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 Memorialising
Premodern Monarchs
Medias of Commemoration
and Remembrance

Edited by
Gabrielle Storey
 Queenship and Power

Series Editors
Charles E. Beem
University of North Carolina
Pembroke, NC, USA

Carole Levin
University of Nebraska
Lincoln, NE, USA
This series focuses on works specializing in gender analysis, women’s
studies, literary interpretation, and cultural, political, constitutional, and
diplomatic history. It aims to broaden our understanding of the strategies
that queens—both consorts and regnants, as well as female regents—
pursued in order to wield political power within the structures of male-­
dominant societies. The works describe queenship in Europe as well as
many other parts of the world, including East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa,
and Islamic civilization.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14523
 Gabrielle Storey
Editor

Memorialising
Premodern Monarchs
Medias of Commemoration and Remembrance
Editor
Gabrielle Storey
Southampton, UK

ISSN 2730-938X     ISSN 2730-9398 (electronic)

Queenship and Power
ISBN 978-3-030-84129-4    ISBN 978-3-030-84130-0 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84130-0

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
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microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect
to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Ian Dagnall / Alamy Stock Photo

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To Ellie, and Estelle, who inspire and encourage our love for all queens.
For Mark, who left a far better world for us.
And for all those we loved and lost along the way.
 Acknowledgements

This volume was sparked by the papers presented at the International

Medieval Congress in 2018 as part of the Royal Studies Network’s ses-
sions on Memory and Monarchy, and those shared at the Kings and
Queens 9 Conference on Royal Sexualities. My thanks go to all those who
have shared their research and ideas on this topic, and to Karl Christian
Alvestad who helped me put together this collection.
I am indebted to the wonderful contributors of this volume, who have
worked tirelessly on their chapters and in increasingly difficult circum-
stances. It has been a pride and a joy to watch their research develop and
to be able to showcase it in this volume. My heartfelt thanks go to you all.
I also owe sincere gratitude and appreciation to the several reviewers who
have strengthened and commented on the work in this collection.
Further thanks must go to Carole Levin and Charles Beem, series edi-
tors of Queenship and Power, who saw the promise in this volume in its
early stages and offer invaluable support. I would also like to thank Sam
Stocker, Megan Laddusaw, and Christine Pardue who made the editorial
and publication process that much smoother.
Lastly, this volume would not have reached fruition without the ongo-
ing support and encouragement from my family, friends, and colleagues.
In particular, Ellie Woodacre, Estelle Paranque, and Katia Wright have
provided guidance and many motivational conversations during the com-
pletion of this work, and are owed my eternal thanks.

vii
 Contents


Introduction: The Memorialisation of Monarchs in an
International Context  1
Gabrielle Storey

Part I Representations of Monarchs in Art and Architecture  11


“The Whole Stature of a Goodly Man and a Large Horse”:
Memorialising Henry VIII’s Manly, Knightly and
Warrior Status 13
Emma Levitt


Papal Commemoration, 1300–1700: Institutional Memory
and Dynasticism 37
Jennifer Mara DeSilva


Island Queens: Appropriated Portraits of Royal Samoan Women 65
Elizabeth Howie


King Sigismund III Vasa’s Column in Warsaw: A Memorial
in Honour of the King, A Representation of Power, and a
Commemoration of the Father 89
Wojciech Szymański

ix
x Contents


Personal or Perfunctory? Philippa of Hainault’s Legacy
Through Religious Patronage and St Katharine’s by
the Tower119
Louise Tingle


The Heroes Who Turned Into Stones and Songs: The Memory
of the Monarch Reflected in the Old Tamil Caṅkam Literature141
Roland Ferenczi

Part II Commemoration in Literature and Popular Media 167


Memories and Memorials of Literature and Art at the Turn
of the First Millennium169
Penelope Nash


Memory and Kingship in the Manuscripts of Matthew Paris197
Judith Collard


Maria Theresia and Catherine II: The Bodies of a Female
Ruler in Propaganda, Criticism, and Retrospect221
Elena Teibenbacher


Mighty Lady and True Husband: Queen Margaret of
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden in Norwegian Memory245
Karl Christian Alvestad

 to be a Queen: Representations of Eleanor of Aquitaine

Oh
and Isabella of Angoulême, Two Scandalous Queens, in
Popular Fiction265
Gabrielle Storey


From “She-Wolf” to “Badass”: Remembering Isabella of
France in Modern Culture291
Michael R. Evans

Index313
 Notes on Contributors

Karl Christian Alvestad is Associate Professor of Social Studies at the

University of South-Eastern Norway, Norway. He completed his PhD in
History at the University of Winchester, UK, in 2016. His thesis “Kings,
Heroes and Ships: The Use of Historical Characters in Nineteenth- and
Twentieth-Century Perceptions of the Early Medieval Scandinavian Past”
looked at the use of Viking Age history in the development of Norwegian
national identity in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. His research
focuses on the role of medievalism in politics and culture in Scandinavia,
as well as early medieval political culture in Norway.
Judith Collard has been Senior Lecturer in History and Art History at
the University of Otago, New Zealand, and is an independent scholar. She
has taught a variety of courses, including those on Medieval and
Renaissance Art. The work of Matthew Paris has become a major focus of
her research and she is writing a monograph on him.
Jennifer Mara de Silva holds a PhD from the University of Toronto,
Canada, and is Associate Professor of History at Ball State University,
Indiana, USA. Her research focuses on the construction of identities: indi-
vidual, institutional, group, and family, as well as reformed and unre-
formed. She is a contributor and editor of four collections, entitled Eternal
Ephemera: The Papal Possesso and its Legacies in Early Modern Rome (with
Pascale Rihouet, 2020), The Borgia Family: Rumor and Representation
(2019), The Sacralization of Space and Behavior in the Early Modern World
(2015), and Episcopal Reform and Politics in Early Modern Europe (2012).

xi
xii Notes on Contributors

Michael R. Evans is Instructor in History in the Social Sciences Division

at Delta College, Michigan, USA. His research interests include medieval
king/queenship, the crusades, the Robin Hood legend, race and medie-
valism, and medievalism in social media. He is the author of The Death of
Kings: Representations of Royal Death in Medieval England and Inventing
Eleanor: The Medieval and Post-Medieval Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine, as
well as many published articles on medieval history and medievalism. He
is the associate editor for the International Society for the Study of
Medievalism’s online review Medievally Speaking.
Roland Ferenczi is a Doctoral student of Ancient History at the Eötvös
Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary, and of Indology at the Universität
Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany. His research interest focuses on the Old
Tamil Cankam literature par excellence the heroic puṟam poetry, the tran-
sition between the cult of the ancient kings and the early medieval devout
poetry, as well as the pre-modern trading system of the Indian Ocean.
Recently, he is working on an annotated translation of the Patiṟṟuppattu,
an ancient anthology written for the early Cēra kings, and on the political
geography of the early Cēra kingdom.
Elizabeth Howie is Professor of Art History and has taught at Coastal
Carolina University in Conway, South Carolina, USA, since 2008. She
specialises in modern and contemporary art with an emphasis on history
and theory of photography. She received her PhD from the University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2007. Her publications include: “The
Dandy Victorian: Yinka Shonibare’s Allegory of Disability and Passing,”
in Disability and Art History (2016) coedited with Ann Millett-Gallant;
“Indulgence and Refusal: Cuteness, Asceticism, and the Aestheticization
of Desire,” in The Retro-Futurism of Cuteness (2017) coedited by Jen
Boyle and Wan-Chuan Kao. She is coediting a second volume with Ann
Millett-Gallant entitled Disability and Art History from Antiquity to the
Present (2021).
Emma Levitt received her PhD from the University of Huddersfield,
UK, in 2017, working on masculine displays in the medieval tournament
and the rise of jousting men at the courts of Edward IV and Henry
VIII. Most recently, she wrote a chapter on Edward IV’s tournaments and
tiltyard friendships in Loyalty to the Monarchy in Late Medieval and Early
Modern Britain, c.1400–1688 (2020) published by Palgrave Macmillan.
 Notes on Contributors  xiii

She has also written articles in BBC History Magazine, History Today, and
The Ricardian, with forthcoming articles in Tudor Life and the Medieval
Warfare Magazine.
Penelope Nash is an Honorary Associate with the University of Sydney,
Australia. Her interests include medieval art, medieval Italy and Germany,
women’s power, and biography. Her recent publications include “Insular
Influences on Carolingian and Ottonian Literature and Art,” in Prophecy,
Fate and Memory in the Early and Medieval Celtic World (2020); “Dominae
imperiales: Ottonian Women and Dynastic Stability,” in Dynastic Change:
Legitimacy in Gender in Medieval and Early Modern Monarchy (2020);
and “Maintaining Elite Households in Germany and Italy, 900–1115,” in
Royal and Elite Households (2018). Her 2017 award-winning monograph,
Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda: Medieval Female Rulership and
the Foundations of European Society, compares two successful, elite medi-
eval women for their relative ability to retain their wealth and power in the
midst of the profound social changes of the eleventh century.
Gabrielle Storey is a historian of Angevin queenship, specialising in gen-
der, sexuality, and the intersections between familial relations and the
exercise of power. She has previously written on Berengaria of Navarre and
Joanna of Sicily as crusading queens, and on Eleanor of Aquitaine for BBC
History Revealed. She is an active member of the Royal Studies Network
and the founder of Team Queens, a digital global queenship project. She
is working on a biography of Berengaria of Navarre and a monograph
focussing on co-rulership in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. She
completed her PhD from the University of Winchester, UK, in 2020.
Wojciech Szymański, PhD, is an assistant professor and the Chair of
History of Modern Art at the Institute of Art History, University of
Warsaw, Poland. He is an independent curator and art critic; member of
the International Association of Art Critics (AICA); author of the book
“Argonauci. Postminimalizm i sztuka po nowoczesności. Eva Hesse—
Felix Gonzalez-Torres—Roni Horn—Derek Jarman” [The Argonauts.
Postminimalism and Art After Modernism: Eva Hesse—Felix Gonzalez-­
Torres—Roni Horn—Derek Jarman] (2015); as well as over 40 academic
and 100 critical texts published in exhibition catalogues, art magazines,
and peer-reviewed journals and monographs.
Elena Teibenbacher has studied history at the Karl-Franzens-University,
Graz, Austria, with a strong focus on international relations, holding
xiv Notes on Contributors

Diplomas from Sciences Po Paris and the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna.

She is writing her PhD in History on the cultural-political portrayal of
Russia in nineteenth-century German historical writing. She wrote her
Master’s thesis on the image of the “Asian” in Middle-Age travel reports,
and its influences on popular stereotyping and political propaganda. She
specialises in cultural studies, researching the impact of culture—within its
manifold interpretations—on the (self) representation and cross-cultural
depictions of monarchs, governments, and political systems, the desired
effects of this, and its outcomes. She also has a focus on Russian history,
especially its role in, and its reaction to, the argumentation of European
cultural universalism.
Louise Tingle holds a PhD in History from Cardiff University, with a
thesis focusing on the intercessory, artistic, and literary patronage of the
queens Philippa of Hainault and Anne of Bohemia, and the first Princess
of Wales, Joan of Kent. She is the author of Chaucer’s Queens: Royal
Women, Intercession, and Patronage in England, 1328–1394, in the
Queenship and Power series.
 List of Figures

 apal Commemoration, 1300–1700: Institutional Memory

P
and Dynasticism
Fig. 1 Detail of funeral monument for Pope Pius II, Sant’Andrea
della Valle in Rome. Photograph by Peter 1936F, CC
BY-SA 4.0 44
Fig. 2 Alessandro Menganti, Statue of Gregory XIII (1580), façade
of the Palazzo Comunale, Bologna. Photograph by author 47
Fig. 3 Effaced inscription of Pope Alexander VI, c. 1500, Castel
Sant’Angelo, Rome. Photograph by author 48
Fig. 4 Workshop of Giovanni Maria Vasaro, “Bowl with the Arms of
Pope Julius II and the Manzoli of Bologna surrounded by
putti, cornucopiae, satyrs, dolphins, birds, etc. 1508,” Robert
Lehman Collection, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York City. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/
collection/search/459197, CC0 1.0 Universal 52

Island Queens: Appropriated Portraits of Royal Samoan Women

Fig. 1 John Davis. Samoa Princess Fa’ane, Apia, about 1893.
Albumen print on board. TR2016.33. Courtesy of Phillips
Library, Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, MA 67
Fig. 2 Sa’o tama’ita’i Fa’amu, daughter of Malietoa Laupepa.
Stephenson Percy Smith, 1840–1922: Maori and Polynesian
photographs. Ref: PA1-q-223-35-1. Alexander Turnbull
Library, Wellington, New Zealand 72

xv
xvi List of Figures

 ing Sigismund III Vasa’s Column in Warsaw: A Memorial

K
in Honour of the King, A Representation of Power,
and a Commemoration of the Father
Fig. 1 Sigismund’s Column in Warsaw. Photo by Adrian Grycuk,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Kolumna_
Zygmunta_III_Wazy_2020.jpg90
Fig. 2 Giovanni Paolo Pannini, the Piazza and Church of Santa
Maria Maggiore (1744), oil on canvas, Palazzo Quirinale,
Rome, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/
File:Giovanni_Paolo_Pannini_-­_The_Piazza_and_Church_of_
Santa_Maria_Maggiore.jpg91
Fig. 3 Column of Justice, Florence. Photo by Giovanni Dall’Orto,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:9794_-­_
Firenze_-­_Colonna_di_S._Trinita_-­_Foto_Giovanni_
Dall%27Orto,_28-Oct-2007.jpg92
Fig. 4 Project of Cosimo I Column, anonymous drawer, Gabinetto
Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi. Drawing by Wojciech
Szymański after Detlef Heikamp “Die Säulenmonumente
Cosimo I” 93

 emories and Memorials of Literature and Art at the Turn

M
of the First Millennium
Fig. 1 Otto II in Majesty. Registrum Gregorii, Reichenau. Musée
Condé, MS 14, single sheet. (The Yorck Project (2002)
10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei (DVD-ROM), distributed
by DIRECTMEDIA Publishing GmbH) 172
Fig. 2
[Image 1] Adelheid, Theophanu, Otto III, and Lamb of God. Initial
Page. Matthew Evangelisary, Gospel of Saint-Géréon.
Historisches Archiv der Stadt, Cologne, Cod. W 312, fol.
22r. (© Raimond Spekking/CC BY-SA 3.0 [via Wikimedia
Commons])174
Fig. 3
[Image 4] Dedications scene with Henry II and Kunigunde presented to
Christ by Peter and Paul. Pericopes Book of Henry II,
Reichenau, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4452, fol. 2r 178
 List of Figures  xvii

Memory and Kingship in the Manuscripts of Matthew Paris

Fig. 1 Henry III carries the relic of the Holy Blood to Westminster
Abbey, 1247. (Chronica Majora, Corpus Christi College MS
16, folio 216r, by permission of The Parker Library, Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge) 198
Fig. 2 William I, William II, Henry I, and Stephen, Historia
Anglorum (London. British Library, MS Royal 14 C.
VII, fol. 8v) 204
Fig. 3 Henry II, Richard I, John, and Henry III, with a bust of
Henry the Young King in a small niche between them,
Historia Anglorum (London. British Library, MS Royal 14 C.
VII, fol. 9) 205
Fig. 4 Uther Pendragon, Arthur, Ethelbert, and St Oswald,
Abbreviatio Chronicorum Angliae (London, British Library,
MS Cotton Claudius D VI, fol. 6v) 206
Fig. 5 Henry II, Richard I, John, and Henry III, Abbreviatio
Chronicorum Angliae (London, British Library, MS Cotton
Claudius D VI, fol. 9v) 207
 Introduction: The Memorialisation
of Monarchs in an International Context

Gabrielle Storey

The practice of remembrance and commemoration has fascinated both

historians and the wider population for centuries, with a diverse range of
approaches utilised by the populace to commemorate their rulers and
companions. The consideration in particular of the different roles people
fulfilled as commemorators, according to their gender, has been explored
by historians such as Elisabeth van Houts.1 An investigation into the
nature of this remembrance, whether it be oral histories, through art,
architecture, and literature, or through ritual, serves to inform the modern
reader about the importance of remembering not only rulers but family
members as well. Although substantive work is being conducted in the
field of medievalism, and the analysis of historical texts is the foundation
of historiographical work itself to understand the depiction of past rulers,
it is rare that such analyses are brought together to demonstrate how

My thanks go to Karl C. Alvestad for his comments and feedback, and support in
the completion of this work.

G. Storey (*)
Southampton, UK

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
G. Storey (ed.), Memorialising Premodern Monarchs, Queenship
and Power, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84130-0_1
2 G. STOREY

rulers were remembered across the globe, in different eras, and through
different mediums. It is also worth considering the ways in which mon-
archs and rulers chose to commemorate themselves, as an example of self-­
efficacy and a desire to leave a legacy of one’s own. Control of one’s
depiction allows a greater insight into the figure themselves, and what they
viewed as important in their legacy, whilst highlighting the need for fur-
ther analysis as we seek to uncover what they did not emphasise.
The historiography and corpus of works on memory studies is exten-
sive, drawing across theories in several disciplines and requiring a scholar
of the field to be interdisciplinary in their approach. Whilst this book is
focussed on memorialisation and commemoration, it is important to
acknowledge the foundations upon which this work sits. The arguments
put forth by Pierre Nora highlight the separation of history and memory
as sites; however, it is the intention of this volume to consider how and
why monarchs, and their societies, chose to commemorate their rulers and
therefore how history and memory cannot be entirely separated from each
other.2 Geoffrey Cubitt discusses the difficulties of defining both memory
and history, and he notes his decision to use the definition of “memory to
refer to relationships to the past that are grounded in human conscious-
ness” is one which can be effectively explored in this work, as the authors
highlight the ways “by which a conscious sense of the past, as something
meaningfully connected to the present, is sustained and developed within
human individuals and human cultures.”3 Cubitt’s work is valuable when
considering the intersections of memory and history and the complexities
with studying past commemorations and remembrance.
The focus of this volume on past monarchs and their commemoration
and remembrance brings together several differing methodological
approaches in order to understand how rulership functioned and how
societies chose to memorialise their rulers after death. This collection of
chapters focuses on monarchs, namely kings, queens, empresses, and
popes, and their memorialisation across several countries, from England to
India to Samoa. It brings forth areas less familiar to Anglophone scholar-
ship, and whilst demonstrating the various methods of commemoration,
also shows the agency of individuals and their societies when doing this.
This volume indicates that the use of the mediums of art, architecture,
literature, rituals, and other popular media to remember monarchs could
be incredibly diverse and requires substantive interrogation to present us
with an informed representation of the ruler. These representations
 INTRODUCTION: THE MEMORIALISATION OF MONARCHS… 3

highlight the agency of their subjects, when at first glance it can appear
that they had little.
This work is split into two sections: the chapters in the first primarily
focus on depictions of rulers in art and architecture, from ancient South
India through to modern Samoa. The second section encompasses works
on the memorialisation of monarchs more widely in literature and popular
media, with a particular emphasis on commemorations in Europe.
Through this division, patterns and links between the chapters demon-
strate the similarity in methodological approaches and the significance of
investigating monarchy and memory: understanding the rulership of the
past initially allows comparisons with contemporary governments and
allows us to consider why we choose to focus on particular rulers and
events, and aspects of these for depiction in popular media. Recent work
on the remembrance of queens and kings in early modern England and
France, and on the representations of gender, sex, and power in popular
culture, has influenced discussions in this work, as it reinforces the need
for continued interrogation of the past and its depictions.4 The ongoing
interest in popular depictions of historical culture remain a balancing act
for historians as historical accuracy is sought whilst appreciating the moti-
vations of directors and writers to entertain their audiences.

Representations of Rulers in Art and Architecture

The durability of architectural memorials is perhaps testament to those
whose memory endures across time, as historians and archaeologists con-
tinue to trace those of ancient civilisations through their temples, statues,
and monoliths. Although no material is entirely safe from destruction,
either due to natural decay or human interference (consider the loss of the
Bamiyan Buddhas in 2001), the choice of durable materials as the fabric
upon which to inscribe and commemorate their rulers demonstrates the
notion that societies wanted their legacies to survive, and survive many
have, whilst oral histories and texts have been lost to us. The memorialisa-
tion of rulers in art such as portraiture and statues shows that whether
through self-commemoration or memorialisation by others, rulers wanted
to be visibly remembered by the wider public, with imposing statues and
grand portraits commissioned to exemplify their worth and status.
In the first part of this volume, six chapters tackle the depictions of
premodern rulers, primarily in artistic forms. Chapter 2 sees Emma Levitt
discuss Henry VIII of England’s self-commemoration in statues and
4 G. STOREY

paintings, as well as investigating his commissions and his desire to repre-

sent himself as a virile, masculine king, in the wake of a lack of male heirs.
Levitt’s meticulous research brings to the fore discussions of the masculin-
ity of one of England’s most famous kings, and how self-efficacy has con-
tributed to our memory of Henry. In Chap. 3, Jennifer Mara DeSilva
presents a wide-ranging analysis of papal commemoration from 1300 to
1800, drawing not only upon artistic depictions but also spatial and litur-
gical commemoration which the popes themselves were often involved in.
This broad investigation into the many methods of memorialisation uti-
lised by the medieval and early modern papacy allows a greater under-
standing of the range of options available to rulers and their societies for
commemoration. DeSilva’s work also brings attention to the papacy
through another lens as popes are often remembered for their political
activities and architectural triumphs rather than as a memorable figure.
Chapter 4 moves us from Western Europe to the Pacific Ocean as
Elizabeth Howie unpicks the self-representation of twentieth-century
royal Samoan women in postcard photographs, with a particular focus on
Fa’amusami Malietoa, princess of Samoa. Howie’s research demonstrates
the agency of the women who appeared in postcard photographs, typically
viewed as an example of colonial exploitation, but upon further investiga-
tion present an array of lenses through which these women need to be
viewed. Wojciech Szymański’s study in Chap. 5 on the column of
Sigismund III, king of Poland, and its architectural links with the
Florentine courts of the dukes of Tuscany provides an interesting com-
parative study of how different regions memorialised their rulers in stone
and the transnational links in architecture across central Europe.
Szymańsski’s argument for the greatness of both Florentine and Polish
rulers being embodied in architectural works is convincing and signifies
the importance of not only comparative studies but analysing memoriali-
sation and commemoration in their proper context.
In Chap. 6, Louise Tingle examines the religious patronage of Philippa
of Hainault, queen of England, and her connections with St Katharine’s
by the Tower, London, and how this record of Philippa’s patronage has
contributed to her legacy in historical memory. Tingle proves that
through Philippa’s patronage, Philippa ensured that her agency would be
memorialised and therefore demonstrated her activity as queen consort.
Chapter 7 draws together architectural, artistic, and literary sources in its
approach as Roland Ferenczi analyses the extant evidence for the memo-
rialisation of the ancient south Indian Tamil kings. Ferenczi’s
 INTRODUCTION: THE MEMORIALISATION OF MONARCHS… 5

cross-disciplinary approach unveils the choices made by Tamil societies

when deciding which kings to commemorate and why, as well as how
they were commemorated. It demonstrates an important element in that
of memorialisation: that of forgetting and of how memories are shaped
by those doing the remembering.5
Part I demonstrates the importance of utilising an approach to com-
memoration primarily through examination of art and architectural works,
which is further enriched with an interrogation of identity and memory:
focussing on the agency of the figures involved, and societal traditions and
decision making around commemoration provide a greater understanding
of why certain rulers become prolific and endure, whilst others may not.
It also showcases the different roles that monarchs, in the case of self-­
efficacy, and societies held when choosing to memorialise a ruler.
Examining commemoration in an international context demonstrates that
although societies may have held different rituals, activities, and methods
of memorialisation, their initial mediums were universal, and through this
we can see the desire for representations of agency and power survive to
the present day.

Commemoration in Literature and Popular Media

Alongside artistic works, literature remains one of the primary forms for
both the recording of historical events and memories, and the modern-day
representations of historical figures. Through literature contemporary to
the period, modern readers gain an insight into the importance the authors
placed on contemporaneous events, and their agendas and motivations for
writing history. In historical fiction, poems, and other narratives, authors
often choose to embellish and alter historical events in their depictions of
the past and present us with figures that may appear more sympathetic and
relatable to a modern-day audience. As North, Woodacre, and Alvestad
note, the re-telling of a story from history is an engagement with historical
interpretation by the author, although authors of popular media may share
a different perspective from historians.6
Part II moves more clearly into the realms of commemoration through
literary works and popular media, though some chapters draw upon a
wide range of material to demonstrate the practices and rituals through
which societies memorialised their rulers. In Chap. 8, Penelope Nash
examines the depictions of Ottonian queens and abbesses in manuscript
images from the tenth and eleventh centuries. This analysis centres the
6 G. STOREY

approach of looking back and looking forward when considering memo-

rialisation, as it explores the Ottonian turn to the Carolingian past when
choosing methods of commemoration, and the activities of the Salian
dynasty, who viewed their Ottonian predecessors as an exemplar of memo-
rial practices. Nash’s work also highlights the importance of elite women
in the role of commemorator. Chapter 9 continues the analysis of manu-
scripts and their images, with Judith Collard’s work on the manuscripts of
Matthew Paris and depictions of English kingship the focal point of their
chapter. The relationship between commemorator and their subject is
explored here, highlighting the intertwining links between self-efficacy
and depiction by one’s subjects.
Chapter 10 is a comparative study of Catherine II, also known as
Catherine the Great (d. 1796) the Great of Russia and Maria Theresa of
Austria, wherein Elena Teibenbacher analyses the depictions of these two
rulers in literature, artwork, and popular media. Whilst confronting how
nationalism has influenced the depictions of these two women in the
countries they reigned, Teibenbacher discusses the issues faced when
depicting historical figures in popular media for a Western audience. In
Chap. 11, the depictions of Margaret, queen of Norway, Sweden, and
Denmark in popular works, educational textbooks, and online are anal-
ysed by Karl Christian Alvestad. This examination dissects the issues sur-
rounding the memorialisation of royal women, in particular, and further
demonstrates the need for a multi-faceted approach when understanding
why queens, and indeed other royal women, are remembered in spe-
cific ways.
The issues surrounding the depictions of royal women in popular cul-
ture, particularly with the desire to humanise them and make them relat-
able, are of note in the following chapter by Gabrielle Storey. Chapter 12
discusses the depictions of two well-known English queens, Eleanor of
Aquitaine and Isabella of Angoulême, in popular fiction. This chapter
analyses the issues when representing two queens known for their scandal-
ous lives and the motivations behind these depictions. In Chap. 13,
Michael R. Evans foregrounds a third infamous English queen, Isabella of
France, and interrogates her depictions in online media and popular cul-
ture. This analysis examines the role of feminism in modern depictions and
the reclamation of terms such as “badass” to describe women who have
often faced criticism for their actions in a patriarchal society.
In sum, this section brings together an array of chapters which allow
the examination of a variety of depictions of kings and queens in both
 INTRODUCTION: THE MEMORIALISATION OF MONARCHS… 7

popular culture, literature, and manuscripts. Although diverse in their

backgrounds and societies, the representations of rulers, particularly
women, hold a complex history when considering the usual invisibility of
women from the original sources.7 However, this section demonstrates
the agency royal women could wield, and therefore discussions arising
from their modern depictions are central to understanding not only the
historical legacies of other rulers, but how they too can be remembered
and portrayed in popular culture and other media.

The Importance of Memorialisation

Memorialising Premodern Monarchs offers a variety of chapters, spanning
several countries, through which multiple mediums of commemoration
and remembrance are analysed. They discuss the complexities of retrieving
the past, the ways in which historical memory has been shaped, the power
and agency of their subjects, and the issues faced when unravelling the
many dimensions of rulers, regardless of the way they or their society
chose to remember them. This volume brings together common threads
of analysis through the medias examined. Although the purpose of the
creation of the mediums may be similar, as they foreground the memory
of a ruler, embedding this particular depiction or image in our memory,
the motivations behind why this particular ruler was to be commemorated
in this specific medium vary. Our fascination with the historical past and
our consumption of it through an array of mediums, both by the historical
community and the general public, demonstrates the need for this collec-
tion as we seek to better understand why some historical figures are so
conscious in the public memory and others not.
This volume focuses on a select number of countries; however, the
approaches and comparisons utilised in this study can be further expanded
for analysis of the commemoration of other rulers across the globe. Two
recent edited collections by Elena Woodacre demonstrate the need for
queenship, and indeed rulership, to be viewed in a global context.8
Through further investigations into the depictions and memorialisation of
rulers, we can learn not only about the monarch, their society, and meth-
ods of commemoration but also why others are forgotten. The values of
each society ultimately influenced their decisions on who and what was
worth remembering; however, the rulers who have been forgotten are not
completely erased due to their actions, or lack thereof, but are hidden
further away from public view. The process of uncovering monarchs and
8 G. STOREY

their co-rulers is an important task for historians in order to understand

the power of the ruler and the governance of society, and from this knowl-
edge we better serve public memory of kings and queens, and their paral-
lels in today’s society.

Notes
1. Elisabeth van Houts, ed., Medieval Memories. Men, Women and the Past,
700–1300 (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2001); Elisabeth van Houts,
Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe, 900–1200 (Basingstoke: Macmillan
Press, 1999).
2. Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire,”
Representations 26 (1989): 7–24.
3. Geoffrey Cubitt, History and memory (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2007), 9.
4. Estelle Paranque, ed., Remembering Queens and Kings in Early Modern
England and France. Reputation, Reinterpretation, and Reincarnation
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019); Janice North, Karl C. Alvestad,
and Elena Woodacre, eds., Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers.
Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2018).
5. Jeffrey Andrew Barash, Collective Memory and the Historical Past (London:
The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 168–210; see also Jeffrey Andrew
Barash, “The Sources of Memory,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58.4
(1997): 707–717.
6. Janice North, Elena Woodacre, and Karl C. Alvestad, “Introduction—
Getting Modern: Depicting Premodern Power and Sexuality in Popular
Media,” in Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers, 3.
7. Theresa Earenfight, “Highly Visible, Often Obscured: The Difficulty of
Seeing Queens and Noble Women,” Medieval Feminist Forum: A Journal of
Gender and Sexuality 44 (2008): 86–90.
8. Elena Woodacre, ed., A Companion to Global Queenship (Leeds: Arc
Humanities Press, 2018); Elena Woodacre, Lucinda H. S. Dean, Chris
Jones, Russell E. Martin, and Zita Eva Rohr, eds., The Routledge History of
Monarchy (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019).

Bibliography
Barash, Jeffrey Andrew. “The Sources of Memory.” Journal of the History of Ideas
58.4 (1997): 707–717.
———. Collective Memory and the Historical Past. London: The University of
Chicago Press, 2016.
 INTRODUCTION: THE MEMORIALISATION OF MONARCHS… 9

Cubitt, Geoffrey. History and Memory. Manchester: Manchester University

Press, 2007.
Earenfight, Theresa. “Highly Visible, Often Obscured: The Difficulty of Seeing
Queens and Noble Women.” Medieval Feminist Forum: A Journal of Gender
and Sexuality 44 (2008): 86–90.
North, Janice, Elena Woodacre, and Karl C. Alvestad, “Introduction—Getting
Modern: Depicting Premodern Power and Sexuality in Popular Media.” In
Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers. Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular
Culture, edited by Janice North, Karl C. Alvestad, and Elena Woodacre, 1–20.
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018a.
North, Janice, Karl C. Alvestad, and Elena Woodacre, eds. Premodern Rulers and
Postmodern Viewers. Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular Culture Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2018b.
Nora, Pierre. “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire.”
Representations 26 (1989): 7–24.
Paranque, Estelle, ed. Remembering Queens and Kings in Early Modern England
and France. Reputation, Reinterpretation, and Reincarnation. Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
van Houts, Elisabeth. Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe, 900–1200.
Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999.
———, ed. Medieval Memories. Men, Women and the Past, 700–1300. Harlow:
Pearson Education, 2001.
Woodacre, Elena, ed. A Companion to Global Queenship. Leeds: Arc Humanities
Press, 2018.
Woodacre, Elena, Lucinda H. S. Dean, Chris Jones, Russell E. Martin, and Zita
Eva Rohr, eds. The Routledge History of Monarchy. Abingdon: Routledge, 2019.
 PART I

Representations of Monarchs
in Art and Architecture
 “The Whole Stature of a Goodly Man
and a Large Horse”: Memorialising Henry
VIII’s Manly, Knightly and Warrior Status

Emma Levitt

A marble slab marks Henry VIII and Jane Seymour’s final resting place in
the Quire of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle; however, this was only
intended to be temporary while a grand monument was completed, and it
is clear that no expense was to be spared. Although Henry’s magnificent
tomb was never achieved, by studying the planned effigy of the king on
horseback and dressed in armour, it can reveal much about how he viewed
his masculinity and kingly image. It is apparent that the presentation of
Henry’s masculinity was significant to his kingship as he consciously
devised an image for his tomb, which aligned his monarchy with chival-
rous and martial feats. In keeping with the theme of this volume I shall
examine the various ways in which Henry’s version of knightly masculinity
was constructed, in a deliberate attempt to have his kingship memorialised
in a traditional context. This chapter will explore the ways in which Henry
projected his masculine image through his active participation in chivalry
and through his wars against France that were part of the criteria against

E. Levitt (*)
University of Huddersfield, Huddersfield, UK

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 13

Switzerland AG 2022
G. Storey (ed.), Memorialising Premodern Monarchs, Queenship
and Power, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84130-0_2
14 E. LEVITT

which the performance of kingship was assessed by his contemporaries. It

is evident that Henry viewed his kingship in a medieval milieu as he looked
to the example of his ancestors Henry V and grandfather, Edward IV, who
had been immortalised as warrior kings. The king’s choice of burial place
at St George’s Chapel will also be examined, in order to draw links between
Henry’s enthusiasm for the Order of the Garter and his dedication to St
George as England’s patron saint of chivalry. Furthermore, I maintain that
though Henry’s kingship was multifaceted and was informed by other
religious and ancient figures, it was the knightly archetype he favoured
above everything else. This chapter lends itself to a discussion on memo-
rialising premodern monarchs, as it uses Henry’s designs for his tomb as
way to assess the dominant model of manhood he sought to emulate
which has not been done before; thus, it offers a valuable contribution to
the current historiography on kingly masculinity.1
Initial plans for Henry’s tomb were made by the Italian sculptor Pietro
Torrigiano, the same man who designed the tomb of Henry’s parents,
Henry VII and Elizabeth of York, who were buried at Westminster Abbey.2
Torrigiano planned for Henry VIII’s sarcophagus to be made of the same
white marble and black touchstone as his father’s, only it was to be consid-
erably bigger. Yet, a disagreement over compensation for the designing of
the burial plans ensued, causing Torrigiano to return to Italy by June
1519. Henry considered giving another Italian sculptor, Jacopo Sansovino,
an extraordinary commission of 75,000 ducats to work on a design in
1527, a modern equivalent of six million and ninety thousand pounds.3
The king’s effigy was cast and polished while he was still alive. Work pro-
gressed during the last years of Henry’s reign, but the wars in France and
Scotland in the 1540s drained the royal treasury and work slowed.
However, the monument which Henry described in his will as being, “an
honourable tomb for our bones to rest in, which is well onward and almost
made therefore already, with a fair grate about it,” was not originally his,
but had been commissioned by his chief minister Thomas Wolsey.4 In
1524 Wolsey commissioned the great Florentine sculptor Benedetto da
Rovenzanno to design a magnificent tomb for him that was to include
four bronze angels.5 In much the same way as Wolsey had lavishly re-­
designed Hampton Court Palace as a symbol of his power and ambitions,
he desired for his tomb to be a lasting monument of his earthly glory.6 In
1524, work began on Wolsey’s tomb which consisted of a marble base,
pillars and statues, and a black and white marble sarcophagus, which was
mounted on an 8-feet-high base.7 Following Wolsey’s downfall in 1529,
Henry confiscated all parts of the cardinal’s tomb for himself. When Henry
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 15

died, the sarcophagus was taken to his burial place at Windsor Castle, but
it remained unused at Windsor for three hundred years.8
Antiquarian John Speed unearthed in the seventeenth century a now
lost manuscript believed to have been owned by the Lancastrian Herald,
Nicholas Charles, which gave details of Sansovino’s design.9 In his History
of Britain Speed describes how the proposed tomb was: “the said two
tombs of blacke touch, and the said Angel over the King and Queene,
shall stand an high basement like sepulchre.”10 This was all to be topped
with a life-size gilded statue of Henry on horseback under a triumphal
arch, “over the height of the Basement shall be made an Image of the King
on Horse-backe, lively in Armor like a King, after the antique manner.”11
Always conscious of the need to emphasise his knightly masculinity, Henry
laid down an elaborate plan to have himself depicted on horseback, emu-
lating the iconic image of the medieval knight and his tomb was intended
to reflect this.12 The design of Henry’s tomb was in grand Italian
Renaissance fashion, but he also combined the classicism of the trium-
phant arch, with the ostentatious equestrian statue that was intended to be
avant-garde. The king’s tomb if completed would have been one of the
earliest examples of the antique style in England, as it was intended to seal
his reputation as a great and glorious monarch by surpassing everything of
its kind. Though Henry’s ambitious plans for his tomb may have high-
lighted Renaissance modernity, the king’s choice of burial at the chivalric
setting of St George’s Chapel symbolised the coming together of the
medieval past, with the present. Henry preferred to represent himself as
the embodiment of the union of the families of Lancaster and York.13
However, it is evident that the king’s reign has often been argued as mark-
ing a clear break with the medieval past. Yet, Lucy Wooding is one of the
few historians to consider Henry VIII’s reign as continuing many aspects
of the medieval period.14 I would argue that Henry’s burial place is an
indication of his desire to have his monarchy remembered within a tradi-
tional framework and it is from this perspective that I have considered his
presentation of masculinity and kingship.
In the description of Henry’s proposed tomb Speed details the image
of the king on horseback, “with this horse shall be of the whole stature of
a goodly man and a large horse.”15 It is significant that Henry’s plans
specified a large horse, as it demonstrated his ability to dominate a great
courser that in turn had direct connotations to qualities of manliness.
According to Katherine Lewis, “self-mastery was widely regarded as essen-
tial to both kingship and manhood.”16 In reference to elite masculinity
16 E. LEVITT

Fiona Dunlop argues, “it is predicated on the ideal of rule- the ability to
govern both oneself and others.”17 Yet it was also fundamental that high
status men possessed the physical strength and skills to take charge of a
horse. It is notable that the king describes a ‘goodly man’: it was a depic-
tion that quite literally expected elite men to be athletic, muscular and
supremely fit. Noel Fallows’ explicit discussion of the male body in con-
nection with knightly prowess offers a major contribution to the current
literature surrounding chivalry. Fallows describes, “in the Middle Ages a
man’s masculinity was often defined by his well formed buttocks, thighs
and legs.”18 This knightly model that Henry aspired to required a particu-
lar physique: it was not just about performing martial exploits—there was
a physical aspect to achieving high status manhood. Indeed, the relation-
ship between the two is self-evident: having a manly body befitting the
tiltyard implied that a man was capable of physical prowess because of the
hours of training that were involved to achieve this particular physique.
Indeed, Wooding rightly acknowledges that the hours that Henry spent
on the tournament field were not wasted; “they were at the very heart of
his identity and purpose as king.”19 This sculpting of a ‘goodly man’ was a
deliberate attempt by Henry to create a lasting image of a knightly body.
In spite of the king’s decline of manliness in his later years, due to his lack
of self-control, he wanted to be remembered in this youthful vain, since
the body was still an essential marker of high status masculinity in the early
sixteenth century.20
The gendering of Henry’s effigy as a knightly figure is also evident
through Speed’s description of the king being “lively in armour.” The
armoured Henry acts as a visual construction of knightly masculinity, as
the wearing of armour, on horseback, with the powerful male body on
show had direct connotations to knighthood. The hegemonic ideal for
elite men in the Middle Ages was the knightly model as Ruth Mazo Karras
identifies: “knighthood epitomized one set of medieval ideals about mas-
culinity.”21 The ideals of knighthood were heavily influenced by the chival-
ric literature at the time that emphasised the knight’s need for physical
vigour and military skill. In Geoffroi de Charny’s Book of Chivalry pub-
lished in 1352, it provides a manual on the daily life of the knight.22 As one
of the most respected knights of his age, he applauds those knights who
exhibit strength, agility and eagerness for tourney or battle. The armoured
male body in itself was a signifier of knightly masculinity as it implied that
violent, aggressive and combative action was to take place. Though we are
not given any further descriptions of the type of armour that the king
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 17

wanted to be depicted in, by analysing the suits he commissioned during

his reign, it is possible to envisage the style of his armour. Under Henry,
armour in England developed a distinctive design, as the king set up his
own armour workshops at Greenwich in 1511, which became the main
suppliers of armour for the monarch and English court.23 The king encour-
aged armourers from Milan, Brussels and Germany to relocate to the
Greenwich armoury so that he could quickly commission personal armours
for himself and his men.24 The Greenwich suits of armour commissioned
by Henry are particularly notable for their extravagance, reflecting the
cultural Renaissance that was taking place in England at large. In particu-
lar it was the king’s painter Hans Holbein who was appointed to design
the etchings for several of his suits of armour.25 The king’s suits themselves
became a valuable status symbol for Henry, with his most impressive
armour being reserved for the tournament.26 In following with this trend
it is likely that the armour garniture planned for Henry’s effigy would have
been highly decorative with etching and possibly gilding as was the case on
the king’s surviving suits of armour.
The figure of the king on horseback also had strong imperial overtones
that fitted Henry’s ambitions for conquest and imperial expansion in
France. This military drive harkened back to a golden age of chivalry, with
its high point being under Edward III and Henry V who had established
English settlements in Normandy and Calais.27 From the start of his reign,
Henry VIII had made it clear that he wanted to be a different type of king
to his father. Though Henry VII was a proven military leader, he realised
that England’s resources were insufficient for an expansive foreign policy
on the scale of Henry V. By way of contrast, Henry VIII was determined
to go to war with France, despite the fact that war could have been avoided
if he had wished.28 The chronicler Polydore Vergil explicitly stated that the
king was “not unmindful that it was his duty to seek fame by military
skill.”29 It seems that Henry had a shrewd instinct that a victory over
France would still hold an important European status for the English
nation at all levels. David Trim argues that unlike his father, “Henry VIII’s
commitment to the martial ideal and chivalric ethos was unequivocal, he
quite consciously modelled himself on Henry V.”30 Henry VIII, anxious
to recreate the chivalrous identity of the English monarchy, thus embarked
on an unprovoked and aggressive campaign against France. For Henry,
military success abroad was a desirable end in itself, as Steven Gunn has
shown.31 Indeed martial pursuits added to Henry’s manly reputation,
therefore aside from the material rewards that could be gained from war,
18 E. LEVITT

it profited his knightly image. Henry’s intent for war with France high-
lights the importance of recuperative masculinity as he felt compelled to
equal and even to surpass his medieval heroes. If Henry was successful in
this endeavour he could be immortalised alongside Henry V as a warrior
king. Henry VIII was only too aware that his grandfather and father had
secured their thrones on the battlefield.32 He had inherited the throne,
unchallenged, but he wanted the fame that accompanied victory in battle.
The obvious choice for Henry was glorious military success against
England’s traditional enemy, France. In June 1513, the king crossed the
sea to Calais, accompanied by hundreds of members of his household.
Despite Henry’s pursuit, the French did not want to engage in combat,
and apart from one or two minor skirmishes, there was no fighting until
the English army laid siege to the town of Thérouanne. On 16 August, a
body of French cavalry faced the English and after some exchange of fire,
turned and fled. Yet it would later become known as the glorious ‘Battle
of the Spurs’ because of the haste of the French to leave the battlefield.
English chronicler, Edward Hall, notes that it was the French who “call
this battaile the iourney of Spurres because they rune away so fast on hors-
backe.”33 Nevertheless, Henry made the most of this victory as he wanted
to make a major and lasting impact on Europe by displaying his own chi-
valric majesty abroad. After Thérouanne fell, Henry launched a second
siege, this time on the French city of Tournai, which was fortified by
strong walls and a ring of great towers. The king and the English artillery
set about besieging the city for eight days until it surrendered on 23
September 1513, which marked the climax of a brilliant campaign. Though
Henry VIII’s invasion of France in 1513 in reality achieved only modest
success, it was still a remarkable achievement given that it was England’s
first victory in France within living memory. Trim contends that modern
historians have treated Henry’s triumph with contempt, but at the time,
“Henry VIII was perceived as a successful warrior king.”34 Certainly, it
likely seemed possible that Henry would extend these conquests further,
yet in the end they were promoted for the rest of his reign because he had
nothing else to replace them with.35 These events were celebrated when
the French ambassadors came to visit the king at Greenwich Palace in
1527, where court painter Hans Holbein had created a panorama of the
siege of Thérouanne on a great arch.36 The unsubtle gesture was intended
to impress upon Henry’s visitors his military potential by illustrating his
only field victory during the 1513 French campaign.37 By memorialising
the English triumph over the French for the ambassadors to witness, it
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 19

made it explicit Henry’s desire for commanding status in Europe as a war-

rior king.38
Had Henry’s designs for his effigy been realised, this magnificent struc-
ture would have been far grander than the tomb of the king’s parents and
more ornate than the resting places of all the European monarchs. Indeed,
perhaps the only royal tomb comparable to Henry’s design is Emperor
Maximillian I’s, who envisioned a grand tomb, surrounded by twenty-­
eight life-sized statues of his ancestors and personal heroes, such as King
Arthur of Britain.39 Work on the figures began in 1502, and carving con-
tinued, under Maximilian’s son, Charles V, and his grandson, Ferdinand I,
who completed the extravagant tomb in 1572. The statues are remarkably
detailed in costume and image, illustrating medieval knights dressed in
armour with heraldic shields and enormous effigies of kings, dukes and
princes from the medieval past who all surround the tomb.40 The mam-
moth project had no medieval counterpart, but it can be best compared
with the original plans for the tomb of Pope Julius II, his rival, with which
it was likely intended to compete against.41 Thus we might speculate that
the image of the Emperor-Knight that Maximillian planned for his tomb
influenced the English king in his own equally elaborate design. It is likely
that Henry drew inspiration from the Emperor, who was thirty-two years
his senior, and shared his passion for jousting competitions and chivalric
culture.42 Perhaps the young king even looked to the Emperor as a mentor
as he heard about his legendary performances in the tiltyard from across
the continent.43 It appears that Maximillian also looked to encourage the
young Henry into the chivalric way of life by gifting him the ‘Burgundian
Bard,’ an ornate horse armour, to celebrate his marriage to Katherine of
Aragon in 1509.44 The bard is lavishly embossed with pomegranates, a
personal emblem of both Maximillian and Katherine, which was a shrewd
move as it served as a visual reminder of the Emperor’s generosity.
Moreover, in 1511 Maximillian commissioned his Austrian armourer
Konrad Seusenhofer to make a suit of armour for the English king that
was topped with an elaborate ‘Horned Helmet,’ which was deeply
embossed and gifted to Henry in 1514.45 It was clearly intended for pag-
eantry and display rather than serving any practical purposes, yet it show-
cased the skill and intricate detail for which the German armour workshops
were famous. Carolyn Springer argues that Italian nobles expressed anxiet-
ies about the body and masculine authority that were combated by the
commissioning of elaborate and decorate parade armour in the sixteenth
century.46 It is apparent that this was the case with Henry’s armour as he
20 E. LEVITT

got older; he used armour to emphasise his manliness, at a time when he

was anxious about his standing as a man. In studying men’s bodies, armour
provides a valuable material source as, although armour could be some-
what modified to give an impressive appearance, it was bespoke for indi-
viduals, and its practical function meant that it had to fit its owner closely.
Therefore it does tell us something about what knightly bodies were like,
in particular the measurements that we can derive from the king’s surviv-
ing suits of armour. The earliest surviving armour of Henry is the ‘Silver
and Engraved’ field armour, on display at the Tower of London that is
dated from around 1515, when the king was only twenty-four years old.
It was the first known product of Henry’s new workshop at Greenwich.47
The armour shows that in 1515 Henry’s waist measured 35in and his
chest 42in. It is evident that in his youth Henry displayed a body that
exemplified the knightly body, but this clearly changed as the king
got older.
On Henry’s breastplate is a large image of St George holding a broken
lance, the point of which pierces the dragon’s neck. St George had been
England’s patron saint since the fourteenth century, and he was inextrica-
bly linked with another symbol of English chivalry: the Order of the
Garter, which became an essential part of Henry’s kingly identity. The
Order of the Garter had been founded by the king’s ancestor, Edward III,
in 1348 and represented the highest rank of chivalry.48 The Order under
Edward III consisted of his knightly companions who were favoured
above all others for their military virtues, which were considered inherent
qualities of manhood that climaxed in battle and war.49 In the same way
Henry used the Order to create a loyal body of young, noble warriors,
who could support him in his war aims with France.50 It was Henry’s
grandfather, Edward IV, who had commissioned the building of a new
chapel for St George in 1475, which was completed by his grandson in
1528. Significantly, Edward IV was the first monarch who chose to be
buried at St George’s Chapel rather than at Westminster, which illustrates
his close alignment with chivalry.51 It was Edward IV who provided a sig-
nificant platform for jousting contests in the 1460s, as unlike all the previ-
ous kings of the fifteenth century, he competed alongside his men in the
tiltyard.52 Henry VIII clearly identified with his medieval ancestors as he
left precise instructions about the repositioning and beautification of the
tombs of Henry VI and Edward IV, thus immortalising himself as the liv-
ing embodiment of the two houses of Lancaster and York.53 Henry was
also actively involved in chivalry, like his grandfather, taking part in
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 21

jousting contests from the start of his reign, which may explain why he
selected to be buried at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, rather than at
Westminster with his father.54 It is apparent that Henry wanted to be
remembered within a chivalrous setting by having his place of burial at St
George’s Chapel: the location for the Order of the Garter ceremonies he
bound his kingship to these knightly codes of honour.
The feast day of St George fell on 23 April; Henry had been proclaimed
king on that date and used it as his official birthday. Henry had been
invested with the Order of the Garter by order of his father since the age
of four and it is most likely that the ceremony took place at St George’s
Chapel, the home of the patron of Saint George.55 Even as a prince
Wooding writes, “Henry possessed four images of St George, more than
any other religious figure.”56 Henry went further in changing the oath
taken by his knights so that rather than swearing to defend the college of
St George’s, Windsor, new knights now undertook to defend the “honors,
quarrels, rights, and dominions and cause of their king.”57 Through this
Henry forged a bond between monarchy and nobility that placed him at
the centre, as he replaced the figure of St George and presented himself as
the ultimate chivalrous idol. Henry also entwined the Tudor iconography
with that of the Order of the Garter in 1510, when he decreed that the
Garter collar consist of twelve red and white roses set within blue garters,
interspersed with twelve tasselled knots.58 From the collar, then hung a
pendant of St George slaying the dragon, which the knights were to wear
on the annual feast day the king held each year. After Henry’s reign the
new Garter insignia combining the Tudor rose was not continued by his
successors, making it unique to his reign. The king also commissioned the
Black Book in 1534, which was the earliest surviving register of the Order
of the Garter stretching back to the knights in Edward III’s reign in
1348.59 Inside it contained the history, regulations and ceremonies of the
knights of the Order of the Garter. It was decorated with the initials of the
Order’s founder Edward III and successive monarchs up until Henry
VIII. The king occupied a central double page depicting the ceremonies
of the Order in 1534. It was expected that Henry would feature so heavily
compared to his predecessors given that he commissioned the Black Book;
he is shown enthroned surrounded by the Garter knights and then again
alone at prayer. The illumination of Henry raised above his Garter knights
illustrates that as king, he was naturally at the head of this Order and as a
result he topped the male hierarchy. Thus the horizontal layers of chivalry
that bound Henry and his knights in this brotherhood of arms were also
22 E. LEVITT

carefully overlain with vertical ties. In commissioning a book that illus-

trated the medieval kings and Garter knights of the past, up until his pres-
ent reign, Henry solidified his kingship in a traditional context.
The early promotions of men advanced into the Order of the Garter
under Henry typically were those who were actively involved in this cul-
ture of chivalry both titling alongside the king as knights and as soldiers
representing him on the battlefield. The exemplar of manhood for Henry
was his closest companion, Charles Brandon, whose involvement in chival-
ric enterprises such as jousting and tourneys led to him being granted
further honour through his acceptance in April 1513 into the Order of the
Garter.60 This formalised the chivalric relationship between king and ser-
vant. Brandon was to pledge his loyalty to the king through service in
arms. The Order honoured men of martial virtue, valour and knightliness,
which was recognised through the wearing of the collar that symbolised
the chivalric brotherhood. Brandon was then expected to prove his loyalty
to the Order, by taking up arms in honour of the king’s 1513 campaign to
France. It was Brandon’s participation in warfare that gained him higher
admiration from Henry, when he was made Duke of Suffolk in 1514.61
The fact that Brandon became one of only two dukes made in Henry’s
reign is striking; it proves that Henry privileged this model of martial mas-
culinity above all other versions at his court.62 To make this point further
Henry commissioned the burial of Brandon at St George’s Chapel,
Windsor, a site reserved for royalty and high nobility. A 1787 entry in
Chapter Acts states, “ordered that leave to be given to lay a stone above
the grace of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, according to his majesties
directions.”63 The choice of burial was significant as no other of Henry’s
men received a burial at Windsor. This was an extraordinary honour for
Brandon as one of the only non-royals to be buried at St George’s Chapel,
and it signified the remarkable longevity of his chivalrous bond with the
king that was expected to continue beyond death.64
The iconography surrounding Henry’s planned burial monument
included the figure of St. George, as described by Speed: “item the foure
Images of St. Iohn the Baptist and Saint George, and all the figures of the
Father and Angels steps shall be V. foot.”65 Yet, it is evident alongside the
chivalrous imagery, a wealth of Christian imagery was added on Henry’s
tomb, which provided other influential models for his kingly identity.
Indeed, the tapestries that hung in Henry’s palaces included scenes from
the New Testament depicting Saint Paul, Samson and the passion of Jesus
Christ and others drew on the Old Testament stories of King David,
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 23

Moses and Solomon.66 The earlier portrait of Henry on the title page of
the Coverdale Bible designed by Holbein in 1535 is bordered on the right-­
hand side by the lyre playing figure of King David.67 Significantly, David is
shown with a likeness of the king and although not formally authorised, it
was circulated under the patronage of Thomas Cromwell and was a means
to validate Henry’s claim to govern without clerical intercession.68 By the
Great Bible front piece four years later in 1539, the figure of David and
Henry had now merged into one.69 The king’s supreme status is demon-
strated through Henry receiving the word of God quite literally as a
prophet, and handing the bible to his clergy and nobility who in turn com-
municate the word to the people. Perhaps the best illustration of Henry as
the new King David was the Psalter of Henry VIII written and illuminated
by Jean Maillart in 1540: it features miniatures associating the king with
David.70 Those who sought royal patronage at Henry’s court clearly
understood the value to the king in creating works of art and literature,
which compared his likeness to these biblical models as the Old Testament
stories were reinterpreted to validate the English Reformation. In 1540 on
New Year’s Day Henry was presented with a painting miniature by Holbein
named Solomon and the Queen of Sheba that compared the king to God’s
elected ruler Solomon.71 This constructed image clearly alluded to Henry
as a Solomonic figure, which fitted with his status as head of the Church
of England. The very fact that it was gifted to Henry indicates that he was
openly flattered by these biblical archetypes, which were implemented into
his policy of absolute kingship. It is evident that Henry was using the
archetype of David and Solomon as ideal kings as part of his personal ico-
nography in the 1530s and 1540s, since it elevated his status as the great
religious patriarch and memorialised him as the father of the English nation.
The early years of Henry’s reign have been categorised as the chivalric
phase of his masculinity and kingship, which were marked by the number
of tournaments that the king held in the 1510s and 1520s. Yet, in 1540
when the king was forty-nine years old, he had his armourers at Greenwich
make a suit of armour, now held at the Tower of London.72 It was likely
made for the May Day tournament held at the Palace of Westminster in
1540, but there is no record of the king competing, despite his existing
armour.73 The king’s great garniture consists of etched and gilded decora-
tions, and polished steel, which made for a fine showcasing of knightly
masculinity. Though Henry at this stage in his lifecycle was now aged, and
grossly overweight, and no longer the handsome, athletic king who had
dominated the tiltyard in his youth. The king’s armour measurements
24 E. LEVITT

reveal that his waist was now 51in and his chest 54.5in. Therefore Henry
displayed a physique that was no longer suited to the tiltyard; nevertheless,
his suit of armour had two sets of reinforcing plates added ready for the
joust. It is curious why the king had armour garniture made for the con-
test, if he had no intention of competing. Therefore I would argue that
Henry wanted to convey a jouster’s appearance by wearing this spectacular
suit of armour so that visually he looked apart of the action. The presenta-
tion of chivalric manhood remained an important part of Henry’s king-
ship even in his later years, which is why the armour is broad and heavy in
appearance, and still demonstrates a commanding presence. The king’s
oversized codpiece in this armour was in itself an obvious marker of his
virility.74 Suzannah Lipscomb argues that in Holbein’s famous portrait of
Henry in the Whitehall Mural completed in 1537, everything about how
his body has been depicted is intended to convey masculinity and virility.75
Tatiana String has examined the evident motifs of masculine prowess in
the mural, drawing attention specifically to Henry’s elaborately decorated
and large codpiece, which she argues focused in on the royal genitals as
potent and sexual.76 While codpieces also had a practical function, that is,
to cover the outstanding part of the body, the point about courtly cod-
pieces was that they became epic in proportion during Henry’s reign.77 It
does appear that as Henry got older his codpieces got bigger, as in spite of
his failing manly body, he reverted to the chivalrous activities of his
youth.78 Hence the king’s impressive suits of armour enabled him to prac-
tically and decoratively self-fashion this lasting knightly image.
The last suit of armour made for Henry towards the end of his life in
c.1544 was designed for use on the field, now on display in New York’s
Metropolitan Museum of Art.79 Constructed for use both on horse and on
foot, it was probably worn by the king during his last military campaign,
the siege of Boulogne in 1544, where he commanded his army person-
ally.80 Henry’s greatly expanded body shape at age fifty-three is apparent
from the armour, as its height including the king’s helmet was 73in and it
weighed 23kg. The obsession of war with France continued into Henry’s
later years, and so this suit of armour designed by the Milanese, Francis
Albert, was imported by the king. The spectacular etched, blacked and gilt
three-quarter armour was almost certainly, states Robert Hutchinson,
“the one Henry wore on his march from Calais.”81 It is significant that this
was the first time that the king had worn armour on the battlefield, since
his French campaign in 1513 at the start of his reign, a point that should
not be overlooked. Henry took a central role in the siege of Boulogne
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 25

supervising every move as he proudly rode a great courser, with the red
flag of St George which flew before him. The defeat of the French and the
fall of the city of Boulogne on 18 September 1544 signalled the most
spectacular military victory of Henry’s wartime career. Hall records
Henry’s splendid entrance into the city of Boulogne, “like a noble and
valyaunt conqueror rode into Bulleyn.”82 Though it was not at all compa-
rable to Agincourt, it was designed so that Henry appeared like his hero
Henry V, whom he considered the exemplar warrior king. The king had
long-held ambitions for reconquering France; he had always wanted to
pursue his claim for the French throne as far as he could, whilst establish-
ing his international prestige as a celebrated military leader. It is significant
that Henry marked the start and end of his reign in war with France, as it
is a clear marker of the type of king that he wanted to be and highlights
just how much the cult of chivalry appealed to him as a traditional
monarch.
It is surprising that more has not been made of Henry VIII’s planned
tomb despite it not being completed, as it is still vital that we consider how
the king wanted to be remembered. There is much we can learn about
how Henry understood his kingship and masculinity from the design of
his effigy, which was planned to venerate him as a medieval knight in
armour on horseback. This model of knightly masculinity was an active
ideal that required physical strength and courage and emphasised the need
for martial expertise. Hence the focus of Henry’s kingship was to embody
those ideals pertaining to knighthood by competing and holding tourna-
ments in his reign and by displaying courage and warrior skills in conquer-
ing France. The great medieval kings of the past, Edward III, Henry V
and Edward IV, set a precedent of ideal kingship as their reigns evoked
memories of great victories in battle, of magnificent tournaments and of
chivalric orders, such as the Order of the Garter. In continuing this legacy
Henry committed to the archetype of the knight throughout his reign and
even in death this imagery was designed to immortalise his chivalrous mas-
culinity. I would argue that Henry rejected other models in favour of a
return to the youthful militant version of masculinity by going to war with
France at the very start and end of his reign; he showed that he wanted to
be remembered as a warrior king above everything else. Henry did not
abandon his chivalric kingly status in his later reign in favour of a religious
model, as the enduring appeal of the medieval knight was just as promi-
nent in the king’s final years as he continued to sponsor tournaments and
returned to war with France in the 1540s. Yet, it is indeed ironic that a
26 E. LEVITT

king who decided on an extravagant and oversized burial effigy, who held
spectacular tournaments, wore elaborate armour, and who led a glorious
campaign to France, should lie in a plain vault, marked only by a mar-
ble slab.

Notes
1. One of the first major studies to examine the performance of masculine
ideals of kingship is Christopher Fletcher, Richard II Manhood, Youth and
Politics 1377–99 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), and more
recently, Katherine Lewis, Kingship and Masculinity in Late Medieval
England (Oxon: Routledge, 2013).
2. Alfred Higgins, “On the Work of Florentine Sculptors in England in the
Early Part of the Sixteenth Century, with Special Reference to the Tombs
of Cardinal Wolsey and Henry VIII,” The Archaeological Journal 51
(1894): 142.
3. Charlotte Bolland, “Italian Material Culture at The Tudor Court,”
(PhD. diss., Queen Mary, University of London 2011), 15–278.
4. Henry VIII, Miscellaneous Writings: In which are Included Assertion of the
Seven Sacraments; Love Letters to Anne Boleyn; Songs; Letter to the Emperor;
Two Proclamations; Will., ed. Francis McNamara (Golden Cockerel Press:
Waltham Saint Lawrence, 1924), 206–207.
5. Phillip G. Lindley, “Playing check-mate with royal majesty? Wolsey’s
Patronage of Italian Royal sculpture,” in Cardinal Wolsey: Church State
and Art, eds. Steven J. Gunn and Phillip G. Lindley (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991), 261–284.
6. For work on the extravagant ostentation of the building see John Matusiak,
Wolsey: The Life of King Henry VIII’s Cardinal (Stroud: The History
Press, 2014).
7. Margaret Mitchell, “Works of Art from Rome for Henry VIII,” Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 178–203.
8. Michael Wyatt, The Italian Encounter with Tudor England: A Cultural
Politics of Translation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005),
51. In 1808, it was relocated to St Paul’s Cathedral and set above the grave
of the acclaimed war hero Lord Nelson.
9. Mitchell, “Works of Art from Rome for Henry VIII,” 178–203.
10. John Speed, The history of Great Britaine under the conquests of ye Romans,
Saxons, Danes and Normans. Their original manners, habits, warres, coines,
and seales, with the successions, lines, acts, and issues of the English monarchs,
from Iulius Caesar, to our most, gratious soueraigne King Iames. The second
edition. Reuised, & enlarged w[i]th sundry descents of ye Saxons kings, their
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 27

mariages and armes (London, 1627), 796–797. Speed’s description of

the tomb.
11. Speed, The History of Greate Britaine, 796–797.
12. Mitchell, “Works of Art from Rome for Henry VIII,” 178–203.
13. C. S. L. Davies, “Tudor: What’s in Name?” History 97 no. 325
(2012): 24–42.
14. Lucy Wooding, Henry VIII (Oxon: Routledge 2nd ed., 2015), 70.
15. Speed, The History of Greate Britaine, 796–797.
16. Lewis, Kingship and Masculinity in Late Medieval England, 2.
17. Fiona Dunlop, The Late Medieval Interlude: The Drama of Youth and
Aristocratic Masculinity (York: York Medieval Press, in association with
Boydell & Brewer and the Centre for Medieval Studies, University of York,
2007), 123.
18. Noel Fallows, Jousting in Medieval and Renaissance Iberia (Woodbridge:
Boydell and Brewer, 2010), 175.
19. Wooding, Henry VIII, 67.
20. Derek Neal, The Masculine Self in Late Medieval England (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2004), 134.
21. Ruth Mazo Karras, From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late
Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 20.
22. Geoffroi de Charny, A Knight’s Own Book of Chivalry, trans. Elspeth
Kennedy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005).
23. Thom Richardson, “The Royal Armour Workshops at Greenwich,” in
Henry VIII: Arms and the Man, 1509–2009, eds. Graeme Rimer, Thom
Richardson, and John D. P. Cooper (Leeds: Royal Armouries, 2009), 1–8.
24. Thom Richardson, The Armour & Arms of Henry VIII (Trustees of the
Royal Armouries Museum, 2017).
25. I discuss below Henry VIII’s armour for field and combat (1540) that
incorporated designs by Hans Holbein.
26. For example Henry’s Tonlet armour (1520) worn at the Field of Cloth
of Gold tournament see “Tonlet Armour (1520)” Object number II.7
Royal Armouries Collection, accessed 30 November 2020, https://roy-
alarmouries.org/stories/object-­of-­the-­month/object-­of-­the-­month-­for-­
april-­henry-­viiis-­foot-­combat-­armour/.
27. For English settlement in Normandy in the early fifteenth century, see
C.T. Allmand, “The Lancastrian Land Settlement in Normandy 1417–50,”
The Economic History Review 21.3 (1968): 461–479; C.T. Allmand, The
Lancastrian Normandy, 1415–1450: The History Medieval Occupation
(Oxford: Clarendon Press: 1983), 50–121; R.A. Massey, “The Land
Settlement in Lancastrian in Normandy, 1417–50,” in Property and
Politics: Essays in Later Medieval English History, ed. A. J. Pollard (New
York: St Martin’s Press, 1984), 76–96.
28 E. LEVITT

28. Steven J. Gunn, The English People at War in the Age of Henry VIII
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), 11.
29. Polydore Vergil, Anglican Historia of Polydore Vergil, A.d. 1485–1537, ed.
and trans. Denys Hay (Camden Society., 3rd series, 1940), 161.
30. David Trim, “Knights of Christ?” in Cross, Crown & Community: Religion,
Government, and Culture in Early Modern England 1400–1800, eds.
David. J. B. Trim, Peter. J. Balderstone, and Harry Leonard (Oxford: Peter
Lang Pub Inc, 2004), 77–113.
31. Steven J. Gunn, “Henry VIII’s Foreign Policy and the Tudor Cult of
Chivalry,” in François ler et Henri VIII: deux princes de la renaissance, ed.
Charles Giry-Deloison (Lille: Charles de Gaulle Université-Lille III,
1996), 25–35.
32. Wooding, Henry VIII, 67.
33. Edward Hall, Hall’s chronicle: containing the history of England, during the
reign of Henry the Fourth, and the succeeding monarchs, to the end of the
reign of Henry the Eighth, in which are particularly described the manners
and customs of those periods. Carefully collated with the editions of 1548 and
1550, ed. J. Johnson (London, 1809), 550.
34. Trim, “Knights of Christ?” 77–113.
35. Charles G. Cruickshank, Henry VIII and the Invasion of France (Stroud:
Sutton, 1990), 163 and John Guy, Tudor England, (Oxford: Oxford
University Press 1988), 192: the traditional stance taken by these histori-
ans is that Henry’s wars were wasteful and ineffective.
36. Henry Guildford’s account book for stores and revels at Greenwich in
1527 in The National Archives, UK, E36/227, fol. 11 records that he
earned £4 and 10 shillings for the painting of the siege of Thèrouanne.
37. Glenn Richardson, “Entertainments for the French ambassadors at the
court of Henry VIII,” Renaissance Studies 9.4 (1995): 404–415.
38. Dale Hoaks, “Legacy of Henry VIII,” in Henry VIII and his After Lives,
eds. Mark Rankin, Christopher Higley, and John King (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), 53–73. Tellingly towards the end of
his life Henry had two enormous paintings commissioned of him in battle.
39. Olivier Hekster, Emperors and Ancestors: Roman Rulers and Constraints of
Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 315.
40. Christopher S. Wood, Forgery, Replica, Fiction: Temporalities of German
Renaissance Art (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press,
2008), 311.
41. Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Michelangelo’s Tomb for Julius II: Genesis
and Genius (London: Yale University Press, 2016).
42. Maximillian recorded his many contests in a richly illustrated tourney book
known as Freydal that appears in a text MS. with corrections by Maximilian
I in Vienna, National Library, cod. 2385.
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 29

43. Natalie Anderson, “The Tournament and its Role in the Court Culture of
Emperor Maximillian I (1459–1519),” (PhD. diss., The University of
Leeds, 2017), 1–235.
44. “The Burgundian Bard (1510)” Object number VI.6, Royal Armouries
Collection, accessed 30 November 2020, https://collections.royalarmou-
ries.org/object/rac-­object-­2626.html.
45. “The Horned Helmet (1512)” Object number IV.22, Royal Armouries
Collection, accessed 30 November 2020, https://collections.royalarmou-
ries.org/object/rac-­object-­2623.html.
46. Carolyn Springer, Armour and Masculinity in the Italian Renaissance
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 21.
47. “Silver and engraved armour (about 1515)” Object II.5, Royal Armouries
Collection, accessed 30 November 2020, https://collections.royalarmou-
ries.org/object/rac-­object-­18.html.
48. Hugh E. L. Collins, The Order of the Garter, 1348–1461: Chivalry and
Politics in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000) 1.
49. Richard Barber, “Why did Edward III hold the Round Table? The political
background,” in Edward III’s Round Table at Windsor: The House of the
Round Table and the Windsor Festival of 1344, eds. Julian Munby, Richard
Barber, and Richard Brown (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), 77–84.
50. Wooding, Henry VIII, 63.
51. Charles Ross, Edward IV (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1997), 274.
52. For works on the tournaments of Edward IV see Sydney Anglo, “Anglo-
Burgundian Feats of Arms: Smithfield June 1467,” The Guildhall Miscellany
2.7 (1965): 271–283; Richard Barber, “Malory’s Le Morte D’Arthur and
Court Culture,” in Arthurian Literature XII, eds. James P. Carley and
Felicity Riddy (Cambridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1993), 133–156; Francis
Cripps-Day, The History of the Tournament in England and in France
(London: B. Quaritch limited, 1918), 96–98; Maurice Keen and Juliet
Barker, “The Medieval English Kings and the Tournament,” in Nobles,
Knights and Men-at-Arms in the Middle Ages, ed. M. Keen (Hambledon:
Continuum, 1996), 83–101; Emma Levitt, “Tiltyard Friendships and
Bonds of Loyalty in the Reign of Edward IV, 1461–1483,” in Loyalty to the
British Monarchy in Late Medieval and Early Modern Britain c.1400–1688,
eds. Matthew Ward and Matthew Hefferan (London: Palgrave Macmillan,
2020), 15–37.
53. Henry VIII, Miscellaneous Writings: In which are Included Assertion of the
Seven Sacraments; Love Letters to Anne Boleyn; Songs; Letter to the Emperor;
Two Proclamations; Will., 207.
54. There is a wealth of literature on Henry VIII’s tournaments. See Viscount
Dillon, “Tilting in Tudor Times,” Archaeological Journal 55 (1898):
30 E. LEVITT

269–339; Charles Ffoulkes, “Jousting Cheques of the Sixteenth Century,”

Archaeologia Journal 63 (1912): 34–39; Steven Gunn, “Tournaments and
Early Tudor Chivalry,” History Today 41.6, (1991): 15–21.
55. Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII;
letters, &c. of Henry VII; correspondence of James IV, ed. James Gairdner
(Longman Green: Longman and Roberts, 1863), 57.
56. Wooding, Henry VIII, 63.
57. Frederick George Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter: From its
Foundations to the Present Time with Biographical Notices of the Knights in
the reigns of Edward III and Richard II (London: London W. Pickering,
1841), 89.
58. “Henry VIII: April 1523, 16–30,” in Letters and Papers, Foreign and
Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519–1523, ed. J. S Brewer (London,
1867), 1250–1265, British History Online, accessed 16 February 2021,
http://www.british-­h istor y.ac.uk/letters-­p apers-­h en8/vol3/
pp1250-­1265.
59. Now in the possession of the Dean at the College of Windsor.
60. “Henry VIII: April 1513, 21–25,” in Letters and Papers, Foreign and
Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509–1514, ed. J. S Brewer (London,
1920), 815–833. British History Online, accessed 16 February 2021,
http://www.british-­history.ac.uk/letters-­papers-­hen8/vol1/pp815-­833.
61. “Henry VIII: February 1514, 1–10,” in Letters and Papers, Foreign and
Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509–1514, 1147–1153. British History
Online, accessed 16 February 2021, http://www.british-­history.ac.uk/
letters-­papers-­hen8/vol1/pp1147-­1153.
62. For an academic study on Charles Brandon see Steven Gunn, Charles
Brandon: Henry VIII’s Closest Friend (original edition Oxford: Oxford
University Press 1988, revised edition Gloucestershire: Amberley
Publishing, 2015).
63. Eleanor Cracknell, “Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk,” Archives Blog,
accessed 30 November 2020, https://www.stgeorges-­windsor.org/
charles-­brandon-­duke-­of-­suffolk/.
64. Edward IV arranged for his best friend William Hastings to be buried next
to him at St George’s Chapel, Windsor.
65. Speed, The history of Great Britaine, 796–797.
66. Thomas P. Campbell, Henry VIII and the Art of Majesty: Tapestries at the
Tudor court (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 2007), 233.
67. Miles Coverdale, Biblia. The Bible tha[t] is, the holy scripture of t[he] Olde
and new Testament, faithfully and truly translated out of Douche and Latyn
in to Englishe by Miles Coverdale (Germany, 1535): a copy can be found
online The British Library, accessed 30 November 2020, https://www.
bl.uk/collection-­items/coverdale-­bible.
 “THE WHOLE STATURE OF A GOODLY MAN AND A LARGE… 31

68. John N. King, “Henry VIII as David,” in Rethinking the Henrician Era:
Essays on Early Tudor Texts and Contexts, ed. Peter. C. Herman (Urbana
and Chicago: University of Illinois Press), 78–83.
69. “Henry VIII Great Bible c.1538–1540,” The British Library, accessed 30
November 2020, http://www.bl.uk/learning/timeline/item101943.
html The Bible with its coloured title page is visible on here.
70. Jean Maillart, “Psalter (The Psalter of Henry VIII),” The British Library,
accessed 30 November 2020, https://www.bl.uk/collection-­items/
henry-­viii-­psalter: the entire manuscript has been digitised.
71. Hans Holbein, “Solomon and the Queen of Sheba c. 1534,” Royal
Collection Trust, accessed 30 November 2020, https://www.rct.uk/col-
lection/912188/solomon-­and-­the-­queen-­of-­sheba.
72. “Armor for field and tournament 1540,” Object II.8 Royal Armouries,
accessed 30 November 2020, https://collections.royalarmouries.org/
object/rac-­object-­11384.html.
73. The Royal College of Arms collection formerly in Box 37: now in a port-
folio, tilting list, 6V. 46, May 1 1540.
74. Neal, The Masculine Self in Late Medieval England, 134.
75. Suzannah Lipscomb, 1536: The Year that Changed Henry VIII (Oxford:
Lion Books, 2009), 11.
76. Tatiana String, “Projecting Masculinity: Henry VIII’s Codpiece,” in Henry
VIII and His Afterlives: Literature, Politics and Art, eds. Mark Rankin,
Christopher Highley, and John N. King (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2009), 143–160.
77. For a recent discussion on the size of codpieces in an adaptation of Hilary
Mantel’s Wolf Hall see Alison Flood, “Research confirms inadequacy of
codpieces in TV version of Wolf Hall”, The Guardian, 30 April 2015,
h t t p : / / w w w. t h e g u a r d i a n . c o m / b o o k s / 2 0 1 5 / a p r / 3 0 /
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letters-­papers-­hen8/vol19/no2/pp114-­125.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 KEEPING A COW IN A VILLAGE
STABLE.
BY ORANGE JUDD, FLUSHING, L. I.
A business man of New York, living in one of the neighboring
villages, being troubled to get good milk for young children in his
family, took our advice the latter part of the winter and, so to speak,
went into the dairy business on his own account. The result will be
instructive to tens of thousands of families in cities and villages. He
has no pasture grounds, the only convenience being a roomy stall in
a carriage barn, with opportunity for the cow to sun herself and take
limited exercise in a small area, say fifteen by twenty feet, at the side
of the barn, and this was seldom used. The stall is kept clean and
neat, with fresh straw litter, and the cow has remained in excellent
health and vigor. Chewing her cud and manufacturing milk seem to
give all the exercise needed. Her feed has been bale hay, cut in a
small hay-cutter, and mixed wet with corn-meal, bran, and shorts,
with some uncooked potato parings, cabbage leaves, left over rice,
oatmeal, etc., from the kitchen.
A laborer is paid one dollar a week to milk and feed and brush her
night and morning, and take care of the stable, and he is allowed any
excess of milk she gives over twelve quarts a day. He prepares a
mess for her noon feed, which is given by one of the boys at school
when he comes home to lunch. The cow is a grade, probably three-
fourths Jersey and one-fourth common blood. Her milk is rich, yields
abundant cream, and, as the owner’s family say, “Is worth fully
double any milk we ever got from the best milk dealers.” One
neighboring family gladly takes six quarts a day at seven cents a
quart, and would willingly pay much more if it were asked, and other
families would be happy to get some of it at ten cents a quart; but six
quarts are kept for home use, and it is valued far above seven cents
a quart, and worth more than that amount in the saving of butter in
cooking, making puddings, etc. So it is a very low estimate to call the
whole milk worth seven cents a quart. No one could deprive our
business friend or his family of their good, home produced milk, if it
cost ten or twelve cents a quart. An accurate account is kept of the
feed; the man in charge orders at the feed store anything he desires
for the cow, and it is all down on a “pass-book.” Here are the figures
for one hundred days past:

THE COW’S DEBIT AND CREDIT FOR ONE

HUNDRED DAYS.

Dr.
850 lbs. bale Hay, at $22 per ton $9.35
1,000 lbs. Corn Meal, at $1.35 per 100 lbs 13.50
400 lbs. Bran, at $1.30 per 100 lbs 5.20
200 lbs. Fine Feed, “Shorts,” at $1.55 per 100 lbs 3.10
20 bundles of bedding Straw, at 10c. 2.00
Paid man for care and milking, $1 per week 14.30
Total expenses for 100 days $47.45
Cr.
1,200 Quarts of best milk (12 quarts per day) at 7c. $84.00
Money profit in 100 days $36.55

Or, to put it in another way, the six hundred quarts sold actually
brought in forty-two dollars cash, and the entire six hundred quarts
used at home cost five dollars and forty-five cents. The cow cost,
say, sixty-five dollars. The entire care, which was not paid in the
surplus of milk above twelve quarts per day, is charged in the
expenses above. The manure produced, if sold, would more than
meet interest on the cost of cow, and any depreciation in value by
increasing age. Allow the above average to be kept up only two
hundred days in a year, and at the end of that time suppose the cow
is sold for half price (thirty-two dollars and fifty cents), and a fresh
one substituted, there would still be a gain of forty dollars and sixty
cents for two hundred days, or for a year a profit of seventy-four
dollars and ten cents.
With good feed the sixty-five dollar cow will keep up a full supply of
milk at least twenty-six weeks, and then be worth forty dollars for
continued milking and breeding. Sell her then and buy another fresh
cow for sixty-five dollars—a loss of fifty dollars a year. The above
liberal allowance of forty-seven dollars and forty-five cents for feed
and care one hundred days, amounts to one hundred and seventy-
three dollars and nineteen cents a year. Adding the loss of fifty
dollars for purchasing two fresh cows, makes the total annual
expense two hundred and twenty-three dollars and nineteen cents.
This would make the supply of milk, twelve quarts a day (four
thousand three hundred and eighty quarts), cost about five cents a
quart, or not quite fifty-one cents for ten quarts. This is not an
exaggerated estimate for a sixty-five dollar cow, renewed every
twenty-six weeks. The feed and care may be very much less than
the above forty-seven dollars and forty-five cents per hundred days,
by saving all waste foods suitable for a cow, and by securing
pasturage seven or eight months, and especially when a cow can be
cared for by members of the family, thus saving fifty-two dollars a
year. Taking the country as a whole, probably fifty dollars will
ordinarily buy a cow that will, on fair feed, average ten to twelve
quarts per day for the first six months after calving.
 PORTRAITS OF FAMOUS DAIRY
COWS.
I.—Jersey Cow “Eurotas,” 2454 (Frontispiece), owned by A. B.
Darling, Ramsey’s, N. J. She yielded during one week in June, 1879,
twenty-two pounds six ounces of butter.
II.—Ayrshire cow “Old Creamer” (page 23), owned by S. D.
Hungerford, Adams, N. Y. Weight one thousand and eighty pounds.
She has yielded one hundred and two-third pounds a day for three
days, and ninety-four pounds a day for the month.
III.—Jersey cow “Rosalee,” 1215 (page 34), owned by S. G.
Livermore, Cedar Rapids, Iowa. She has given twenty quarts of milk
a day. In ten days in June, 1874, she made twenty-five pounds three
ounces of butter.
IV.—Guernsey cow and heifer (page 51), owned by Mr. Rendle, of
Catel Parish, Island of Guernsey.
V.—Swiss cow “Geneva” (page 67), imported by D. G. Aldrich, of
Worcester, Mass. She gave from November first, 1877, to December
thirty-first, 1878, ten thousand nine hundred and five pounds of milk,
which yielded five hundred and seventy-three pounds of butter.
VI.—Dutch (Holstein) cow “Crown Princess” (page 85), imported
by Gerrit S. Miller, of Peterboro’, N. Y. She has yielded thirty-four
quarts of milk a day, and averaged twenty-three quarts a day for six
months.
VII.—Shorthorn dairy cow “Cold Cream 4th” (page 101), owned by
H. M. Queen Victoria. She is kept at the Shaw Farm, Windsor Home
Park.
VIII.—Jersey cow “Abbie” (page 123), owned by Mr. Harvey
Newton, of Southville, Mass. She yielded from April, 1876, to March,
1877, ten thousand seven hundred pounds of milk, from which four
hundred and eighty-six pounds of butter were made.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK KEEPING ONE
COW ***

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