Oceania Publications, University of Sydney

The Forgotten Women: A History of Migrant Labour and Gender Relations in Vanuatu Author(s): Margaret Jolly Source: Oceania, Vol. 58, No. 2 (Dec., 1987), pp. 119-139 Published by: Oceania Publications, University of Sydney Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40332344 . Accessed: 17/06/2011 15:27
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THE FORGOTTEN WOMEN: A HISTORY OF MIGRANT LABOUR AND GENDER RELATIONS IN VANUATU Margaret Jolly
Macquarie University

Abstract
focuses the on question whether of trade Melanesian labourers on recruited Writing thelabour or volunteers. debate This in and about to work Australia Fijiwere slaves, willing kidnapped from viewpoint themalerecruit. however be constructed the to tends of actors victims versus whowere are of women recruited typically as motivated seen Thesmallminority Melanesian withmen,and are sometimes as to go becauseof love or sexual relations portrayed of an sources, secondary interpretative Through examination someprimary "prostitutes'. of this of this of and histories theoralhistory oneregion Vanuatu, paper queries image women that in the labourtrade.It suggests moreover, thelabourtrademustbe seenas having women menin Vanuatu's and between on effects relations dramatic villages.

We couldhaveloadedtheshiphere with but women, themenwouldnotlet There almost fight was them comeon anyaccount. a between ladies the and as of their lords a good many theformer to off attempted swim to theship. (Farquhar1871-2:10) In themutualappraisalof history anthropology and there beena litany has of Historians of ahistorical accounts misgivings. complain anthropologists offering of human societies,accounts which thoughbased on the ratherfleeting of to a culture socialstructure some or as purport represent experiences fieldwork In to or in the of thing. trying participate andobserve lives atemporal eveneternal it others is saidthat heed context anthropologists insufficient tothehistorical pay Moreovertheyoften to use archival documentary fail of theirfieldwork. or or contextualize specificities timeand whichmight the sources of complement own observations. place of their on the to hand,maylament historians' Anthropologists, theother tendency thoseobservations statements and which havebeenwritten downand privilege aboutrestricting rangeofresearch the as to Theyworry persist texts. questions suchdocumentary thosewhich be addressed can materials sinceon many using the excludesthe questions textsare mute.Relianceon documents important of thosehumanpopulations who left tracesnotin texts in oral but experience suchas tools, and remains houseforms artworks. also traditions material and It of thosesegments 'literate' excludes whoare notthewriters such of populations texts aboutinthem. it documents though they maybe spoken Finally, issaidthat the and tendto record spectacular uncommon lessoften and into yield insights events everyday - thestuff bothsocial of theunspectacular recurrent and life of and history anthropology (Geertz1980:6). These mutualmisgivings resonateloudlyin the Pacific,especially our in to bothanthropology history bearon thestudy efforts bring and to of present In relations. thepastfewyears there beena great has deal ofrethinking gender in about gender thePacificand one of themostpromising features thishas of that been the recognition thegender relations Pacificpeoples, of likethoseof are but to of in Europeans notstatic subject theforces change bothprecolonial ' times and Macintyre and postcolonial (Jolly 1988). for interest our present of Of particular purposesis Gewertz' restudy the of Chambri peoplesoftheSepikRiverregion Papua NewGuinea(1981,1983). calledtheTchambuli wereone of theSepikpeoples The Chambri, previously Mead in Sex and Temperament discussed Margaret (1935)and exemplified by 119

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MAP I : VANUATU

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associations between of and forherthereverse Eurocentric gender personality. and and men submissive Mead foundwomendominating autonomous and foundthings little a thandisputing Gewertz different, rather yet dependent. in as elsewhere critiques Mead)2she of Mead'sfindings false(a strategy adopted have as muchto do withchanging conclusions thattheir divergent suggests to as circumstances withtheir different Mead's historical approaches gender. in a moment Chambri when combined the reflectedparticular assessment history the to relocation Chambri of recent to of Island, departure somemen impact their in of labourand theearlychanges thepatterns regional had exchange migrant men relations Mead'sapproach, between and women. altered dramatically using of viewofculture, eternalized such as it did theconcept roleand an ahistorical attends both processual the to Gewertz contrast dynamics by contingent patterns. relations.3 of contexts gender and historical in accounts gender of relations Vanuatu, we sensitive In developing historically in the ahistoricism tendencies anthropology suchahistorical find compounded by I Vanuatu notionsof kastom.Elsewhere have exploredthe notionof of niin of and bothas a central kastom politics Vanuatu as the symbol post-colonial with I ofthe self-identification traditionalist peopleofSouthPentecost whom did of fieldwork (Jolly1982). A salientfeature this notionof kastomas selfLet and is its identification claimto original eternal persistence. mequotea few leaderof the wordsfroma speechmade by Bumangari Kaon, theforemost the 1970s. of communities South Pentecost traditionalist throughout has to that flown ourshore now, our but is custom likea bird just European kastomhas beenherelikea banyantreesincetheworldbrokeopen. is nativism and implacable This idea ofrooted persistence notjust unconscious of which deniesand minimises impact the of an butrather ideology resistance it of Butas an ideology resistance,is still and white shapedpreways. Europeans male experience colonial of out of a distinctly by eminently male ideologues in was of The history colonialism Vanuatuas elsewhere a gendered history. it and and men and womenexperienced differently the structures history: in on Thisis apparent many effects them. had ofcolonialism different processes traders and planters, effects the of the spheres, earlyimpactof navigators, of and and missions thedevelopment colonial of the pacification, work Christian structures (Jolly1988). political post-colonial of clearer thanin the dimension colonialhistory is But nowhere thegender but has for labourwhich themost of part, notexclusively, taken history migrant in and women their menawayto work left villages. placeinVanuatu's Bumangari for Kaon, thatmosteloquentspokesman the traditionalist people of South the as seventeen working a copracutter Pentecost, awayfrom island years spent and NewCaledonia.Thisunusually period and a boathandin Santo,Efate long related hislater to as is of labourmigration paradoxically emergence a celebrant cultivation taro of characterised thesubsistence that ofkastom, is a wayoflife by of adherence traditional to and the and yams, nurturing, exchange sacrifice pigs, in which both sacralises the and and of practices kinship marriage faith a religion a of rank movethroughsystem achieved called as they and ancestors living people thegradedsociety4 (Jolly1982,1984). such How do we explainthisseeming paradox?How can we understand for cowhichhavepersisted overa century of patterns male labourmigration On withtraditionalist of lifein thesevillages? thefaceof it such existent ways see which circular as with seemshardto reconcile theories migration a persistence of associated withan earlystageof form mobility or 'transitional compromise modernization' is, quite self(Bedford1973:189).The compromise I submit, of and of is on consciously perpetuated thepart men, thestability thecompromise
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to be explained theparticular intersection indigenous colonial of and by systems of and the centrality genderin this.The model of genderwhichinvading in to and in meshed Europeansbrought, relation work, sexuality reproduction wayswiththoseof manpies.5 very powerful Before the this on let considering particular inwhich occurred Pentecost, way of it on us situate in the broadercontext writing thelabourtradeand labour in The of is datedfrom 1862 migration thePacific. history thelabourtrade often if recruitmentPolynesians, of whenthere a violent shortlived was from Rapanui in particular, workin Peru(Maude 1981;McCall 1976).Thiswasterminated to in 1863;butlabourrecruiting already had and other of begunin Vanuatu parts schemeto employniMelanesia, with BenjaminBoyd's ill-fated Vanuatu, on in Islanders peoplefrom and Kiribati hisDeniliquin Loyalty properties New in colonists' recuitment niof Vanuatu work New to SouthWalesin 1847,French of Caledonia fromthe 1850s,and the illegalrecruiting 65 people fromthe of in for at an south Mauritius 1857 Solomonsand Kiribati work Reunion, island on But from 1863 labour recruiting a much widerscale (Shineberg1984). extendeddramatically across the Pacific.Firthestimates that over 100,000 to in PacificIslanderswererecruited workon plantations Queensland, Fiji, from 863to 19 14.Thesecameespecially 1 Samoa and NewCaledoniaintheyears the from the Kiribati parts and Vanuatu, including Banksand Torres, Solomons, of New Guinea (Firth1976:51).Firthsuggests thatan equivalent number of hired German labourers within NewGuineatowork within that indentured were fromN.E. New Guinea,theBismarck colony,emanating mainly Archipelago and the GermanSolomons. Bennett also reports smaller numbers Pacific of islanders recruited theHawaiianplantations for from i.e. 1877-87, between being from 2383 and 2403,mainly Santa Cruz, Kiribati, Rotuma, Tokelau,Vanuatu, in and Bougainville New Ireland(1976:17).Manywerealso involved domestic the within British coloniesof theSolomonsand Papua, the indenture schemes of Frenchcolonyof New Caledoniaand thatregion jointcolonialcontrol wererecruited Vanuatu.Of the overalltotalabout 62,475Pacificislanders to of workin thesugarplantations Queensland (Priceand Baker 1976:116). has of such and feats Establishing figures required quitedifficult meticulous in rendering historical from and records are which logs precision scholarship, as and Thereare persistent oftenimprecise to statistics to places of origin. how morethanonce,howmany in problems establishing manywererecruited and wererepatriated. died en routeto and on theplantations, how many Such debateabouttheextent calculations bearon theongoing also and demographic in Insofar somedecline demonstrated as is for causesofdepopulation thePacific. can trade a contributing mostPacific howfar weseethelabour as factor? islands, it their from for Obviously removed largeabsolutenumbers placesof origin a at was of time least,butmoreimportant theintroduction newdiseaseswith the someincreased in and labourrecruiters returned fatalities indigenous labourers, the warfare this using Europeanfirearms through trade(although procured cf. Thomas1986) an impact shouldnotbe overestimated, Shineberg and on 1971; of in rates the in fertility through dislocation sex ratios resulting later marriages some villages. of were uniform not It is clearthatsuchdislocations sexratios the throughout comment themarked on in Pacific. Severalwriters differencethesexratioofthe recruits coming from Micronesiaand Polynesiaand those comingfrom Bennett about Hawaii between Melanesia.For instance, 1877and 1887 writing notes that the sex ratios amongst those coming from Kiribati6 were of approximately equal, witha slight preponderance malesand considerable their numbers children of Thoserecruited from Vanuatu accompanying parents. contrast wereoverwhelmingly (Bennett male Similar 1976:18). by figures appear inthepatterns migration Fijiand Queensland from to of and women Kiribati, 122

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in and oftenin family men arriving almost equal numbers groups,while Melanesians were predominantly single males. Thus Corris reportsthat in Melanesianwomen were always a small minority Queensland,varying 1881and 1891forinstance. Fiji similarly, In between 6.2% and 8.7% between of a women constituted small minority the Melanesianlabourers, varying 1885and 1903(Corris1970:51). between 7.5% and 8.5% fortheperiodbetween an for figures Fiji suggest overallaverageof 8.0% from Siegel'smorerecent differences between islandsof origin but 1876-1911 again some important the and 3.2% from the 4.2% from NewGuineaislands 8.2% forVanuatu, being Kiribati Micronesia in there were41.1% from Solomons,whilst (1985: 51-4).7 contrast there a marked is between high the Thus,inall these figures percentages and Micronesia and thelow percentages fromPolynesia of womenrecruited factors be to this Melanesia. Several from might adduced explain - thedivergent the of thesedifferent of the Pacific, differential sexual politics impactof parts and racial women's codesregulating recruitment, different orpopulation policies is as labour.Each ofthese ofsomeimportance weshall in thecolonies receiving see below. in recruits young late were and of So themajority Melanesian men, their teens in theregisters, while belowsixteen Few twenties. menoverthirty many appear and 1891forFiji,recruiters 1884forQueensland the do (despite factthatfrom thansixteen). Corrissuggests many that to wereforbidden take boysyounger for and hair of thesimple tests inspection pubic underarm (Corris age past slipped in somewhat the lateryearsof the tradeto 1970:47).The age ratio shifted in werepreferred. contrast, to as By planters Fiji seemed Queensland 'old chums' for recruits. Corris new Reporting theSolomons, younger prefer and typically breakdown: ofyouths sixteen of the as 25% (1970:51)suggests following a rough men late and orless,25% ofmenover 50% thirty theremaining unmarried intheir teensor earlytwenties. on howfar debatein theliterature thelabourtrade ofcourse, The central is, and how farthoserecruited werewilling used recruiters kidnapand coercion, that used maintain thelabourtrade and Somewriters volunteers. routinely force were The that view others while infrequent. first is suggest suchtactics deception, the obvious in the works of nineteenth century opponents,in particular accounts offered journalists; inthe in and critics; twentieth century by missionary The Islanders themselves. secondviewis of and oraltraditions literature Pacific in for foundin theworksof nineteenth century participants and apologists the academic historians. of and in theworks twentieth Scarr, trade, century Deryck is that somecasesofkidnap, adamant thetrade was whilst forinstance, reporting the substantial consentof all concerned' a businesswhich'required (Scarr concur:Corris(1970, 1973),Firth (1976), 1967:52).Most academichistorians in Saunders 1982a,1982b,1984),Moore(1979, 1981,1985)areall united (1980, in a was theviewthatkidnapping not,exceptperhaps thevery earlyperiod, the considers political salience of of feature thetrade.Moore,however, regular in Melanesians to thekidnapping immigrant (expressed novels myth Australia's he the of and suchas FaithBandler's Wacvi), though rejects fact routine physical of to the a formulatesconcept cultural kidnapping express ideathat kidnapping, and cultural Melanesianvolitiondoes not negatethe factsof exploitation he the on thepartof Europeans Moreover, challenges (1981, 1985). advantage of fundamental agency premises the debate phrasedin termsof individual or to adopted by Melanesiancommunities preferring talk about strategies descent groups(Moore 1985:48ff). model in his portrayal Solomon of this individualist Corris exemplifies to stimuli: great the of for Islanders desirability engaging workin response four of the of who goods,thenovelty travel, example repatriates haddone European to to (Corris1970:59). well,and pressures leaveinternal theindigenous society
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of to of Thesefour stimuli, array pullandpushtheories corresponding theclassic a potent brew theenticements theexotic of of for motivations migration, suggest of this motivations of and thefrustrationsthefamiliar. However, ensemble mixed That minority of is constructed fromthe viewpointof the male recruit. in seenin a different Melanesian womenrecruited thelabourtradeare usually sourcedocuments in theinterpretative and bothin theprimary histories, light, or wheretheyare cast as rebellious escapingunwanted marriages runaways, Theemphasis on their is status sexualbeings as menoftheir choice. with eloping of rather than to and as womentrying escapetheconstraints islandpatriarchs of or to theallureofEuropean goods,thenovelty travel theprospect responding or weresomewomen wholeft ofdoingwellin Queensland Fiji. No doubtthere of and the but at becauseofpressures home, somewholeft despite resistance kin, And is the 'sexualization' theseacts of defiance. of what we might challenge had femalerecruits thesame interests male recruits as we without presuming that also 'pulled' someofthe the were at by might leastentertain possibility they allureof Europeangoods and foreign places. in of The ideologyprevalent portraits womenin thelabourtradeis most Cannibal flagrantly exposedin popularaccountssuchas HectorHolthouse's The Amazon of Malekula',describes a Cargoes(1970). Chapter19, entitled and of the schoonerFlora to Malekulain 1885,lookingforrecruits voyage home.One of thesereturns Lily,coming was returns Queensland for bringing 'three after back to Queensland years enlightening on a Queensland plantation' how the intending recruits new were (Holthouse1970:193).Holthouserelates themin their confronted a sight with which tracks, stopped in and off Lilyhad stripped herEuropeanclothes, was dressed no more of she and which had looped,front back,several thana beltfrom yards carried aboutfifty of A abouther rounds cartridges calicoprint. secondbelt of a shoulder Colt Overher and a holstered revolver. hung bandolier Snider in she The Snideritself heldwithcomfortable familiarity the cartridges. and nakedthighs breasts and arm. Withhead heldhigh crookof herleft men inch with oil, glistening coconut shewasevery an Amazon.Ifthewhite recruits weredumbfounded, 194). the weresurprised, newnative (ibid: menabouttheir of the lack howshetaunts Malekulan then describes Holthouse of to before years courageand thefactthatin theprocess escaping Queensland to the men.She thenstarts harangue localwomen, twopowerful she had killed themthat, telling mere it slavesofmenand that wastime thatthey It was time being stopped women no work all; did at In she rebelled. Queensland, saidthewhite they in clothes bangles beadswhile and and went abouttogether beautiful they mendid all theworkforthem, thewhite (ibid:197). neither womennormenfromMalekulato join the This seemedto encourage Flora. CommentsHolthouse,'the emancipatedwoman was a thingthat whether Holthouse thinks for' Malekulawas notyet ready (ibid:197).Itisunclear to with and womanis more theemancipated likely be adorned bangles beadsora Sniderrifle. to and of rather salaciouspieceofjournalism primary sources The relation this But some about is rather remote. itillustrates coreassumptions scholarly history and which be seeninmore can form and women thelabourtrade scholarly subtle see as in the worksof Scarr and Corris.Such authors the womenrecruited credit them material but with rebellious rarely they runaways, unlikeHolthouse their for as to or political motives, construing reasons recruitmentdesires form
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sexual liaisons or marriagesbeyond the confinesof theirhome villages. Again, such motives may have inspired some women, but there is also a surfeit of male observersand by laterinterpreters with imputationboth by contemporary littledirectevidence to support such a view. incident from passenger'srecordofa voyage the a Thus Scarr reports following on the Bobtail Nag to Erromangain 1877(Scarr 1967:144;omissionsin original): On our way down thecoast we saw two women and a man makingsignals did. One ofthewomen forus to pull in towardsthemwhichwe accordingly wantedto was quite a younggirlof about sixteenyearsofage, she evidently out come withus, as she kepton running intothewaterand back again. The other woman did not want her to come, and the man who was both ugly and old, shook a club several times at us. However Mike (the Mate) not caringa rap forhim orderedthe crewto pull in,and on seeingthatwe were on determined havingthegirl,theold fellowmade a rushto seize her,so she intothe waterand swam out to us . . .The old man. . .uttereda jumped hideous yell and ran offinto the bush, I suppose to induce some of his to leaving countrymen come and demolish us, but ... we beat a retreat, the old Lady kicking up her heels on the beach and yelling like an Australian dingo. Scarr comments: To take any runaway was to arouse the anger of his communityand to on. renderit likelythatthe nextshipto call would be fired To takea woman in this way was especially provocative. In most Melanesian societies women representedto their fathers,potential wealth in pigs and shellof moneyand to theirhusbands,the investment thatwealthin bride-price. Thereforeto take a woman unaccompanied by her lawful protectorwas outrighttheft.But, most Melanesian societies, again, had theirshare of femalesand itwas a recognisedsportamong theyoungermen discontented to elope with married women. The latter belonged, generallyto older husbands, who alone had theresourceswithwhichto buythem.The labour visits the facilitated growth ships werea haven forelopingcouples and their of the sport. There are manypointsin thispassage whichinvitecomment- the presumption that Melanesian marriagemeant the purchase of a woman in a way akin to a commodity, that bridewealth passed between individual men, that male ideals about thelawful dominationin thispartof the worldaccorded withBritish of women by male guardians, and the vision of a pan-Melanesian protection (cf. Scarr 'sport' wherebyyoung men took women frommarriedgerontocrats it 1970:243). But in addition to thesedubious presumptions, is clear thatfemale discontent is translated into the desire to elope. Thus female recruitsare portrayedexclusivelyin termsof theirrelationswithmen, maritalor otherwise, and are not seen as being inspired by those other desires for materialgoods, enticedmale recruits, wellas as whichCorrissuggests benefits adventureor future the desire to 'runaway'. By contrastwhen Scarr talks about young men,theyare as seen as respondingto such stimuli, well as to politicaland sexual frustrations (Scarr 1967:144-45). Corris (1970:45) writes in a similar vein about female recruitsfrom the Solomons, focusingon women as sexual partners.He says: The chastityof singlegirls,was on mostof the islands in the Solomons, of to greatimportanceto theirmarriageprospectsand therefore, the interests 125

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of theirsponsors.On marriage, bridepricewas paid, and a female a a investment which to beprotected, had kinswoman representedsignificant sum could onlybe demanded a virgin bride.There as the maximum by of be to could,therefore, no question permitting girls leavetheisland single women to on recruiting aboardwhich becameprostitutes frequently ships and Melanesians theduration thevoyage. for of Europeans There is no doubt thatchastity a significant was value in manypartsof the in was consideration thedetermination of Solomonsand that virginity a relevant in hisseveral of studies theKwaioof Malaita(1978,1982, bridewealth. Keesing, the stress chastity thefact pre-marital extraon and that or 1985)also notes heavy affairs could occasionthedeathof women.Butas is clearbothfrom marital Elota's Story(Keesing 1978:103-5)and Kwaio Religion(1982: 18-9). such also be liaisonswerealso hazardousfor men,sincethedeathpenalty might and were enforced Although virginity sexualrestraint probably appliedto them. for fell more for and on thoroughly women thepenalties infractions more heavily that them(Keesing1985),we mustacknowledge chastity notjusta female was fromplaceswherea and thatthe virgin bridehereis rather different virtue, with celebration malesexuallicence. a of of coexists celebration female chastity with woman's bridewealth a itwas Moreover, vary although might virginity, also and on and of dependent herworking capacities temperament onthehistory past the concerned and feudsbetween families (Keesing1978: 103-5). exchanges becameprostitutes claim that womenfrequently What of Corns' further sexualliaisons occur between Thereis no doubtthat did aboardrecruiting ships? Melanesianwomen and both Europeanand Melanesianmen on board the this this recruiting shipsbut how frequent was and whether was 'prostitution' The is and argument. allegedfrequency hardto reconcile need moreevidence in on of with facts segregation boardthese the particularlythelater period. ships, enforced Europeanmasters of was by Segregation notjusta matter regulations oftenstringently adheredto by to but protocolsappropriate Melanesians, that sexual segregation obtained Melanesianwomen.Thus, Moore reports and vessels as itdidin Malaita'svillages indigenous aboardlabourrecruiting just at The werenotalwaysranged the canoes(Moore 1985:65ff). women's quarters with rear of the ship as was Malaitan custom,but women,in conformity Malaitanidealsdid notwalkon thedeckabovethemen's quarters. Segregation from whenwomenwererecruited dividedwomentoo, in particular placeslike and Malaita wheretheywere secludedduringmenstruation the periodof incident aboard the Lochielin 1886, an Moore reports intriguing childbirth. a refused share compartment a woman to with from nineMalaitanwomen when The problem was solvedonlywhenthe Savo Islandwho had just givenbirth. and the Government Agentgave up his cabin to thewomanand herinfant the returned Savo womanback home(ibid:67-8). Captainspeedily between Melanesian women and European of Some evidence sexualrelations Witness following the account of menis moresuggestive rapethanprostitution. Tanna aboard the Ceara in 1880(citedin Gunderta womanfrom from Lilly, Hock, 1986:193). on took me to thecabin to putsomething a soreon my Mr. Hockings cabinand he did haveconnections He shoulder. took meto thecaptain's I said to me. said with I wasfrightened no want lethim.Mr.Hockings I was he Nexttime tookmedownto thecabinheaskedmeagain, notto singout. I did not wishto do it. He let me go ... and I ranaway on deck. Mr. to Hockings onlydid itonce.Thiswas at theislandof Mow I complained Mary(Nungi)whenI got awayfromMr. Hockings. . . 126

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as casesofwilling Therewereprobably such liaison, wellas rape,butto describe is without evidence of the acts as 'prostitution' rather pre-emptory of and of goods beingexchangedfor sexual understandings both partners whether is appropriate applythe it discussed Ralstonhas recently to services. to between Hawaiianwomen European labelof'prostitution' sexualliaisons and sailorson Cook's and latervoyages (Ralston1988;cf.Sahlins1981).ThoughI the that womenwereunder misapprehension they were doubtthatMelanesian with the gods, to label such liaisonsas 'prostitution' makes a consorting character selling on the of about thecasual and disinterested sex presumption themand absolvingtheirmale denigrating part of women,simultaneously sexualmorality. in of partners terms a Eurocentric of from the Corris In explaining smallnumbers womenrecruited Melanesia, was a fitbetween sexual politics thatthere and the thussuggests indigenous that or were to of regulations thetrade; better, suchregulations encoded allowfor of the After which recruiting women created. and thedifficulties reprisals 1884, that were be recruited inthe to theQueensland stipulated women only regulations the while and husbands with 'chief's'8 of consent, Fiji'srecruiters company their thatthe to werepermitted engagesinglewomenonlyif it appearedprobable her womanwouldentail death.Corris of anyfugitive notes, however, rejection the presenceof that althoughthese rules were widelyenforced through in wereviolations muchmorecommonly Vanuatu there agents government of seemed occasion the to thanin theSolomonswhere recruiting women greater far than were lessfrequent 'violations' But and reprisals. suchviolations by anger that were I nominal adherence, which meantheoftreported pattern women by on recruited marriage beingcontracted board the recruiting ships,often by In it the correct liaisonbetween partners. suchsituations ishardly a without prior sincewomenappearto be forced into to speakof womenelopingwithlovers, Thushowfar women as eloped, way legitimate to be recruited. marriage theonly of into forced 'elopement' theconjunction Melanesian were and howfarthey by an and Europeancodes mustremain open question. sexualpolitics men and of between It is perhapsan artifact theconversations exchanges to go onlybecauseofmarital or that women in involved thelabourtrade appear In become'prostitutes'. all mustperforce women and sexualdesires, thatsingle womenare fewand muted in sourcesthevoicesof Melanesian theprimary at and journals, reportsby government recruiter's agents,testimony logs men.On therare and evenoral traditions Melanesian and courts, by enquiries it our oraltestimony women, can challenge from is occasionswhenthere direct there evidence of motivations. is aboutwomen's Moreover, conjectures previous on occasions. intorecruitment several womenbeingforced was of in in For instance, Brisbane 1894-5there a trialofsevenmembers the in of Ansonon charges kidnapping Malaita. In thiscase crewof the William was testimony heard not only fromthe accused Europeans,but also from Melanesians,includingsome women. Captain Vos was alleged to have her six 'compelled womento go aboard thevessel,one of themleaving three childrenscreamingon the sand at her departure'{Brisbane Telegraph were ashore but women put again, thetworemaining, 894). Fourofthese 30/10/1 on to and Towalli,whowerereported haveno husbands theday Zoungwarrah WhenTowalligavetestimony it to were wererecruited, shipped Brisbane. they a taken but to that capture, couldnotandcried lotwhen transpired shetried resist Eurassi the with on board.She toldQuisioola, 'chieffrom passagewhocolluded to that the in thecrew arranging kidnappings, shedidnotwant go toQueensland that and She for becauseshewas'sorry hermother father'. testified Quisioolahad to Towalli's his struck sisterFunghiwhenshe had intervened tryto prevent had both, it was alleged,been subjectto She and Zoungwarrah capture. the that had she from on treatment' thevoyage Brisbane, despite fact 'improper
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been marriedon board to Try, a returnee who had spent eightyearsin that Queensland.Her husbandtestified he did not knowhernorherplace of before and before married hesawCaptainVosslapher he on this, that, her, origin thecheek and pushherdownon thedeck{Brisbane The Telegraph 10/ 30/ 1894). was otherMalaitanwoman,Zoungwarrah, also kidnapped, on although this in occasionlocal womenassisted hercapture rather thanimpeded bypulling it, heroutofa woman's inwhich hadtaken hut she she the refuge. Although signed she labouragreement saidthat didnotwantto go to Queensland. hercase she In it seemsthather marriage Attamtou board made hermorefavourably to on herhusband inclined go to Queensland, to was moreequivocalabout although theunion.He testified hetoldherhewas making hiswife, he'didnot that her but knowwhether likedthator not... He did notwantto takeZoungwarrah she backto hisisland.Whenhewent backhewould to Loo and LangaLanga,and go she would go to Eurassi'(BrisbaneTelegraph, other 18/12/1894). Although that theyhad come willingly, appraisalof a women recruited testified the a southern whenthecrewwereacquitted, seems later, newspaper fewmonths quitejustified: Seven9single or husbandless womenwere taken on board at Urassi with 'husbands' and provided islands. [Eurassi]Passage picked at other up werenotentered theship'sbookstillAugust on Some ofthem though they had been takenon board in May. Two wereputashoreafter beingsix weekson the ship because apparently husbandscould be foundto no with 'under regulations'. the Their connect them names were never entered at all (MelbourneArgus1/4/ 1895). these in Anson were rather unusual being a Although by kidnappings theWilliam the late instance coercionin thetrade, case is notunique.Scarr(1970:247) of of crewoftheCearaon Erromanga by reports kidnapping women thenotorious in 1882and Santo at a laterdate. Thereis also muchevidence shipboard of the to even women were marriages being arranged accordwith regulations, when the with that of recruits. we must So, willing KaySaunders query assertion 'many either with of thewomen to were lovers their choice coming Queensland eloping with lovers' Thereweresomesuchcases or alreadymarried women (1982b:20). but Moore 1985:640), notenough justifygeneralization. to a (e.g.Scarr1970:243; the We needto ask,therefore, theimage for why persists despite lackofevidence is was there a collusion Vanuatu it. Mysuggestion that between andniEuropean or mento describe female recruits eloping as and runaways evenprostitutes, that in of is this rendering theirmotivations reflected our ratherandrocentric academichistory. has this and Saunders gonesomewayinchallenging androcentricity inoffering in of which them workers sees as a portrait Melanesian women Queensland and that while most mothers well as sexual objects. Her researchsuggests as wereemployed until1884as domestic Melanesianwomenin Queensland up servants nannies, or withthe rapidexpansionof thesugarindustry from this as workers wereengaged plantation men:planting cane, alongside period, they theirwages remained 6 per and threshing.10 at However, weeding, cutting the annum throughout period of the labour tradeto Queensland, without for increments experience appliedto maleworkers as (Moore 1985:156ff). in on of that Saunders, commenting thesmallnumbers women, speculates in of and women terms sheerproductivity profit, shouldhavebeenmore attractive sincewomenwerethemoreefficient experienced to Queenslandplanters, and workersin Melanesia and 'Pacific islandermales . . . were agricultural to and monotonous unaccustomed routine dailylabourin thesame invariably bald as an ethnographic way that women were' (1984:222). This is rather 128

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meninsomeregions, there many sincealthough appliesto young it are appraisal, of Melanesia wheremen work veryhard at agricultural and other parts a subsistence tasks. Indeed Young (1983) has suggested congruence between ethicsof masculinity of hardwork, and thereputation celebrating indigenous labourrecruiters the'bestworkmen Papua'. as in Islanders Goodenough among But, though we mightdoubt the logic of Saunder's speculationon the ethnographic grounds,thereseems littledoubt that foregoing greater of productivity women was a conscious policy pursuedby plantersand for sexualpolitics as a longterm not but politicians, out of respect Melanesian in racerelations Queensland. recruiting By mainly single goal concerning political that recruits in wives and children, hopedto ensure remained without men, they the of thecolonyforonlya fewyears;and henceto guardagainst creation a She also of settlement Melanesians. claimsthisstrategy maximised permanent on and of expenditure dependants on thereproduction the by profits minimising labourin colonial labourforce.This is not a new claimabout male migrant addressthe questionwhyin other contexts, althoughit does not seriously in contextswomen were recruited equal numberswith men (e.g. from Micronesia).Did racial and populationpolicieshave a different impacton it costsforall them?" Moreover, should be notedthatdaily'reproduction' workersin Queenslandwere kept down by Melanesiansmakinggardens, of and and and indigenous patterns housing health foraging fishing perpetuating costsborneby the and reproduction (Moore 1985:209ff); thatthe long-term children oldermen. and weresharedbetween homecommunities women, in the As well as clarifying situationof Melanesianwomenas workers into maternal sexuallives. and Saunders givesus rareinsights their Queensland, Melanesian few women, ended imageofcompromised Despitethesterotypical in as prostitutes Queensland. Brothels in places like Bundaberg, up to women. or likely haveAsianor Aboriginal Maryborough Mackayweremore thatwomen entered sexualrelations into with is there someevidence Although or whitemen,we should be waryabout callingsuch liaisonsconcubinage still Moore(1985:286) ofMelanesians in Mackayin 1906, Speaking prostitution. Europeanwomen,but thatmost says thatsome men livedwithor married marriedwomen from their own island. The overwhelming majorityof werebachelors. Saundersreports that Melanesianmenin Mackay,however, much and sexualviolence rapebybothMelanesian suffered women Melanesian castsdoubton thesuggestion madeinthe which men- a finding and European one literature earlier that,by marrying man on boarda labourvesselor on a from other all men. a plantation, womangainedprotection in and Littleis knownabout childbirth childcare Queensland, beyondthe which Saunders recounts of facts (1982b).Thisis gruelling ofthestory Tomvater, a how Tomvater, of based on thereports Gibson,a J.P. at Yatala and relates backto worktwodaysafter a was on labourer theYellowWood estate, forced with labour.She hadto leavethebabyinthehutsheshared hardand unassisted Left to was herhusbandwhileshe returned workin thefield. alone,theinfant and So it mauled a dog anddieda few dayslater. childbirth childcare, by savagely with and werenotallowedto interfere thecolonialworkregime, many seems, at 146) (e.g. together photographs Moore 1985: showwomen work contemporary at aboutsegregation of children all ages.Some oftheMelanesian with protocols in were Just and childbirth menstruation perpetuated thenewcircumstances. as women from Malaitain so on thelabourrecruiting vessels, on theplantations menstrual childbirth and Moore seclusion. werekeento perpetuate particular maleand female houses between thatin Mackaythespatialdistinction reports the of as It lives was maintained given novelstrains their (ibid:210). maybe that, these customs. womenwereespecially workers, eagerto perpetuate immigrant intoitbytheir how werenotforced thatthey Butgiven menfolk, farcan wesee
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reflection male domination, Saunders of as as segregation an unambiguous does?: In all Western Pacific and societies, economic, political, military religious in residetotally the male segment. and autonomy Strict sexual power is maintained. The commonideological segregation rigorously premise malehegemony preserved is maintains females that upon which represent of and vessels contamination pollution which must guarded be dangerous to and ritual ceremonies. againstby resort complexmagical (1980:29) Evenin thosevery societies where sexualsegregation 'rigorously is maintained', thisdoes not necessarily totalmalehegemony ideologies women's nor of imply vessels. example, For recent research Schreiner and bodiesas contaminating by that do 1985)on theKwaioofMalaitasuggests women notsee Keesing (Keesing: as and defilement, one ofsacredpower.Notions seclusion a stateofdirt but of thusappearas Eurocentric of and distortions indigenous degradation pollution sites notions women's of bodiesas important fortheperpetuation ancestral of in claimthat order. Saunder's 'resides Moreover, totally themalesegment' power inall Western Pacific societies todojustice contemporary fails to anthropological of in relations Melanesia. takebutone To aboutthediversity gender knowledge seemsfairto depictthematrilineal of it famousexception, hardly societies the Massimin thisway (cf. Weiner1976,Macintyre 1986).12 This is notjust anthropological since of fastidiousness, Moore'srecent study of Malaitans in Mackay amply demonstrates novel insights bringing the and It more end,butwith together. istothis anthropological historical particulars a and of from data,thatI offer description analysis labour migration preliminary in from SouthPentecost Vanuatu, sources with insights documentary combining oraltraditions observations and derived from field work.In writing history this we needto consider just thatsmallbutsignificant not of who minority women in but went distant to who remained thevillages plantations, also thosewomen labourrecruiting had on broader has of between and theimpact patterns relation womenand men. labourfrom The patterns migrant of SouthPentecost havepersisted for now the and for overa century, have although nature, impact motivations recruitment the labour,of phases of overseasindentured changedthroughout successive labourand ultimately domestic indentured wagelabour(cf.Gregory 1979).As in far as I am aware, nobodyfromPentecost participated the earlylabour sandalwood' generated thosewho'camefor 1967).The migration by (Shineberg tradein sandalwooddates fromPeterDillon'sdiscovery richsandalwood of in forests theislandof Erromanga 1825after standsin Fiji had been on the until1865with later discoveries Santo,Tannaand on and exhausted, continued this was recruited 1970;Davidson1970).Labourfor trade (Shineberg Aneityum of from southern the islands Vanuatu from and Santo.TheSa speakers primarily of Vanuatuwho had'no of South Pentecost werepartofthatgreat majority niinitial of at did, stage' (Bedford 1973:195). experience labourmigration this They mostlikely as however, gainaccessto someoftheEuropean goodscirculating a result suchearly of trade: since vast axes,knives, gunsandtobacco, goodsmoved tradeand exchange on of distances the networks traditional the throughout archipelago. A history migrant of labourfrom Pentecost in starts thelate 1860sor early to 1870s with the labour recruiters Queenslandand Fiji. Price and Baker four Pentecost labourerswere recruited to (1976:115) reportthat the first in 1868-1872 thatthisrapidly and increased 461 in theperiod to Queensland 1877and was sustained similar at until 1873A of figures thelate1880s. total 1960 had labourers from Pentecost goneto Queensland 1904, 3.1% by representing of 130

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that thetotal.For Fiji, Siegelsuggests a totalof961 labourers from Pentecost to 1864-191 representing ofthetotalof wererecruited workin Fiji from 3.6% 1, nito 14,198 Vanuatuforthatperiod.Thereappearto be no recruits Fiji until are numbers largest the1870sand early1880s, in 1876,and as forQueensland that50 (5.2%) of theselabourers off were Siegelalso reports tapering later.13 are as of women.None of thesefigures differentiatedto theregion Pentecost, that vessels were sources suggest the documentary recruiting both although along coasts. thewestern southern and from of derives from Wawn's One oftheearliest reports recruiting Pentecost in in first and voyageon theStanley 1876,reported TheSouthSea Islanders the we Labour Trade.He notesthat'Hitherto had beenin thehabitof Queensland Pentecost a poorplaceforrecruiting' as but his (Wawn 1893:84) that considering of had hadjust by expectations been reversed theexperience theSibylwhich Wawn(1893:84)reports themand 'made a haul' at Pentecost. that preceded the three within daysCaptainTayloroftheSibylhad filled quota theshipwas wereeagerto leavehome and thusit seemedthatthe'natives to licensed carry of instead thecontrary'. hopes,Wawn(1893:85)reports Despitehishigh getting menhadgoneawayalready so 'too many or since menon this voyage onlya few thechiefs thought'. and southern coasts of Wawn stoppedat severalpointson the western anchoron thesouthern He Pentecost. dropped coast,in a bayfacing Ambrym. so an Baie Martelli, This was probably subsequently namedafter Italiantrader nameditDaly'sBeach.Daly wasthename Wawnhimself resident there, though who recruited Daly him. on conferred a localmanbya Sydney skipper hadearlier in sinceWawn appearsalso to have had somefluency thebislamaofthetime, at Wawnreports Further usedhimas an interpreter. north, Batnapni, recruiting without further comment suggests it it is that and twowomen, sincethis reported is aboutthecircumstances their of was notunusual.Nothing, however, related recruitment. thathe 'was not about the same voyage,Wawn(1893:87)remarks Writing of in seven menrecruited one I. Pentecost yet.Recollections thethirty done with me'. On thisreturn he had moresuccess, trip day by the Sibyl stilltempted one more somethirty recruits, including womanofwhomhe has much engaging to say (1893:88): seemed anxioustogetrid them a womanwhothetribe was quite Among at of,butforwhatreasonI was unableto discover thetime.She wasthin Yet as and in good health. sheseemed butshe was young eagerto depart I ascertained to was hertribe getthepayandbewellridofher. subsequently of to and the she that wassupposed be a witch, had beensuspected causing her If she of deathofa chief hervillage. I hadnotaccepted inall probability would have been killed. She rejoiced in the euphoniousname of to addition our recruit list. whichmade an elegant Mettawamkan, I the from historical record. do notknow Atthis disappears pointMettawamkan is since But we her whatbefell subsequently. thefragmentinteresting here havea to who to reference an eagerfemale recruit, does notconform our imageof a of or the men. or against wishes kinsfolk influential She leaving eloping 'runaway' becauseshe was was, it seems,a woman who wentunopposed,presumably and whatWawnmeansbythisis unclear, itis a Precisely allegedto be a witch. death a and howshewasaccusedofthe of aboutwhy that knowno more we pity name'suggests man. a 'chiefor moreaccurately high-ranking Her'euphonious it more or where isfar the that camefrom central northern ofPentecost, she part to to be attributed malesorcery than usual forthedeathsof influential people of of there But witchcraft. regardless thedetails theallegedwitchcraft, is female 131

Women The Forgotten

into of a because wasseen here evidence a womanbeing she 'pushed' being recruit rather thansexually to be politically subversive. in a from The other majorsourceon recruiting Pentecost the1870spresents Giles islanders and recruiters. between muchless congenialview of relations in terms: to (1893:68)refers thepeopleof Pentecost scathing and cruelin character and of The natives it are treacherous, bloodthirsty for number murders of celebrated thegreat beingnotoriously disposition, the on theyhave committed Europeanscallinghere.Within lasttwelve one belonging to months by (1878-9)twoboatshavebeenattacked them mateofthe affair first the schooner theQueensland May Queenin which in someofhiscrew; theother itwasa Fijilabour case lost with vessel hislife in mate which also murdered cold of was the vessel AgnesDonald,thechief all and withone exception hisboatscrew.The bodiesin thelatter blood, the of whowould from eager clutches thesavages rescued case werehappily have helda cannibalfeastoverthem. otherwise that for retribution exacted these the Gilesgoeson tolament light killings, namely and exact finesin pigs. He British gunboatsseemedonlyto make enquiries of looksonthemurder the 'evidently (1893:69)that HighCommissioner suggests Her meansofsupplying Majesty's as an Englishman an inexpensive shipswith of Pork'.Thesemurders thecrewoftheAgnesDonald,though allegedto have the to returnees were beenorchestrated Queensland (who supposed havelured by recruits. Thesewere would-be a arosefrom dispute boatin),morelikely involving the from restrained going a high-ranking andwhen mate man, using protested by Theseincidents the killed him. as returnee an interpreter, returnee a Queensland menas well women, as men of to attest thepower high-ranking to restrain young in in There of and to thecontinuing potential violence thelabourtrade the1870s. from thissource. about womenrecruits no however, specific are, insights coastof Pentecost, on whichoccurred thenorthwest Theseincidents beyond in I are thearea of the Sa speakers, not recalled theoral traditions collected. locatesitwithin Sa with labourrecruiters the contact' of the Rather story 'first east on This is theonlysafeanchorage thewindward at territory, Baie Barrier. swell and thecoastline high the by coast,where seasarecharacterized a heavy by A version thisstory, told by the Sa of as reefs. typical and protruding cliffs is in villages, as follows: speakers thetraditionalist The at A longtime ship ago,a sailing cameandanchored BaieBarrier. crew sticktobaccoon theshore.But triedto enticepeopleaboard by leaving black knobs for pig faeces.They were mistookthe sticky everybody ThenRaul a highbowsand arrows. the and offended attacked shipwith to intervened wasdaring and Rerat man enough go on board. ranking from for Whenhe came back he actedas an interpreter my He was recruited. werevisited laterrecruiters. by peoplewhenthey at anchored Lata, a visit remembered involves secondsailing which Another ship These recruiters are too a verydifficult anchorage just southof Baie Barrier. the tobaccoon theshorebutthistime crewshowed stick supposedto have left in substance their howto smokethisstrange delighted pipes.Local peoplewere to conform a on but thisspectacle, nonewereenticed board.Thesestories by from otherpartsof Vanuatu(e.g. McClancy of reported pattern such stories how much is local history and how much mythic 1980) so it is uncertain were no Thereis, however, doubtthatlabourrecruiters visiting reconstruction. west on moreoften theleeward the 1870s,although from the southregularly the a from southeast to coast.Andaccording oraltradition mancalledMwelsul returned. to on was kidnapped a visit Baie Homo on thewestcoast,and never of weretheancestors contemporary Of thosewhodid return, however, many
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in a of residents Ranwasvillage, village thesoutheastwhich affiliates presently are of Thesemen remembered returning themuch as with with Church Christ. the calico and, of course,stick desiredtrade goods: knives, axes, Sniderrifles, as first word the of tobaccoand pipes.Theyarealso remembered having brought thishad little influence untilthe arrival thefirst of Christian God, although at Maristmissionaries Wanourin 1898. abouttheoraltraditions to is The mostremarkable point relating thisperiod of Therewereundoubtedly recruited. makeno mention womenbeing thatthey at from south.Moore reports leastone Pentecost the some womenrecruited in from nameand her and who, woman,resident married Queensland, judging east the camefrom south (Moore,pers. comm.11/1/ 14 of father, that her 87). Oral of the exclusively history presents eventsof thisperiodas a history contacts of to men.Could it be thatthefacts women and between going Queensland Fiji there evena process structural is of amnesia havebeensimply forgotten? Perhaps cannot recall such migrant women?Why this collective memory whereby clearer we look at thelaterpatterns if of becomes maybe plausible speculation still the labourand theideology surrounding lingua franca indentured domestic bislama. in When the overseaslabour tradewas terminated the earlypartof the its it did not mean the end of labour recruiting, twentieth merely century of and Labour was neededto worktheplantations British French redirection. on mostparticularly theislandsof Efate,Santo and Malekula.These settlers, cottonand bananasbutincreasingly first producedmaize,coffee, plantations The interests included for in coconuts copra production. dominant specialized des Caledonienne Nouvelles Hebrides themajortrading Compagnie companies, and New (later Socit Franchisedes Nouvelles-Hbrides) the Australian suchas BurnsPhilp)alongwithindividual Hebrides planters Company(later The of that and Witts. diaries thelatter de suggest women Rossi,Romilly, Latour at in on to thoserecruited work hiscopraplantation Hog Harbour were amongst the of Pacific from archives theWestern and material Santo(Witts1905), High to continued be thatthe questionof femalerecruiting Commission suggests here inthemain are The indenture. sources of in contentious thecontext domestic in the and commissionersboth district between letters agents theresident flowing and letters colonialadministrations, evenmoreinteresting Frenchand British the Femalerecruiting an issueon which was and the between British theFrench. withmorecommercial weredivided- the French, Frenchand the British in at interests stake,beingkeento getwomen;theBritish, responding partto morerestrained. being complaints, missionary is written The overalltenorof such correspondence exemplified a letter by to Resident Commissioner his PortVilaon 6thOctober1924bytheFrench from of Pentecost aboutthechiefs North He complained British placing counterpart. 'freeenterprise freedom and to thus taboos on labourrecruitment, impeding He recruit'. elaborated: of of for I haveknown fourmonths a mancalledVenu,chief theLoltong In I the an who area on Pentecost has hindered recruitment.goodtime sent Venu he to the to order thisnative lift taboo which had illegally imposed. did nothing. men other Venuand several For thisresistance high-ranking of Loltongwere Resident Commissioner the at incarcerated PortVila,although French suspected not resistance rather but the lurked justnative this thatbehind flagrant illegality at a in Protestants thepersonof Godfrey, missionary Lamalanga. British interests around the oftenrevolved Clashes betweenFrenchand British in reveals least two at and of recruiting, correspondencethe1930s question female
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of The about 'illegalrecruiting' womenfrom Pentecost. first relates to disputes North Pentecost wasrecruited a shipreputedly who a womanfrom by Malenga, of In Robert. a letter to ownedbyAuguste Santo,and captained a 'halfcaste' by from theBritish Resident Commissioner Edwards June, 1930, Lamalangaon 5th District states thatMalenga recruitment illegal 's was because Agent) (theBritish the of her without permission herhusband, father the or 'chief. shewas recruited the Aftermuch delay and procrastination, FrenchResidentCommissioner that'no womanof thatname could be foundwithany of the replied stating her French He thatshe mayhavedeserted employer and colonists'. speculated fledto Santo. case involved recruited thecutter The second reported Marie Wailevu, by Resident Commissioner ordered ownedby JohnLeicereof Aore. The British actionin thiscase,sinceas heputithisinvestigations aboutthefirst case swifter in Thenon September 10th to about 'abortive'. had proved 1931, reply enquiries informed Edwards that, the woman, the BritishResidentCommissioner to Wailevu beenrepatriated herhomeon Pentecost. had to theFrench, according on this comment: Edwards'reply the 13thOctober1931offered bitter information thatthewomandied on theplantation, As myother is you the FRC on my behalfon the extensionof his mightcongratulate in as views,uncommon one in his jurisdiction well as on his religious he heavenis our here, position. Apparently agrees'we are butstrangers home', but I would like his assurancethat that was the destination arranged. over womenrecruits was part of the struggle This bureaucratic wrangling But recruits also central the was between twocolonialpowers. theissueoffemale communities Vanuatu. the of For to political struggles goingon intheindigenous of the of of traditionalist villagers South Pentecost, history this period domestic that women's recruitment indentured laboursuggests menincreasingly perceived actedto impedeit and indeedto inhibit women's and as undesirable thatthey wider contacts. in till Thisis especially obviousina doctrine prevalent thetraditionalist villages fromlearning that womenshould be discouraged bislama.An the present, workin South Pentecost the in the anecdotefrom earlydaysof myown field Austronesian the 1970swillillustrate point.SinceSa, theindigenous language, I to was virtually unrecorded an language, wasat first talking peopleinbislama. of with that it, Discovering onlymenknew and dissatisfied thelimits non-verbal I with communication youngwomenfriends, decidedto teachthemwhenwe of But I was soon warned, thefather one batheddaily in local streams. by thatI should or makewhores of woman, stop, as heputit'you'll young particular in had to Women these been ourwomen'. villages presumably exposed suchperils in on mengotdrunk beerand talked bislama on when before, therareoccasions in not Sa, but forthe mostpartmenhad been quitesuccessful discouraging in or womenfrom understanding speaking competence thelanguage. achieving I the a association between The warning was givenreveals direct ideological of As labourand prostitution. we earlier found European of migrant language for views,thereis a focuson thesexualaspectof women's departure migrant thanbemoaning lossofherlabourand procreative the labour.Rather capacities which seemsmostat issue.In to menin other sexuality places,it is a woman's on to women become is short, tendency thepartof Melanesian independent any as treated sexualdeviancy. in remained thevillage, womenhave consistently youngmenby Although the within of haveconsistently contrast migration engagedin patterns circular the between ages of 85 and 18 All menin thetraditionalist villages archipelago. 134

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contractto reportedto me long historiesof labour migration.They regularly island Malo. work on the islands of Efate,Malekula, Santo and itssmall offshore have worked in New Caledonia. Usually they In addition, a significant minority are employed as unskilledlabourers:cutting copra, clearingbush, loading cargo work. A fewhave also been employedas domesticservants, and construction and a couple as semi-skilled labourers,one as a welderand theotheras a truck-driver. The timing and many other features of this circular migration must be in understoodin conjunctionwithpatternsof work, sexualityand reproduction the villages. The departureof men to work is timelyboth in termsof theannual cycle of work in the subsistenceeconomy and in termsof a man's own lifecycle. for Men go offto work routinely threeto fivemonthsduringthoseperiodsofthe when there is least pressurefrom the horticultural system,namely when year This is not onlybecause thiscrop is being plantednor harvested. yams are neither seasonal, but because the cultivationof yams unlike taro is marked by a rigid sexual division of labour. Only men can plant yams while only women may mound the topsoil over the planted yam. All men, includingyoung men, are needed at the harvest(Jolly 1981). In general men work hard in the gardens, yams.Thus, giventheextant especiallyin thesephases of plantingand harvesting divisionof labour, men leave at the pointwheretherewillbe minimaldisruption. on at This is not to suggestthat theirperiodicabsence has no effects those left home - women, older men and young children. People vividly recall the devastatingeffectsof the virtual evacuation of young men to work with the Americans on Santo during World War II. And these more routine annual departures for several months each year mean that those at home assume a pigs,collectingwood and water, gardens,nurturing greaterburdenof cultivating households and looking afterchildren.Many women, in particular maintaining those with young children,try to inhibitthe departure of their brothersor husbands forthisreason,even thoughtheymay expect extraassistancefromkin in and affines the meantime.Men typically offto workin lateadolescence and go labour in theirearlytwenties, just beforeand just aftermarriage.Timingmigrant at thispointin the male lifecyclerelatesbothto thedynamicsofgenderand those and rank among men. of seniority labour is theaccumulationof The major materialmotivationformale migrant in wealthfor makinga marriage.Bridewealthis today paid primarily cash, with token payments of mats and pigs. Cash earned in wage labour goes intoone's own, into bridewealth althoughnottypically payments, predominantly frommany kin. The remainingcash is since bridewealthinvolves contributions used in part for the purchase of trade goods: steel tools, household equipment, radios and cassetteplayers.Cash clothing,store bought food, and increasingly and can only be convertedto a limitedextentinto resourcesneeded forlife-crisis grade-takingrites. Older men remain more dedicated to the accumulation of and which wealthin tubers,pigs and mats,all of whichare essentialforsuch rites, unlike bridewealthcannot be paid readilyin cash. The absence of young men at thispoint in the lifecycle clearlyhas important consequences for sexuality and reproductionas well. Given the ideals of preobserved postmarital chastityfor men and women and the long and strictly of sex taboos, the effects theirremovalon fertility not be so great.Of may partum in infants' more consequence is theabsence ofyoungfathers thefirst yearsoftheir and lives,forwhen in the village men assume a large share of both instrumental care of children. affective of But the significance male migrantlabour forgenderrelationsis not onlyto of be soughtin questions of absence or presenceor the redirection male energies. labour entailsa set oflifeexperienceswhichare now unique to men Male migrant and engage a separate language and subculturewhichdivides men fromwomen in and male dominationforged in new ways. It involvesa formof male solidarity 135

The Forgotten Women

of Men theexperience hardlabour ethnic and interaction. rarely contract work to alone but rather a partof a largegroupof mengoingfrom as one or several of This servesthe interests the employers minimising costsof the villages. by recruitment transport, italso suits menwhowork. many but the in and At points of menstress disadvantages: hours, the their accounts migrant hard labour, long threat sorcery of from But work, food,pooraccommodation, strange strangers. the lookedafter eachother. the risks also they celebrate waythey Despite rigours, lookbackon periods migrant of and poor pay,menoften labourwith nostalgia. the side by side, sharing same sleeping and Living quarters, drinking eating is as and version life the of in together often portrayed likea protracted foreign traditional exclusivist men'shouse. of In this preliminary from of exploration the history labour migration is a Previous discussions labour of Pentecost, gendered history thusrevealed. in havetended fit to women either anomalous as female recruits with migration from or from rather motivations men, inthecaseofapproaches different deriving of that as at economy, partoftheprocess 'reproduction' home.I suggest political the addressthe dynamicinteraction between both approachesinadequately and sexual politics niof Vanuatuand Europeansocieties, thecrucialplace of bothtendto leaveout ofaccount the womenin colonialdiscourse. Moreover, in Vanuatumento reassert control thechanged historical struggle wagedby nicircumstances. of of of Thus in myanalysis thehistorical experience thetraditionalistsSouth thattheycould effect compromise I thatmen perceived a Pentecost, suggest the the and at women home.Perhaps between colonialregime kastom keeping by of that now seemingly earlier, century suggested forgotten experiences the19th loss of not a of theremoval womenmeant only significant oflabourbuttherisk tostrangers. wasnot thepermanent oftheir loss and This sexuality reproductivity that remained a the case withyoungmen.By ensuring laterlabourmigration in its of maleprerogative, also monopolized benefits theform newgoodsand men from are labourers newknowledge. Although Europeangoodsderived migrant in whichincludewomen, are redistributed local exchanges they stillgenerally the of as suggests perceived 'male' wealth.Moreover history labourmigration of both a of facilitated that menestablished monopoly theknowledge Europeans, of and exclusion women.All menof by the physical immobility thelinguistic that and and of kastom partake twocultures, ofthevillage thatofthetown, they in reflect theother. on Womenofkastom South often theone to critically use the of live Pentecost onlyin thevillageand are as excludedfrom subculture the male Just few a labouras theyare from traditionalist clubhouse. migrant in I in whom met PortVilarejoiced the months SouthPentecost ago,a manfrom in women from fact there SouthPentecost that were no single still working town. of female to centres from other the increased migration urban Despite facts vastly he the that had of 1977), applauded fact they (Bonnemaison parts thearchipelago beenable to 'hold womentight'. to In conclusion mereturn thegeneral let and problems themultiple meanings 'The Forgotten a derived from CliveMoore's Women', title conveyed mytitle by Melanesian book oftheA.B.C, radioseries, Forgotten The People.IfAustralia's in sense Melanesian are have women especially immigrants been'forgotten',what in I different forgotten? Theyare forgotten,havesuggested three ways.Firstly, sources and thesecondary of boththeprimary interpretative history thelabour as on and presents women an anomalous tradeconcentrates men, afterthought. to of Yet both in relation thatminority womenwho wererecruited the and who werenot,thelabourtradeplayeda crucialrolein restructuring majority the of relations during colonialperiod.Second,in theoraltraditions nigender a of we to the Vanuatupeoplethemselves find tendency suppress facts women's as and whitemen involvement, to present blackbirding a processwhereby 136

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womenare excludedfromthe central enslavedblack men. In consequence, and eventsof colonial domination of anti-colonial resistance. mythic Finally in women's womenare forgotten thewhite Melanesian which being is history in of written Australia,especiallyin that flourishing industry historical of the which marks the dubious anniversary the Bicentenary, scholarship in settlement Australia. of Witha few celebration two hundred yearsof white connections the the between history European of dramatic exceptions intimate in havehardly women this to and women indigenous partofthePacific begun be explored. Notes
1Thereare many works progress in which and be other might citedherebut publications several several debts others comments criticisms for to and I however on acknowledge spaceprecludes. must to Association this paper,whichwas first presented the Gendersessionat the PacificHistory in to and then revised form seminars theUniversity at of held Conference in Suva, JuneJuly1985, in to of and and the University Cambridge. thanks participants thosediscussions in My Sydney StewartFirth,Dorothy to particular Caroline Ralston, Michael Allen, Martha Macintyre, GilbertLewis and especially, Nicholas Thomas. Clive Moore, MarilynStrathern, Shineberg, in whohasactedas myresearch assistant an ongoing on also to AnneArnott project Specialthanks of womenand thecolonialhistory Vanuatu. 2 I am herealluding Freeman1983. to 3 This attention processual work to was, of course,predated Bateson'sinspiring by dynamics a Naven,to whichGewertz acknowledges specialdebt. 4 Thegraded in for of of In Vanuatu. very is employed a range systems rank North society theterm rituals the womenassumeranktitles menand sometimes terms, through involving sacrifice general of and exchange pigs,matsand othervaluables. 5 Man pies is a bislamaexpression as whichmaybe translated thepeopleot theplace,or the is to but context a generic Man inhabitants. inthis woman, this presumed include process indigenous of about the masculinist definition nibroaderfeatures of elisionby generic inclusion, suggests to Vanuatuin opposition foreigners. 6 Throughout paperI have employed contemporary the terms Vanuatu(previously for the this in to differences the and Kiribati New Hebrides) Islands), partly order reconcile (previously Gilbert Islandswhile the between several sources, Bennett (1976)talksofGilberts Siegel(1985)talksof e.g. but it of controversial I Kiribati. realizethatthisentails anachronisms, prefer to theanachronism to to appellations. pre-independence continuing refer theseplacesby their 7 Siegel'sfigures interesting thatthey somedifferences within the reveal in are Vanuatu, relevant islands:100%forTutuba,71.4% for recruits for beinghighforthefollowing percentages female Theseareinteresting and differences, 53.8%forUreparapara 44.5%forMerelava. although Futuna, should treated in be numbers thecaseofTutuba( 1)and Futuna they smallabsolute the (7) given very statistical withdue cautionas to their significance. 8 'Chief hereand in severalotherplacesin thistextis in inverted it commas,sincealthough is for used by Europeansas a designation maleleadersin Melanesia,theseare notalways regularly the 'chiefs'of anthropological parlance.For instancein NorthVanuatuthereare places with chiefs(e.g. Nguna) and places without, whereleadershipderivesfromseniority, hereditary in and performance exchange(or, in the past,warfare). achievedritualstatus, 9 Thereis a discrepancy herefrom earlier the numbers citedwhichI cannotexplain. 10 Moore (1985) notes,however, restrictions the work of all Melanesiansin on increasing to themprogressively unskilled fieldwork, and barring themfrom work confining Queensland, in withploughsand machinery the mills. performed previously ' 1 Bennett that and in keento replenish the suggests, bycontrast planters politicians Hawaiiwere especiallyof 'kindredraces' such as Pacific Islanders decliningpopulation by immigration, Saunders'viewthatall planters werewaryof women's (1976:3). DorothyShineberg challenges Towns for instanceenvisagedwhole familiesof Melanesiansworking his on reproductivity. to letter author28/1/87). (Shineberg properties 12There is of coursea huge literature genderin Melanesia,and muchdiscussionof the on and between descent situation women.Macintyre of reckoning theoverall questionoftherelation a discussion thegeneral of and thecase ofTubetube theMassim. in (1986) provides useful question between patrilineal Saunders does herself discriminate the To be fair, of regimes theSolomonsand of southernVanuatu and the matrilineal further regimes northVanuatu,but this introduces labels of lineality cannotdefine since theseunambiguous thesetwo regions Allen problems (cf. discriminations aboutdescent and 1981).We haveto makefiner reckoning, abouttheproblematic relation between thisand women'soverallsituation.

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The Forgotten Women 13 The exactfigures are in 533 by reported Priceand Baker 4 in 1868-72,461 1873-77, in 1878-82, 461 in 1883-87,215 in 1888-92,122 in 1893-97and 164in 1899-1904 (1976:115). Those forFiji citedby Siegel (1985) are 873 from1876-87,82 from1888-99and 6 from1900-1911. 14 to whosefather recorded Molleeleeand This is thewomanreferred as NellieTayhay, was as mother Mani. She was baptisedas an Anglican Mackayon 1/1/ at as 1898.

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