distance, being situate on the same
mountain. As soon as the soldiers, who were with us, saw Quebec,
they called out, that all those who had never been there before,
should be ducked, if they did not pay something to release
themselves. This custom even the governor-general of Canada is
obliged to submit to, on his first journey to Montreal. We did not care
when we came in sight of this town to be exempted from this old
custom, which is very advantageous [97]to the rowers, as it enables
them to spend a merry evening on their arrival at Quebec, after their
troublesome labour.
Immediately after my arrival, the officer who had accompanied me

from Montreal, led me to the palace of the then vice-govenor-general
of Canada, the marquis la Galissonniere, a nobleman of uncommon
qualities, who behaved towards me with extraordinary goodness,
during the time he staid in this country. He had already ordered
some apartments to be got ready for me, and took care to provide
me with every thing I wanted; besides honouring me so far to invite
me to his table, almost every day I was in town.
August the 6th. Quebec, the chief city in Canada, lies on the western
shore of the river St. Lawrence, close to the water’s edge, on a neck
of land, bounded by that river on the east side, and by the river St.
Charles on the north side; the mountain, on which the town is built,
rises still higher on the south side, and behind it begin great
pastures; and the same mountain likewise extends a good way
westward. The city is distinguished into the lower and the upper 27.
The lower lies on the river, eastward [98]of the upper. The neck of
land, I mentioned before, was formed by the dirt and filth, which had
from time to time been accumulated there, and by a rock which lay
that way, not by any gradual diminution of the water. The upper city
lies above the other, on a high hill, and takes up five or six times the
space of the lower, though it is not quite so populous. The mountain,
on which the upper city is situated, reaches above the houses of the
lower city. Notwithstanding the latter are three or four stories high,
and the view, from the palace, of the lower city (part of which is
immediately under it) is enough to cause a swimming of the head.
There is only one easy way of getting to the upper city, and there
part of the mountain has been blown up. This road is very steep,
notwithstanding it is made winding and serpentine. However, they go
up and down it in carriages, and with waggons. All the other roads
up the mountain are so steep, that it is very difficult to climb to the
top by them. Most of the merchants live in the lower city, where the
houses are built very close together. The streets in it are narrow,
very rugged, and almost always wet. There is likewise a church, and
a small market-place. The upper city [99]is inhabited by people of
quality, by several persons belonging to the different offices, by
tradesmen, and others. In this part are the chief buildings of the
town, among which the following are worthy particular notice.
I. The Palace is situated on the west or steepest side of the

mountain, just above the lower city. It is not properly a palace, but a
large building of stone, two stories high, extending north and south.
On the west side of it is a court-yard, surrounded partly with a wall,
and partly with houses. On the east side, or towards the river, is a
gallery as long as the whole building, and about two fathom broad,
paved with smooth flags, and included on the outsides by iron rails,
from whence the city and the river exhibit a charming prospect. This
gallery serves as a very agreeable walk after dinner, and those who
come to speak with the governor-general wait here till he is at
leisure. The palace is the lodging of the governor-general of Canada,
and a number of soldiers mount the guard before it, both at the gate
and in the court-yard; and when the governor, or the bishop, comes
in or goes out, they must all appear in arms, and beat the drum. The
governor-general has his [100]own chapel where he hears prayers;
however, he often goes to mass at the church of the Recollets 28,
which is very near the palace.
II. The Churches in this town are seven or eight in number, and all
built of stone.
1. The Cathedral church is on the right hand, coming from the lower
to the upper city, somewhat beyond the bishop’s house. The people
were at present employed in ornamenting it. On its west side is a
round steeple, with two divisions, in the lower of which are some
bells. The pulpit, and some other parts within the church, are gilt.
The seats are very fine.
2. The Jesuits church is built in the form of a cross, and has a round
steeple. This is the only church that has a clock, and I shall mention
it more particularly below.
3. The Recollets church is opposite the gate of the palace, on the

west side, looks well, and has a pretty high pointed steeple, with a
division below for the bells.
4. The church of the Ursulines has a round spire.
5. The church of the hospital.
6. The bishop’s chapel. [101]
7. The church in the lower city was built in 1690, after the town had
been delivered from the English, and is called Notre Dame de la
Victoire. It has a small steeple in the middle of the roof, square at the
bottom, and round at the top.
8. The little chapel of the governor-general, may likewise be ranked

amongst these churches.
III. The bishop’s house is the first, on the right hand, coming from the
lower to the upper town. It is a fine large building, surrounded by an
extensive court-yard and kitchen-garden on one side, and by a wall
on the other.
IV. The college of the Jesuits, which I will describe more particularly.
It has a much more noble appearance, in regard to its size and
architecture, than the palace itself, and would be proper for a palace
if it had a more advantageous situation. It is about four times as
large as the palace, and is the finest building in town. It stands on
the north side of a market, on the south side of which is the
cathedral.
V. The house of the Recollets lies to the west, near the palace and
directly over against it, and consists of a spacious building, with a
large orchard, and kitchen-garden. The house is two stories high.
[102]In each story is a narrow gallery with rooms and halls on one, or
both sides.
VI. The Hôtel de Dieu, where the sick are taken care of, shall be
described in the sequel. The nuns, that serve the sick, are of the
Augustine order.
VII. The house of the clergy 29 is a large building, on the north-east

side of the cathedral. Here is on one side a spacious court, and on
the other, towards the river, a great orchard, and kitchen-garden. Of
all the buildings in the town none has so fine a prospect as that in
the garden belonging to this house, which lies on the high shore, and
looks a good way down the river. The Jesuits on the other hand have
the worst, and hardly any prospect at all from their college; nor have
the Recollets any fine views from their house. In this building all the
clergy of Quebec lodge with their superior. They have large pieces of
land in several parts of Canada, presented to them by the
government, from which they derive a very plentiful income.
VIII. The convent of the Ursuline nuns shall be mentioned in the

sequel.
These are all the chief public buildings in the town, but to the north-
west, just before the town, is [103]
IX. The house of the intendant, a public building, whose size makes
it fit for a palace. It is covered with tin, and stands in a second lower
town, situated southward upon the river St. Charles. It has a large
and fine garden on its north side. In this house all the deliberations
concerning this province, are held; and the gentlemen who have the
management of the police and the civil power meet here, and the
intendant generally presides. In affairs of great consequence the
governor-general is likewise here. On one side of this house is the
store-house of the crown, and on the other the prison.
Most of the houses in Quebec are built of stone, and in the upper city
they are generally but one story high, the public buildings excepted. I
saw a few wooden houses in the town, but they must not be rebuilt
when decayed. The houses and churches in the city are not built of
bricks, but the black lime-slates of which the mountain consists,
whereon Quebec stands. When these lime-slates are broke at a
good depth in the mountain, they look very compact at first, and
appear to have no shivers, or lamellæ, at all; but after being exposed
a while to the air, they separate into thin leaves. These slates are
soft, and easily [104]cut; and the city-walls, together with the garden-
walls, consist chiefly of them. The roofs of the public buildings are
covered with common slates, which are brought from France,
because there are none in Canada.
The slated roofs have for some years withstood the changes of air
and weather, without suffering any damage. The private houses
have roofs of boards, which are laid parallel to the spars, and
sometimes to the eaves, or sometimes obliquely. The corners of
houses are made of a grey small grained lime-stone, which has a
strong smell, like the stink-stone 30, and the windows are generally
enchased with it. This lime-stone is more useful in those places than
the lime-slates, which always shiver in the air. The outsides of the
houses are generally white-washed. The windows are placed on the
inner side of the walls; for they have sometimes double windows in
winter. The middle roof has two, or at most three spars, covered with
boards only. The rooms are warmed in winter by small iron stoves,
which are removed in summer. The floors are very dirty in every
house, and have all [105]the appearance of being cleaned but once
every year.
The Powder magazine stands on the summit of the mountain, on

which the city is built, and southward of the palace.
The streets in the upper city have a sufficient breadth, but are very
rugged, on account of the rock on which it lies; and this renders them
very disagreeable and troublesome, both to foot-passengers and
carriages. The black lime-slates basset out and project every where
into sharp angles, which cut the shoes in pieces. The streets cross
each other at all angles, and are very crooked.
The many great orchards and kitchen-gardens, near the house of the
Jesuits, and other public and private buildings, make the town
appear very large, though the number of houses it contains is not
very considerable. Its extent from south to north is said to be about
six hundred toises, and from the shore of the river along the lower
town, to the western wall between three hundred and fifty, and four
hundred toises. It must be here observed, that this space is not yet
wholly inhabited; for on the west and south side, along the town
walls, are large pieces of land without any buildings on them, and
destined to [106]be built upon in future times, when the number of
inhabitants will be encreased in Quebec.
The bishop, whose see is in the city, is the only bishop in Canada.
His diocese extends to Louisiana, on the Mexican gulf southward,
and to the south-seas westward.
No bishop, the pope excepted, ever had a more extensive diocese.

But his spiritual flock is very inconsiderable at some distance from
Quebec, and his sheep are often many hundred miles distant from
each other.
Quebec is the only sea-port and trading town in all Canada, and from
thence all the produce of the country is exported. The port is below
the town in the river, which is there about a quarter of a French mile
broad, twenty-five fathoms deep, and its ground is very good for
anchoring. The ships are secured from all storms in this port;
however, the north-east wind is the worst, because it can act more
powerfully. When I arrived here, I reckoned thirteen great and small
vessels, and they expected more to come in. But it is to be
remarked, that no other ships than French ones can come into the
port, though they may come from any place in France, and likewise
from the French possessions in the [107]West-Indies. All the foreign
goods, which are found in Montreal, and other parts of Canada, must
be taken from hence. The French merchants from Montreal on their
side, after making a six months stay among several Indian nations,
in order to purchase skins of beasts and furrs, return about the end
of August, and go down to Quebec in September or October, in
order to sell their goods there. The privilege of selling the imported
goods, it is said, has vastly enriched the merchants of Quebec; but
this is contradicted by others, who allow that there are a few in
affluent circumstances, but that the generality possess no more than
is absolutely necessary for their bare subsistence, and that several
are very much in debt, which they say is owing to their luxury and
vanity. The merchants dress very finely, and are extravagant in their
repasts; and their ladies are every day in full dress, and as much
adorned as if they were to go to court.
The town is surrounded on almost all sides by a high wall, and
especially towards the land. It was not quite completed when I was
there, and they were very busy in finishing it. It is built of the above
mentioned black lime-slate, and of a dark-grey sand-stone. For the
corners of the gates they [108]have employed a grey lime-stone. They
have not made any walls towards the water side, but nature seems
to have worked for them, by placing a rock there which it is
impossible to ascend. All the rising land thereabouts is likewise so
well planted with cannon, that it seems impossible for an enemy’s
ships or boats to come to the town without running into imminent
danger of being sunk. On the land side the town is likewise guarded
by high mountains so that nature and art have combined to fortify it.
Quebec was founded by its former governor, Samuel de Champlain,

in the year 1608. We are informed by history, that its rise was very
slow. In 1629 towards the end of July it was taken by two
Englishmen Lewis and Thomas Kerk, by capitulation, and
surrendered to them by the above mentioned de Champlain. At that
time, Canada and Quebec were wholly destitute of provisions, so
that they looked upon the English more as their deliverers, than their
enemies. The abovementioned Kerks, were the brothers of the
English admiral David Kerk, who lay with his fleet somewhat lower in
the river. In the year 1632, the French got the town of Quebec, and
all Canada returned to them [109]by the peace. It is remarkable, that
the French were doubtful whether they should reclaim Canada from
the English or leave it to them. The greater part were of opinion that
to keep it would be of no advantage to France, because the country
was cold; and the expences far exceeded its produce; and because
France could not people so extensive a country without weakening
herself, as Spain had done before. That it was better to keep the
people in France, and employ them in all sorts of manufactures,
which would oblige the other European powers who have colonies in
America to bring their raw goods to French ports, and take French
manufactures in return. Those on the other hand who had more
extensive views knew that the climate was not so rough as it had
been represented. They likewise believed that that which caused the
expences was a fault of the company, because they did not manage
the country well. They would not have many people sent over at
once, but little by little, so that France might not feel it. They hoped
that this colony would in future times make France powerful, for its
inhabitants would become more and more acquainted with the
herring, whale, and cod fisheries, and likewise with [110]the taking of
seals; and that by this means Canada would become a school for
training up seamen. They further mentioned the several forts of furrs,
the conversion of the Indians, the ship-building, and the various uses
of the extensive woods. And lastly that it would be a considerable
advantage to France, even though they should reap no other benefit,
to hinder by this means the progress of the English in America, and
of their encreasing power, which would otherwise become
insupportable to France; not to mention several other reasons. Time
has shewn that these reasons were the result of mature judgment,
and that they laid the foundation to the rise of France. It were to be
wished that we had been of the same opinion in Sweden, at a time
when we were actually in possession of New Sweden, the finest and
best province in all North America, or when we were yet in a
condition to get the possession of it. Wisdom and foresight does not
only look upon the present times, but even extends its views to
futurity.
In the year 1663 at the beginning of February, the great earthquake

was felt in Quebec and a great part of Canada, and there are still
some vestiges of its effects at that time; however, no lives were lost.
[111]
On the 16th of October 1690, Quebec was besieged by the English

general William Phips, who was obliged to retire a few days after
with great loss. The English have tried several times to repair their
losses, but the river St. Lawrence has always been a very good
defence for this country. An enemy, and one that is not acquainted
with this river, cannot go upwards in it, without being ruined; for in
the neighbourhood of Quebec, it abounds with hidden rocks, and has
strong currents in some places, which oblige the ships to make many
windings.
The name of Quebec it is said is derived from a Norman word, on

account of its situation on a neck or point of land. For when one
comes up in the river by l’Isle d’Orleans, that part of the river St.
Lawrence does not come in sight, which lies above the town, and it
appears as if the river St. Charles which lies just before, was a
continuation of the St. Lawrence. But on advancing further the true
course of the river comes within sight, and has at first a great
similarity to the mouth of a river or a great bay. This has given
occasion to a sailor, who saw it unexpectedly, to cry out in his
provincial dialect Que bec 31, that is, what a point of land! and from
hence it is [112]thought the city obtained its name. Others derive it
from the Algonkin word Quebego or Quebec signifying that which
grows narrow, because the river becomes narrower as it comes
nearer to the town.
The river St. Lawrence, is exactly a quarter of a French mile, or three

quarters of an English mile broad at Quebec. The salt water never
comes up to the town in it, and therefore the inhabitants can make
use of the water in the river for their kitchens, &c. All accounts agree
that notwithstanding the breadth of this river, and the violence of its
course, especially during ebb, it is covered with ice during the whole
winter, which is strong enough for walking, and a carriage may go
over it. It is said to happen frequently that, when the river has been
open in May, there are such cold nights in this month, that it freezes
again, and will bear walking over. This is a clear proof of the
intenseness of the frost here, especially when one considers that
which I shall mention immediately after, about the ebbing and flowing
of the tide in this river. The greatest breadth of the river at its mouth,
is computed to be twenty-six French miles or seventy-eight English
miles, though the boundary between the sea, and the river cannot
well be ascertained as the latter gradually looses itself in, and unites
with [113]the former. The greatest part of the water contained in the
numerous lakes of Canada, four or five of which are like large seas,
is forced to disembogue into the sea by means of this river alone.
The navigation up this river from the sea is rendered very dangerous
by the strength of the current, and by the number of sand-banks,
which often arise in places where they never were before. The
English have experienced this formation of new sands once or twice,
when they intend to conquer Canada. Hence the French have good
reasons to look upon the river as a barrier to Canada 32.
The tide goes far beyond Quebec in the river St. Lawrence, as I have
mentioned above. The difference between high and low water is
generally between fifteen and sixteen feet, French measure; but with
the new and full moon, and when the wind is likewise favourable, the
difference is seventeen or eighteen feet, which is indeed very
considerable. [114]
August the 7th. Ginseng is the current French name in Canada, of a

plant, the root of which, has a very great value in China 33. It has
been growing since times immemorial in the Chinese Tartary and in
Corea, where it is annually collected and brought to China. Father
Du Halde says, it is the most precious, and the most useful of all the
plants in eastern Tartary, and attracts, every year, a number of
people into the deserts of that country. The Mantechoux-Tartars call
it Orhota, that is the most noble, or the queen of plants 34. The Tartars
and Chinese praise it very much, and ascribe to it the power of
curing several dangerous diseases, and that of restoring to the body

Incarceration and Generation Volume Ii Challenging Generational Relations 1St Edition Silvia Gomes Maria Full Chapter PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Incarceration and Generation Volume Ii Challenging Generational Relations 1St Edition Silvia Gomes Maria Full Chapter PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Incarceration and Generation Volume Ii Challenging Generational Relations 1St Edition Silvia Gomes Maria Full Chapter PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Incarceration And Generation, Volume

II: Challenging Generational Relations

Imperialism And Capitalism, Volume II: Normative

Joodse Magie 1st Edition Silvia Hill

Flow Assurance. Volume II Qiwei Wang

Gentrification around the World, Volume II: Innovative

Violence Against Women and Criminal Justice in Africa:

The Digital Journey of Banking and Insurance, Volume II

Spatial Economics, Volume II: Applications Stefano

Huawei Goes Global: Volume II: Regional, Geopolitical

More information about this series at

Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology

Cover credit: Smartha/Alamy Stock Photo

Writing a book in a time of pandemic has been an incredibly challenging

Maria João Leote de Carvalho would like to thank the FCT—

“Long underdeveloped and overlooked, the intense generational effects

“In the face of the pervasive use of detention as a form of manage-

“Incarceration and Generation is the result of a truly international

the diversity in geographic representation, and the coverage of both time-

“This volume presents original, rich and diverse perspectives on incarcer-

1 Incarceration and Generational Relations—Exploring

5 Fathering from Prison: Managing Relations

Katherine M. Auty is a Senior Research Associate in the Prisons

University of Chicago. He received a Ph.D. from the University of Oslo

family, genetics and crime and reconfigurations of family relation-

support of FCT (Ref. SFRH/BPD/116119/2016). She has been involved

degrees in criminology and political science from Florida State Univer-

Pedro Sousa holds a Ph.D. in Economics from ISEG (University of

Fig. 2 Incarceration Rates and GDP per Capita (Notes Sample

Incarceration and Generation: Challenging Generational Relations is the

key intergenerational relations issues within incarceration. The first

explore issues relating to family and incarceration–and also as a cohort

1 Expanding the Conceptual Delimitation

adulthood–and by exploring the family context, such as kinship ties and

Ryder, 1965), investigation has established the existence of wide varia-

1989; Seydlitz, 2016a, 2016b; Stephen, 2006; Tremblay et al., 2003;

of interaction between parents and children and deficient exercise of

a product of particular combinations of the encompassing structures with

Over our lifetimes many of us will cohabit, marry, separate, parent

The emergence of forms of family (re)composition gives greater visibility

The notion of family mobilises the relational aspect, which is essen-

2 The Intersection of Incarceration

particularly in crime studies, which we have explored so far, helps to

important for predicting the criminal behaviour of children (Besemer,

affected behavioural outcomes (such as fighting and truancy) and the

intergenerational impact of criminalisation and incarceration in low-

academic outcomes are impacted by trauma, stigma and the strain of

problem is the nature and dynamics of the generational relations between

link between incarceration and relationship dissolution. Drawing on a

in a particular generation throughout the lifespan. Expanding on these

3 Incarceration and Generation:

the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development ) present a unique anal-

In line with the previous chapter concerning the debate on how

anticipated in some of the chapters in this volume, a strong intergenera-

We sometimes saw wind-mills near the farms. They were generally

Whilst my company were resting, I went on horseback to view the

As we went on, we saw several churches of stone, and often very

A Humming bird (Trochilus Colubris) flew among the bushes, in a