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GLOBAL DIVERSITIES
Migration and
Urban Transitions
in Australia
Edited by Iris Levin · Christian A. Nygaard
Peter W. Newton · Sandra M. Gifford
mpimmg
Global Diversities
Series Editors
Steven Vertovec
Department of Socio-Cultural Diversity
Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and
Ethnic Diversity
Göttingen, Germany
Peter van der Veer

Department of Religious Diversity
Ethnic Diversity
Göttingen, Germany
Ayelet Shachar
Department of Ethics, Law, and Politics
Ethnic Diversity
Göttingen, Germany
Over the past decade, the concept of ‘diversity’ has gained a leading place
in academic thought, business practice, politics and public policy across
the world. However, local conditions and meanings of ‘diversity’ are
highly dissimilar and changing. For these reasons, deeper and more com-
parative understandings of pertinent concepts, processes and phenomena
are in great demand. This series will examine multiple forms and configu-
rations of diversity, how these have been conceived, imagined, and repre-
sented, how they have been or could be regulated or governed, how
different processes of inter-ethnic or inter-religious encounter unfold,
how conflicts arise and how political solutions are negotiated and prac-
ticed, and what truly convivial societies might actually look like. By com-
paratively examining a range of conditions, processes and cases revealing
the contemporary meanings and dynamics of ‘diversity’, this series will be
a key resource for students and professional social scientists. It will repre-
sent a landmark within a field that has become, and will continue to be,
one of the foremost topics of global concern throughout the twenty-first
century. Reflecting this multi-disciplinary field, the series will include
works from Anthropology, Political Science, Sociology, Law, Geography
and Religious Studies.
More information about this series at

https://link.springer.com/bookseries/15009
Iris Levin • Christian A. Nygaard
Peter W. Newton • Sandra M. Gifford
Editors
Migration and Urban

Transitions in
Australia
Editors
Iris Levin Christian A. Nygaard
Sustainability and Urban Planning Centre for Urban Transitions
RMIT University Swinburne University of Technology
Melbourne, VIC, Australia Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Peter W. Newton Sandra M. Gifford

Centre for Urban Transitions Centre for Urban Transitions
Swinburne University of Technology Swinburne University of Technology
Melbourne, VIC, Australia Melbourne, VIC, Australia
ISSN 2662-2580 ISSN 2662-2599 (electronic)

Global Diversities
ISBN 978-3-030-91330-4 ISBN 978-3-030-91331-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91331-1
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
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Preface
In 2020, one in three of Australia’s 25.6 million residents was born over-
seas, and more than one in two had a migrant background, meaning they
were either born overseas or had at least one parent born overseas (ABS,
2020a, 2021). Most of these migrants live in urban environments, either
in capital cities, secondary cities or large towns. The greatest net gains in
the twenty-first century in population due to immigration1 were in
Melbourne, Sydney and Perth.
Australia is an urban nation, with 79 per cent of its residents residing
in capital cities and a total of 86 per cent living in urban centres (ABS,
2020b; Knoema, 2020). Indeed, Australian cities have been magnets for
international migration since the large migration waves arriving in
Australia following Federation at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Cities have traditionally offered prospective employment, cultural insti-
tutions, community support for newly arrived migrants, and a safe living
environment. For example, migrants from southern Europe joined their
relatives and village acquaintances when they arrived in Australia in the
late 1940s and 1950s, looking for work and housing. Often, they would
board with their fellow countrymen and women until finding work and
moving into their own housing. Cities have been instrumental in this
process.
Since the beginning of white settlement in Australia, and more
intensely since the end of the Second World War (WWII), Australia has
v
vi Preface
seen migrants arriving on its shores. Migration policy can be seen to have
changed according to political and economic aims and values, shaping
the social composition of the Australian population. It has responded to
internal and global pressures and has always been a tool for national social
engineering, determining who can get into Australia and who cannot.
Initially, migrants were mostly from the British Isles, although the gold
rush years also experienced an inflow from many other countries, includ-
ing China, to the goldfields. Chinese migrants constituted nearly 10 per
cent of male (non-Indigenous) population in Victoria in 1857 (ABS,
2014). The first 40 years following Federation in 1901 principally encour-
aged white British migration under its ‘White Australia’ policy. After
WWII, several Displaced Persons Schemes opened Australia to southern
and eastern European migrants, to supplement continued, but ‘insuffi-
cient’, British migration (DIBP, 2017). In the 1970s, this expanded to
allow migrants from Asia and Africa to enter Australia, many of whom
were also refugees who fled their countries due to war and conflict. This
has led to a cultural diversity that is in stark contrast to settlement up
until the mid-twentieth century. Today, Australia is home to residents
from every country on earth.
Over time, the arrival of diverse waves of migrants has changed the
social fabric of Australia, and consequently has influenced multiple urban
transitions, including the demographic and settlement patterns, the
physical fabric of housing and neighborhoods, the streetscapes and com-
mercial landscapes, the establishment of cultural and religious institu-
tions and communities, and the introduction of food cultures, sports and
other cultural influences. Yet urban Australia still poses many challenges
to newly arrived migrants, and even more so to asylum seekers and refu-
gees, from finding appropriate employment suitable for their skills and
finding housing appropriate for their needs. Many still face systemic dis-
crimination in both areas, especially if they are ‘visible migrants’ (Colic-
Peisker & Tilbury, 2008). Climate change and its impacts on the natural
and built environments, and the COVID-19 pandemic, are both impact
accelerators on policy and expenditure decisions confronting Australian
governments that are likely to frame future policy decisions, including on
immigration.
Preface vii
This book aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of urban

transitions in Australia, examined from the specific lens of immigration.
It aims to explore the spatial, economic, social and cultural transitions
cities and their populations have experienced due to immigration. The
book examines the intersections between migration and the conditions of
Australian urbanity, along three lines of analysis: demographic, settle-
ment and environmental transitions; urban form and housing transi-
tions; and socio-cultural transitions.
As an urban nation, migration has been most deeply felt in key aspects
of urban life: employment, housing, schooling, economic and social well-
being, and food. This edited collection of chapters aims to capture this
reality of life in urban Australia. It is aimed at a wide readership, includ-
ing the general public, policymakers and other researchers. It draws on
contributions from a mix of established, mid-career and early-career
researchers in the fields of migration, public policy, urbanism, housing
studies, environment and other related fields. The chapters are focused on
Melbourne and other capital cities as their centre of investigation, exam-
ining a range of aspects of migration and its influence on urban transitions.
The introductory Chap. 1, by the editorial team, provides a series of
framing perspectives for understanding urban transitions in Australia
through the lens of migration in the twenty-first century. It begins with a
review of past research on migration and cities in Australia, and then
provides an overview of the key drivers of urban transitions in relation to
immigration, including demographics, environmental sustainability, and
spatial and socio-cultural changes. The chapter concludes with a brief
discussion of future challenges and opportunities associated with migra-
tion and urban transitions.
The first line of analysis, focusing on demographic, settlement and
environmental transitions, includes four chapters. Chapter 2, by Peter
McDonald, sets the scene with a discussion of Australian migration pol-
icy, its major changes during the past 25 years and the increasing diversity
that large-scale immigration has brought to Australian cities in this
period. It concludes that because of changes in migration policies which
were heavily focused on labour demand and the university sector, cities
experienced a high population growth and an increasing cultural diversity.
viii Preface
Chapter 3, by Christian A. Nygaard, focuses on the transformative role

of selective migration in economic and urban policy since white settle-
ment in Australia. This chapter further highlights the role of immigration
and changes to Australia’s immigration policy in shaping and enabling
economic development, transitioning to a post-industrial economy and
Australia’s longer-term fiscal balance. The chapter concludes with a dis-
cussion of the complex role of selective immigration in meeting key eco-
nomic, fiscal and demographic challenges, and implications for urban
development trends, including where immigrants locate, housing and
labour markets.
In Chap. 4, Jonathan Sobels and Graham Turner highlight the unsus-
tainability of Australian cities due to their rate of growth and high level
of resource consumption, straining their physical limits, exacerbated by
climate change. Using the Australian Stocks and Flows Framework, they
provide an analysis of future scenarios of population change, and water,
waste and energy use to demonstrate that any further high growth for
Australian cities is unsustainable and that COVID-19 has provided a rare
opportunity to take stock and change this trajectory.
Chapter 5, by Peter W. Newton, Stephen Glackin and Denny Meyer,
concludes this section of transitions with an exploration of the changing
socio-spatial impact of immigration on Australia’s largest cities, where
most migrants have settled. The authors identify changes in the origins,
volumes and spatial settlement patterns of migrant streams—from
European to Asian—over the past 50 years. They analyse several aspects
of migrant urban geography, including ethnic concentrations and resi-
dential location of first- and second-generation migrants, the association
between these patterns and that of socio-economic disadvantage, and the
nature of change over time.
The second line of analysis, focusing on urban form and housing tran-
sitions, includes five chapters. It opens with Chap. 6, by Terry Burke,
Kath Hulse and Liss Ralston, examining Australian migration since the
1980s and the interplay between institutional determinants of migrant
choice and the specific housing outcomes in the form of housing tenure.
The chapter concludes that even when controlling for different times of
arrival, migrants from different regions have very different tenure out-
comes, reflecting a combination of predominant visa types, household
Preface ix
composition, cultural dimensions, preferences for location, and of course,

the socio-economic push factors in the country of origin.
Chapter 7, by Wendy Stone, Piret Veeroja, Fatemeh Shahani, Sharon
Parkinson and Amity James, explores the aspirations of migrants towards
their housing in the short term and the long term. The authors argue that
evidence for policymaking around inclusive cities, housing and location
is limited when it does not include migrant views, and that enabling
migrants to settle well includes access to a mix of housing and locational
options that best meet migrants’ life stage priorities, whether temporary
or permanent, in cities and regions.
Sharon Parkinson, Edgar Liu and Amity James, in Chap. 8, investigate
the rapid expansion of the international student market in Australia over
the past two decades, and how it has shaped Australian cities. They focus
on the housing journeys of young international students entering and
living in Australia, demonstrating a move from local to distributed infor-
mal searching for accommodation, and explore how it mediates arrival,
access and settlement, and subsequently how it shapes Australian cities.
Chapter 9, by Val Colic-Peisker and Andrej Peisker, explores residential
concentrations of migrants in the four main Australian gateway cities—
Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane and Perth—drawing on 2016 Australian
census data. They find that migrant presence is associated with urban dis-
advantage, although this association is much stronger in the main migrant
gateways, Sydney and Melbourne, than in Brisbane and Perth.
The last chapter in the urban form and housing transitions section is
Chap. 10, by Mirjana Lozanovska. The chapter demonstrates how the
housing of ethnic-minority migrants has attracted negative reactions and
has often been omitted from housing analysis and understanding. The
chapter argues that negativity towards and omission of migrant residen-
tial architecture from the discussion of urban development is related to
racialised national narratives and migration histories, resulting in a ten-
dency for ethnic minorities to make ‘invisible’ their architectural tradi-
tions. It then provides an architectural perspective of post-War housing
and develops a lens to correct this omission as an approach towards per-
ceiving future urban transformation of migrant housing.
The third collection of chapters, focusing on socio-cultural transitions,
opens with Chap. 11, by Kelum Palipane. The chapter focuses on the
x Preface
train station and its immediate surrounds in the inner-Melbourne suburb

of Footscray. Train stations are representative of a crucial site for newly
arrived immigrants which enables spatial practices (such as hanging out
in small groups, listening to music and visiting businesses owned by
migrants) that allow groups to cope with the difficult transitions associ-
ated with the migration settlement experience. The chapter suggests that
these practices not only facilitate place belonging but also broaden the
conceptual understanding of the public sphere as one that is diverse and
complex.
Chapter 12, by Glenda Ballantyne, offers a case study of the City of
Melton, a peri-urban municipality located on the western edge of
Melbourne. The City of Melton, together with a small but growing num-
ber of local governments, has adopted the ‘Intercultural Cities’ model—
promoted by the Council of Europe—instead of its multicultural
approach in dealing with urban diversity and offering a ‘whole-of-society’
conception of diversity that underpins the mainstreaming governance
approach.
Chapter 13, by Kim Robinson and Sandra M. Gifford, explores
humanitarian migrants to Australia and their significant role in shaping
the social, cultural and economic life of Australian urbanism. The authors
describe the influences that humanitarian migrants have had on urban
life and how cities have responded to the specific humanitarian needs of
this population, as sites of welcome, sanctuary and solidarity in the pro-
tection and promotion of human rights.
The last chapter in this section of transitions, Chap. 14, by Rebecca
Williamson, Cathy Banwell and Jane Dixon, focuses on Australia’s fastest
growing city, Melbourne, where Chinese migrants first arrived in the
1850s, and the planned city of Canberra, where Chinese migrants settled
a century later. Through social histories and ethnographic snapshots, the
chapter describes the restaurants, shopfronts, shopping malls and super-
market shelves that bear witness to the adoption of Chinese foodscapes.
In the process, the authors observe broader culinary transitions.
Chinatowns and new Asian eat streets have transformed Australian urban
foodscapes, embedding ethnic dining as an egalitarian, casual, experi-
mental, convivial and public-facing event.
Preface xi
The concluding Chap. 15 is an epilogue by the editorial team. This

book project was conceived before COVID-19. In the epilogue, the edi-
torial team reflects on the continued and changing role of immigration in
the twenty-first century in relation to key urbanisation challenges in
Australia, and the immediate or longer-term effects of COVID-19.
Melbourne, VIC, Australia Iris Levin

August 2021 Christian A. Nygaard
Peter W. Newton
Sandra M. Gifford
References
ABS. (2014). 3105.0.65.001 – Australian Historical Population Statistics, 2014.
h t t p s : / / w w w. a b s . g o v. a u / A U S S TAT S / a b s @ . n s f / D e t a i l s Pa g e /
3105.0.65.0012014
ABS. (2020a). 2016 Census QuickStats Australia. https://quickstats.censusdata.
abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2016/quickstat/036
ABS. (2020b). 300,000 More People Living Capital Cities. https://www.abs.gov.
au/articles/300000-more-people-living-capital-cities
ABS. (2021). Migration, Australia. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/
population/migration-australia/latest-release
Colic-Peisker, V., & Tilbury, F. (2008). Being Black in Australia: A Case Study
of Intergroup Relations. Race & Class, 49(4), 38–56. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0306396808089286
Department of Immigration and Border Protection. (2017). A History of the
Department of Immigration: Managing Migration to Australia, https://www.
homeaffairs.gov.au/news-subsite/files/immigration-history.pdf
Knoema. (2020). Australian – Urban Population as a Share of Total Population.
https://knoema.com/atlas/Australia/Urban-population
Note
1. In this preface (as well as other chapters in the book), we interchange
between the terms ‘migration’ and ‘immigration’ to indicate international
migration, unless specified otherwise.
Acknowledgements
As ever, there were many who helped bring this collection to life. The idea
for the book evolved after the establishment of the Centre for Urban
Transitions at Swinburne University in 2017 and thus we owe our thanks
to the Centre for Urban Transitions and its director Professor Niki
Frantzeskaki who has supported this work. We are grateful for the edito-
rial support of Zoë Goodall, whose professionalism has guided us during
the preparation of this collection of chapters. We would also like to
acknowledge the support of Sharla Plant and the editorial team at Palgrave
Macmillan. Finally, we would like to thank all the authors of this volume
for their contributions, patience, and assistance with the editorial pro-
cess, through the very difficult and challenging times during a global
pandemic.
Iris would also like to thank the endless support of the three very expe-
rienced and professional co-editors, Christian (Andi), Peter and Sandy. I
am grateful for your guidance and generosity.
xiii
Praise for Migration and Urban Transitions
in Australia
“It is important to know the impact of a long history of migration on Australia’s

cities, especially since the mid-twentieth century. Indeed, it is also important to
know how large and diverse streams of migrants to Australia’s major cities have
influenced the country overall. In this wide-ranging book we find the answers,
in a comprehensive and provocative overview of the history and the contempo-
rary situation. Analyses are here of immigrant-influenced demographic and set-
tlement patterns in Australia, and of the presence of waves of migration in the
physical fabric of housing and neighborhoods and in cultural and religious insti-
tutions and communities. What is also here is a critical assessment of the ‘immi-
gration economy’ on which Australia has come to depend, with all the issues this
raises about economic and environmental sustainability and the lack of a broad
and well-developed population policy. An aim of this book is to reinvigorate
scholarship and public conversation about transitions underway and needed in
Australian cities, the policies about them, and the central role of migration and
population diversity in those transitions. Bravo! I think the book may just
do that.”
—Ruth Fincher, University of Melbourne.
Contents
1 Migration and the Shaping of Australian Cities 1

Iris Levin, Peter W. Newton, Christian A. Nygaard,
and Sandra M. Gifford
Part I Demographic, Settlement and Environmental

Transitions 27
2 Migration Policy: An Overview 29

Peter McDonald
3 Economic Policy, Migration and the Australian City 45

Christian A. Nygaard
4 There Are No Sustainable Cities in Australia 67

Jonathan Sobels and Graham Turner
5 The Role of Immigration in Changing the Social Fabric

of Australian Cities 91
Peter W. Newton, Stephen Glackin, and Denny Meyer
xvii
xviii Contents
Part II Urban Form and Housing Transitions 125
6 ‘I Will Call Australia My Home’: Migration and

Housing Tenure127
Terry Burke, Kath Hulse, and Liss Ralston
7 Understanding Migrant-Inclusive Urban Transitions

in Australia via a ‘Housing Aspirations’ Lens149
Wendy M. Stone, Piret Veeroja, Fatemeh Shahani, Sharon
Parkinson, and Amity James
8 Does the Room Come with Wi-Fi? Negotiating Digitally

Mediated Arrival, Access and Settlement among
International Students173
Sharon Parkinson, Edgar Liu, and Amity James
9 Is There a Problem with Migrant Concentrations?

Evidence from Four Australian Cities199
Val Colic-Peisker and Andrej Peisker
10 Migrant Housing and Urban Transition Futures221

Mirjana Lozanovska
Part III Socio-Cultural Transitions 243
11 Station Precincts as Key Sites Enabling Australian

Urban Transitions245
Kelum Palipane
12 From Multicultural Nation to Intercultural City:

The Case of Melton265
Glenda Ballantyne
Contents xix
13 Cities of Welcome? Urban Transitions Through the

Lens of Humanitarian Migrants283
Kim Robinson and Sandra M. Gifford
14 Eating the City: The Transformation of the Australian

City Through Migration and Food309
Rebecca Williamson, Cathy Banwell, and Jane Dixon
15 Epilogue335
Iris Levin, Christian A. Nygaard, Peter W. Newton,
Index345
Notes on Contributors
Glenda Ballantyne is Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Deputy Chair of

the Department of Social Science at Swinburne University of Technology,
where she teaches and researches in the areas of migration, multiculturalism
and interculturalism. Her current projects include Zooming In, a collabora-
tion with the Victorian Multicultural Commission exploring contemporary
perspectives on multiculturalism among young Australians through film
and the three-country International Intercultural Cities Comparative Study.
Cathy Banwell specialises in exploring the socio-cultural contexts of
population weight gain and the nutrition transition in Australia and Asia,
trends in food and health practices, and health risks associated with non-
communicable diseases. She has made major contributions to public
health problems with high community concern: asbestos in the ACT and
PFAS in three affected communities.
Terry Burke is Professor Emeritus at Swinburne University of
Technology where he specialised in housing research and teaching with a
particular focus on housing affordability, and social housing manage-
ment. His recent research has been on the decline of home ownership in
Australia and the impact of Covid-19 on low-income renting.
Val Colic-Peisker is a sociologist of migration and ethnic relations. Her
research explores non-Anglophone migrants and refugees, focusing on
xxi
xxii Notes on Contributors
employment, socio-cultural and residential integration, urban diversity,

multicultural neighborhoods and migrant concentration areas. Her publica-
tion record includes five books, 45 refereed articles, many chapters, research
reports, encyclopedia entries, book reviews and creative non-fiction.
Jane Dixon passed away recently following a protracted illness as this
chapter was being completed. She held an honorary position with the
National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, Research
School of Public Health where she worked between 2001 and 2016.
During 2016 and early 2017, she was invited to be a Leverhulme Trust
Visiting Professor at the Centre for Food Policy, City University of
London. Her research sits in a unique position at the intersection of soci-
ology and public health. She was particularly interested in how corporate
strategy, government policy and civil society influenced cultural transi-
tions, and in the resulting social and health inequalities.
Sandra M. Gifford is Adjunct Professor of Anthropology at the Centre
for Urban Transitions at Swinburne University of Technology in
Melbourne, Australia. Her research focuses on refugee settlement and
well-being. Her key research focus is on what best predicts and supports
good settlement among refugee-background migrants with a focus on
youth. She has published widely on Australian policy and practice relat-
ing to refugee settlement and how the Australian experience compares to
other UNHCR settlement countries. More information is on her staff
profile http://www.swinburne.edu.au/health-arts-design/staff-profiles/
view.php?who=sgifford
Stephen Glackin is Senior Research Fellow at Swinburne University of
Technology’s Centre for Urban Transitions. His research focuses on vari-
ous aspects of urban analysis, including built and natural environment,
spatial distribution, and the social, financial and legal processes that
enable sustainable functioning and ongoing evolution of cities.
Kath Hulse is Professor Emeritus at Swinburne University of Technology
where her research centres on analysing housing system changes in the
shifting landscape of the political economy of welfare. Recent research
has focused on the implications of growth and change in the private
rental sector and urban housing affordability.
Notes on Contributors xxiii
Amity James is associate professor in the School of Accounting,

Economics and Finance. She has a background in human geography and
housing. Her research interests include housing affordability, genera-
tional housing trajectories with a focus on the housing outcomes of older
individuals.
Iris Levin is an architect, urban planner, lecturer and researcher. She is
passionate about working with diverse communities and understanding
the effects of migration on the built environment. In 2016, she published
Migration, Settlement and the Concepts of Home and House (Routledge).
She is interested in housing, social planning, migration and social diver-
sity in cities.
Edgar Liu is a senior research fellow at the Ingham Institute for Applied
Medical Research’s Healthy Urban Environments Collaboratory. He has
background in human geography. His research interests span people–
place relationships, urban and housing policies, social equality, and fam-
ily living arrangements. This research was conducted when he was at
UNSW Sydney’s City Futures Research Centre.
Mirjana Lozanovska is Associate Professor at Deakin University. Her
work investigates the creative ways that architecture mediates human dig-
nity and identity. Her books include Migrant Housing: Architecture,
Dwelling, Migration (2019) and Ethno-Architecture and the Politics of
Migration (2016). She has published widely on Kenzo Tange’s master
plan for Skopje, Republic of Macedonia. Mirjana is co-editor of
Fabrications: JSAHANZ.
Peter McDonald Before moving to the University of Melbourne,
McDonald was Professor of Demography at the Australian National
University for 21 years. In 2015, he received the Taeuber Award of the
Population Association of America. He is Honorary President of the
International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. He has been
actively engaged with Australian immigration policy for over 20 years.
Denny Meyer is Professor of Statistics in the Department of Health
Sciences and Biostatistics at Swinburne University of Technology and a
member of the Centre for Mental Health. She works in areas including
xxiv Notes on Contributors
road safety, mental health, telehealth and urban analysis, specialising in

multi-level modelling and machine learning methods.
Peter W. Newton PhD, FASSA, is Research Professor of Sustainable
Urbanism at Swinburne University of Technology’s Centre for Urban
Transitions, Melbourne. His research and publishing interests encompass
new planning technologies, future systems of urban settlement, the devel-
opment dynamics of cities, and urban sustainability transition processes.
He has held senior leadership positions in seven competitively funded
National Research Centres focused on urban systems innovation. Prior to
joining Swinburne in 2007, he was chief research scientist at the
Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).
Christian A. Nygaard is a social economist and Research Theme Leader
for New Ways of Urban Living at the Centre for Urban Transitions,
Swinburne University of Technology. His research includes the dynamics
of long-term urban change, housing markets and affordability, interna-
tional migrants in housing, and political-economy social housing provi-
sion and transition dynamics.
Kelum Palipane is Lecturer in Architectural Design at the Faculty of
Architecture Building and Planning, University of Melbourne. She
received a PhD by Creative Works from the University of Melbourne.
Through her research and teaching Kelum investigates how multimodal
mapping and creative ethnographic methods can inform design in demo-
graphically complex urban conditions.
Sharon Parkinson is a senior research fellow based at the Centre for
Social Impact, School of Business, Law and Entrepreneurship, Swinburne
University of Technology. Her research focuses on creating just and sus-
tainable cities, with interest in the intersections between urban informal-
ity and precarity, digital inclusion and generational change.
Andrej Peisker is a statistical methodologist at the Australian Bureau of
Statistics. He supports the quarterly GDP publication in the
Macroeconomic Statistics Division. He has also supported the ABS’
social statistics programme, including extensive use of Census data. He
Notes on Contributors xxv
majored in mathematics and statistics (BA, Hons.) and holds a PhD in

engineering (geo-informatics) from the University of Melbourne.
Liss Ralston is an adjunct statistician at Swinburne University of
Technology specialising in the analysis of large survey and administrative
data sets. In addition to the statistical support of Swinburne academics
she provides quarterly monitoring of the private rental sector for the
Victorian state government.
Kim Robinson is Senior Lecturer in Social Work at Deakin University
in Australia. She has worked as social work practitioner and manager in
community health and refugee services, and educator for over 30 years in
Australia and in the UK. Her research interests are human rights in health
and social work settings, social justice, and promoting participation of
services with disadvantaged communities. She has published in the areas
of asylum and refugee social work, mental health, family and domestic
violence, and young unaccompanied minors. Her publications can be
seen here: https://orcid.org/0000–0002–0366-3868
Fatemeh Shahani is a research fellow in urban sustainability and social
cohesion studies at Swinburne University of Technology’s Centre for
Urban Transitions.
Jonathan Sobels is an academic who has taught and conducted research
in human geography, focusing on land care, local rural organisations in
natural resources management, social capital and social learning in chang-
ing agricultural practices, and social impacts of drought on Lower Murray
River and Lakes communities. More recent research has explored the
physical environmental effects of migration and population growth on
our cities.
Wendy M. Stone is a research professor of Housing and Social Policy
and leader of the Housing Futures Research Group at Swinburne
University of Technology’s Centre for Urban Transitions, where her
research focuses on housing justice and innovation.
Graham Turner is an applied physicist whose work involves whole-of-
system analysis on the long-term physical sustainability of the environ-
ment and economy. Graham developed and applied the Australian Stocks
xxvi Notes on Contributors
and Flows Framework to create ‘what if ’ scenarios that quantify sustain-

ability challenges and explore potential solutions. At the global level,
Graham’s analysis examined the Limits to Growth, demonstrating that
the infamous modelling of the 1970s is, somewhat alarmingly, on track.
Piret Veeroja is a research fellow in Housing Futures Research Group at
Swinburne University of Technology’s Centre for Urban Transitions.
Rebecca Williamson is a research officer in the School of Sociology and
the Research School of Population Health at the Australian National
University. She holds a PhD in sociology from the University of Sydney.
She has research expertise in migration, urban diversity and social trans-
formation, and issues of gender equity and geographies of care in the city.
She is also interested in public and maternal health and community con-
nectedness in the context of environmental crises.
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 Natural increase and NOM 1981–2060, thousands.

(Source: ABS, 2020b; Treasury, 2021, Note:
Intergenerational Report (IGR)) 7
Fig. 2.1 Rates of net international migration and natural increase,
Australia, 1991–2018. (Source: Australian Bureau of
Statistics (2019). Australian Historical Population Statistics
updated using data from Australian Bureau of
Statistics, (2020)) 34
Fig. 2.2 Numbers of persons in Australia on a temporary visa,
by visa category, 30 September, 2012–2019.
(Source: Department of Home Affairs, 2020) 39
Fig. 3.1 Skilled employment, employment and education visas
2001/02–2018/19. (Note: WHM is Working Holiday
Maker visa, Source: DHA, 2019) 53
Fig. 4.1 ASFF outcomes for GDP in four scenarios.
(Source: G. Turner) 73
Fig. 4.2 ASFF outcomes for GDP per capita in four scenarios.
Fig. 4.3 ASFF outcomes for greenhouse gas emission in four
scenarios. (Source: G. Turner) 75
Fig. 4.4 ASFF outcomes for net oil imports in four scenarios.
xxvii
xxviii List of Figures
Fig. 4.5 ASFF outcomes for water use in four scenarios.

Fig. 4.6 ASFF projections for landfill volumes to 2060.
(Source: Sobels et al., 2010) 78
Fig. 4.7 Net surface flow, Sydney. (Source: Sobels et al., 2010) 79
Fig. 4.8 Net surface flow, Melbourne. (Source: Sobels et al., 2010) 80
Fig. 4.9 Perth historical streamflow. (Source Water Corporation WA,
2018)81
Fig. 4.10 Perth inflow vs population growth. (Source Water
Corporation WA, 2018) 82
Fig. 5.1 Migrant flows to Australia 1945–2016 by country of origin
and year of arrival. (Source: Derived by authors from ABS:
2016 census—counting persons, place of usual residence
and birthplace of person—4 digit level by year of arrival
in Australia (ranges)) 92
Fig. 5.2 Components of population change: Greater Capital City
comparison, 2016–17. (Source: Simon-Davies (2018)
derived from Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), Regional
Population Growth, Australia, 2016–17, cat no. 3218.0
(revised, August 2018)) 94
Fig. 5.3 Distribution of Vietnamese-born population in Sydney
(a) and Melbourne (b), 2016. (Source: Derived by
authors from ABS 2016 census) 104
Fig. 5.4 Distribution of Chinese-born (a) and Indian-born
(b) population in Sydney, 2016. (Source: Derived
by authors from ABS 2016 census) 106
(b) population in Melbourne, 2016. (Source: Derived
by authors from ABS 2016 census) 107
(b) population in Brisbane, 2016. (Source: Derived by
authors from ABS 2016 census) 109
Fig. 5.7 Residential patterns of overseas-born migrants versus
second-generation Australian-Chinese (a) and Australian-
Indian households (b), Sydney, 2016. (Source: By authors
from ABS census 2016 [second generation was created by
using ABS 2016 census birth place of person (BPLP) =
“Australia,” birth place of father/mother (BPMP & BPFP) =
“India” or “China,” age in 10 year groups (Age10P) >=20.
List of Figures xxix
giving us Australian born, with Chinese or Indian Parents,

aged 20+. Note: BPMP & BPFP have poor response rates
(<50%) but are less open to spurious replies from the
“Ancestry” set of questions]) 112
Fig. 5.8 Residential patterns of overseas-born migrants versus
second-generation Australian-Chinese (a) and Australian-
Indian (b) households, Melbourne, 2016. (Source: Derived
by authors from ABS 2016 census (see Fig. 5.7)) 113
Fig. 5.9 SEIFA/birthplace associations—combined Australian capital
cities, 2016 (a) and 1991 (b). (Source: Derived by authors
from ABS 2016 census, ABS 1991 census, 2016 socio
economic indicators for areas (advantage and disadvantage),
1991 socio economic indicators for areas (advantage and
disadvantage))115
Fig. 5.10 SEIFA/birthplace associations—Melbourne, 2016 (a) and
1991 (b). (Source: Derived by authors from ABS 2016
census, ABS 1991 census, 2016 socio economic indicators
for areas (advantage and disadvantage), 1991 socio
economic indicators for areas (advantage and disadvantage)) 117
Fig. 6.1 Framework for analysis of migrants’ tenure and housing
type decision-making. (Source: Authors) 130
Fig. 6.2 Rates of home ownership and median arrival time for
largest 30 migrant groups to Victoria, Australia 2016.
(Source: Authors’ calculations based on ABS Census of
Population and Housing, Victorian Community profile
data 2016) 140
Fig. 6.3 Household equivalised incomes ($2016) for selected
countries/region of migration origin 2016. (Source:
Authors’ calculations from ABS (2016) Census of
Population and Housing) 141
Fig. 8.1 Number of international students, December 2002–2019.
(Source: Department of Education, Skills and Employment
2020)175
Fig. 8.2 Dwelling types lived in by international students, census
2016. (Source: ABS 2019) 177
Fig. 8.3 International student household types, 2016 census.
(Source: ABS 2019) 180
Fig. 8.4 International students’ adequacy of living space, 2016
census. (Source: ABS 2019) 184
xxx List of Figures
Fig. 8.5 Concentration of higher education and postgraduate research

visa holders in Sydney, 2016. (For an interactive version,
please see http://unsw.to/HE_visa_2016, Source: ABS 2019) 187
Fig. 8.6 Concentration of higher education and postgraduate research
visa holders in Melbourne, 2016. (For an interactive version,
please see http://unsw.to/HE_visa_2016, Source: ABS 2019) 188
Fig. 9.1 Map of Greater Sydney SA2s by proportion of residents
speaking LOTE at home. (Source: ABS, 2017a) 205
Fig. 9.2 Map of Greater Melbourne SA2s by proportion of residents
Fig. 9.3 Map of Greater Brisbane SA2s by proportion of residents
Fig. 9.4 Map of Greater Perth SA2s by proportion of residents
Fig. 9.5 Scatterplots of the proportion of LOTE speakers in relation
to IRSD score in SA2s. (Source: ABS, 2017a) 209
Fig. 9.6 Scatterplots of the proportion of LOTE speakers in relation
to IRSAD score in SA2s. (Source: ABS, 2017a) 209
Fig. 10.1 A 1960s adaptation of inner-city workers’ cottage by
southern European migrants illustrating their preferred
modernist breeze block aesthetic. (Photograph by Anna
Fawcett)227
Fig. 10.2 Terraces on a series of migrant houses built in the 1960s
illustrate the new architecture of openness towards the
neighbours. (Photograph: The author, 2009) 228
Fig. 10.3 Street of migrant housing illustrates the layered levels of
publicness and privacy. (Photograph: The author, 2009) 230
Fig. 11.1 Multimodal fieldwork data. (Source: Kelum Palipane) 252
Fig. 13.1 Fitzroy Town Hall, Melbourne, Australia. (Photograph:
Gifford)292
Fig. 13.2 St Paul’s Cathedral, Anglican church in centre of
Melbourne, Australia. (Photograph: Robinson) 293
Fig. 13.3 IOM documents. (Source: Robinson) 294
Fig. 13.4 Bonegilla 2. (Authorised from the Albury Regional Museum,
2000, courtesy from the National Archives of Australia) 295
List of Figures xxxi
Fig. 13.5 Council project promoting high rise social housing as home.
(Photograph: Gifford) 300
Fig. 13.6 Corona virus. COVID-19. CIRT police and mounted horse
section guard the entrance to the Flemington towers where
three people were arrested. (Photo by Jason South. 7 June
2020)301
Fig. 14.1 Food hall-style informal eateries, Box Hill. (Photo courtesy
of The City Lane October 2017. https://thecitylane.com/
box-hill-central-asian-food- exploration/) 319
Fig. 14.2 A major new development in the area, ‘DKSN’ embraces
the contemporary and youthful rebranding of the suburb.
(Photo R. Williamson) 322
Fig. 14.3 Rebranding of Dickson as fusion-Asian, ‘melting pot’
precinct. (Photograph: R. Williamson) 323
Fig. 14.4 Woolley Street’s multicultural food map. (Photograph:
R. Williamson) 324
Fig. 14.5 Statue of Confucius on the corner of Woolley and Badham
Streets. (Photograph: R. Williamson) 325
List of Tables
Table 1.1 Migration and Australia’s capital cities: migrant share of

capital city population, 2016 6
Table 1.2 Migration and Australia’s capital cities: migrant contribution
to capital city growth, 1996–2016 6
Table 2.1 Percentage distributions of net overseas migration, natural
increase and total population, 2018–19 37
Table 3.1 Population in state and territory capital cities, percentage
of total population 48
Table 3.2 Distribution of residents born overseas across inner capital,
capital and rest of state/territory in 2016, per cent 49
Table 3.3 Lifetime contribution to GDP by migrant category 56
Table 5.1 List of top ten countries of birth for overseas migrants to
Australia: 1954, 1986, 2016 93
Table 5.2 Indices of dissimilarity for major ethnic groups resident in
Australian capital cities, 1991–2016 99
Table 6.1 Tenure by country or region of birth by length of
residence, 2016 138
Table 7.1 Current home suitability, by age cohort and country of birth 159
Table 9.1 Correlations between the proportion of LOTE speakers
in SA2s and SEIFA (IRSD and IRSAD) percentiles
for four cities 211
xxxiii
List of Cases
Case study 1: Carly’s digital housing journey 181

Case study 2: Linh’s digital housing journey 183
Case study 3: Sarah’s digital housing journey 184
Case study 4: Ming’s digital housing journey 189
Case study 5: Jimi’s digital housing journey 190
xxxv
1
Migration and the Shaping
of Australian Cities
Iris Levin, Peter W. Newton, Christian A. Nygaard,
Introduction
Australian cities have been and continue to be shaped by immigration.
Australian cities are now among the world’s most culturally and ethni-
cally diverse and are home to most of the nation’s population. As an
urban migrant nation, there is much to be learned about the ways in
which migration is affecting urban change and transitions in Australia.
Yet since the beginning of the 2000s, research on migration and Australian
cities has diminished, leaving a gap in the published literature at a time
when migration to Australian cities has been expanding. The pause in
I. Levin (*)
Sustainability and Urban Planning, RMIT University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
e-mail: Iris.levin@rmit.edu.au
P. W. Newton • C. A. Nygaard • S. M. Gifford
Centre for Urban Transitions, Swinburne University of Technology,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
e-mail: pnewton@swin.edu.au; anygaard@swin.edu.au; sgifford@swin.edu.au
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 1

I. Levin et al. (eds.), Migration and Urban Transitions in Australia, Global Diversities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91331-1_1
2 I. Levin et al.
immigration caused by the COVID-19 pandemic provides an opportune

moment to reflect on the transformative role that immigration has played
or can play in shaping future urban transitions.
Earlier works by Australian immigration scholars have examined the
nature of migration to Australia and its influence on cities from several
perspectives. One major focus has been the role of immigration in chang-
ing national settlement patterns in Australia, especially the rapid growth
of the major capital cities relative to the regions (Newton & Bell, 1996;
Daley et al., 2017) and the challenges for the planning and management
of cities, their urban environments, and their labour and housing markets
(e.g. Birrell et al., 1984; Birrell & Healy, 2008; Burnley & Murphy, 1994;
Burnley et al., 1997; Murphy, 1993; Fincher, 1998). This reflects a
national debate regarding the advantages and disadvantages of interna-
tional migration to Australia (see Fincher, 1998 for an overview of this
debate).
Another major focus has been the social outcomes of migration in
Australian cities, including socio-cultural diversity and ethnic concentra-
tions, and the planning of such diverse cities (e.g. Burnley, 1998, 1999;
Dunn, 1998; Fincher, 1998; Fincher & Jacobs, 1998; Murphy & Watson,
1994; Sandercock, 2000). Scholars have also explored population and
demographic change due to migration (e.g. Abbasi-Shavazi & McDonald,
2000), aspects regarding immigration from Asian countries to Australia
(e.g. Hugo, 1992), environmental concerns (e.g. Hugo, 1996), social jus-
tice concerns and international migration into regional areas (e.g. Hugo,
2008; Wulff et al., 1993; Wulff & Dharmalingam, 2008). Many of these
debates and publications were supported by the Federal Government’s
Bureau of Immigration Research, which was established in 1989 and
abolished after only seven years of operation in 1996, soon after which
was the election of a conservative government in Australia (Fincher,
2001). Fincher argues that the closing of this successful government
agency has been a ‘defining event in the shifting politics of research about
immigration in Australia’ (p. 40), signalling the new politics of nation-
hood and the lack of support for new research on immigration.
This book aims to reinvigorate a new generation of scholars research-
ing cultural diversity and urban transitions. Using the lens of migration,
this edited collection considers the ways in which Australian cities are
changing, and the challenges they face now and in the future, within the
global context of similar hyper-diverse global cities hosting growing pop-
ulations of new migrant arrivals. The research question we pose in this
book is: What are the ways in which migration is shaping urban transitions
in Australia?
We begin with a brief overview of migration trends since the begin-
ning of the twenty-first century, a period that has witnessed unprece-
dented levels of immigration and population growth of the nation’s major
capital cities – the principal destinations of new arrivals. The second sec-
tion briefly examines the impacts of this period of immigration on the
big cities and the key transitions that have resulted and may continue to
emerge, post COVID-19.
igration and Australian Cities: Brief History

M
and Recent Trends
The period of colonial settlement (1788–1901) established several pat-
terns of development that carry influence through to the present. Australia
remains a settler society founded on migration, first exclusively from the
British Isles and then, progressively, from other parts of the world.
Indigenous communities, who had lived in Australia for tens of thou-
sands of years, suffered genocide at the hands of the early settlers, loss of
life from widespread disease introduced into the country, dispossession of
their land, and the full force of racism and social marginalisation (Porter,
2018). Colonisation imposed a new system of settlement and land own-
ership on Aboriginal landscapes, shaping all future perspectives on devel-
opment (see Sobels & Turner, Chap. 4, this book). The principal urban
settlements in each of the six colonies became capital cities of their state
following Federation in 1901, and subsequently continued to build on
their level of primacy in the national system of settlement up to the pres-
ent – resisting attempts at decentralisation.
The ‘White Australia’ policy, enacted in 1901, encouraged migration
from the British Isles only and blocked migration from neighbouring
Asia-Pacific countries except periodically for manual workers. Along with
4 I. Levin et al.
the racial perception of the time, which positioned Caucasians at the top
and Aboriginals at the bottom of the racial hierarchy, non-White migrants
were expected to segregate, were not allowed to stay permanently, to
intermarry, or to enjoy the same rights as Caucasians. At the 1947 Census,
the non-European population (except for the Indigenous population
which was not counted until 1967) was only 0.25% of the total Australian
population (Jupp, 2002).
After the Second World War, Australia realised it needed to boost its
population for a stronger economy and greater security, prompting a call
to ‘populate or perish’ by the then-Labour Immigration Minister Arthur
Calwell. This led to a large-scale immigration programme that changed
Australia from an insular, British-oriented country to a large and more
diverse society (Castles et al., 2013; Jupp, 2002). It opened Australia to
assisted-passage migrants from Britain and other European countries, as
well as displaced persons, following the Second World War (Jupp, 2002).
In the post-War years, Australia saw the arrival of migrants from Italy,
Greece, Malta, and other Balkan and eastern European countries. Most
of these migrants settled in cities, like most migrants before them (Hugo,
1995), attracted by prospective employment opportunities and cultural
connections. Chain migration played a significant role, with early post-
War European migrants settling where their acquaintances from the same
village or town lived. Due to the heavy concentration of manufacturing
in Melbourne and Sydney, many unskilled migrant labourers settled
there, as well as in Adelaide and Wollongong (Jupp, 2002). Many
migrants settled in crowded and dilapidated inner-city dwellings which
became available when Australian-born residents moved out to the grow-
ing baby-boom suburbs.
With the abolition of the ‘White Australia’ policy in 1973 by the
Whitlam Labor government and the introduction of a policy of multicul-
turalism, Australia changed its approach to migration. Immigration from
Europe and Britain subsequently decreased, and Australia began to
receive large numbers of refugees from the Middle East and Asian coun-
tries, including two major groups in the 1970s and 1980s: refugees from
Vietnam, following the Vietnam War, and refugees from Lebanon, fol-
lowing the Lebanese Civil War. Many of these migrants settled in cities,
joining fellow migrants, due to a strong village chain migration (Burnley,
1982) and greater opportunities for employment, housing and cultural

networks. As a result of the opening of Australia to large-scale migration
from Asia in the 1970s, Australia became one of the most diverse coun-
tries in the world in terms of ethnicity, religion and culture (Castles
et al., 2013).
The multicultural approach to Australian immigration since the 1970s
has encouraged the establishment of many allied services in urban cen-
tres, such as language schools, interpreters in various health clinics and
other government services, and more (Castles et al., 2013). In the 1990s,
the immigration programme introduced new visa categories preferring
skilled or business migrants. This has led to a change in migration intakes
from Asian countries (see McDonald, Chap. 2, this book). Many Chinese
migrants who arrived since the 1990s were business migrants who came
with capital for investment in Australia (Nieuwenhuysen, 1994). This
period coincides with a transition in the nation’s industrial structure:
industrial to post-industrial. Since the 2000s and up until early 2020,
when COVID-19 struck, the two largest migrant groups were skilled
migrants from China and India, many of whom were international stu-
dents arriving on student visas and gaining citizenship onshore after
completing their Australian degrees (Tan & Hugo, 2017). Most interna-
tional students live in urban centres, where Australian universities are
predominantly located.
In terms of migration philosophy, Australia shares similar paths of
their immigration approaches with New Zealand and Canada. These
countries are former colonies and settler societies that have been estab-
lished on the dispossession of native land and successive waves of overseas
migration. In these countries, early migration streams were mostly com-
ing from Britain, and then from Western Europe. Like Australia, these
countries tried to assimilate European migrants into the prevailing British
culture, encouraging them to forgo their cultures, languages and tradi-
tions. In the early 1970s, Canada developed a multicultural approach
which was adopted by Australia and New Zealand, though with some
differences, resulting in more diverse waves of migration from non-
Western countries, many of them ‘visible’ migrants (Colic-Peisker &
Tilbury, 2008).
6 I. Levin et al.
Table 1.1 Migration and Australia’s capital cities: migrant share of capital city
population, 2016
Sydney Perth Melbourne Darwin Brisbane Adelaide Canberra Hobart
39% 39% 36% 29% 28% 28% 28% 15%
Source: The Australian Government, the Treasury and the Department of Home
Affairs, 2018, p. 9
Table 1.2 Migration and Australia’s capital cities: migrant contribution to capital
city growth, 1996–2016
Sydney Perth Melbourne Canberra Darwin Adelaide Brisbane Hobart
63% 50% 50% 44% 42% 42% 41% 32%
Source: The Australian Government, the Treasury and the Department of Home
Affairs, 2018, p. 9
Since the early 2000s, and following the 9/11 attack in 2001, the mul-
ticultural approach has been criticised in many liberal democracies,
including the USA, the UK, Australia and Canada, with a populist back-
lash claiming it has failed to protect nation states from terrorist attacks.
Instead, other philosophies such as interculturalism have emerged,
although Australia still maintains its bi-partisan support of multicultural-
ism (Tables 1.1 and 1.2).
A Profile of Migration, Population, and City Growth
An Urban Nation Australia is a highly urbanised country. In 2016,

almost 90% of the population lived in urban areas (ABS, 2019), and this
trend has always been underpinned by migrant settlement.
Immigration Compared to other traditional immigration countries (e.g.

Canada, New Zealand), Australia has the largest share of residents born
overseas. In 2019, Australia had 29.8% of its residents born overseas,
while New Zealand had 27.4% (2018 figures), Canada had 21% of its
population born overseas (2016 figures), and the USA had only 13.7% of
its population born overseas (2018 figures) (ABS, 2020a; Pew Research
Centre, 2021; Statistics Canada, 2019; Stats NZ, 2020). In 2019, the
proportion of overseas-born in Sydney (42.9%), Perth (42.7%) and
Melbourne (40.2%) significantly surpassed the national average (29.8%)
of overseas-born (ABS, 2020b).
Population Growth Rate The rate and numerical volume of population

growth: Australia’s population has been growing at a rate of 1.4% per year
since 1971 – high by comparison with most OECD countries (The
Australian Government, The Treasury Centre for Population, 2020). A
key component of this growth has been (net) overseas migration (NOM).
Since 2000, NOM has exceeded natural population increase (see Fig. 1.1).
COVID-19 Impact During COVID-19, both components of population

growth declined. More people left Australia in 2020–21 than arrived.
High migration levels are expected to resume after COVID-19 (as seen in
Fig. 1.1) and continue to underpin government long-term fiscal and eco-
nomic planning (ABS, 2020c; Treasury, 2021). Nevertheless, the cumu-
lative impact of lower natural increase and NOM during COVID-19 is
expected to result in a smaller economy and population than otherwise
projected by the middle of the twenty-first century. The chapters by
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
-50
-100
-150
Natural increaase Net overseas migration

IGR projected net overseas migration
Fig. 1.1 Natural increase and NOM 1981–2060, thousands. (Source: ABS, 2020b;
Treasury, 2021, Note: Intergenerational Report (IGR))
8 I. Levin et al.
McDonald and Nygaard (see McDonald, Chap. 2; Nygaard, Chap. 3,

this book) detail the evolving role of migration-based population growth
as nation-building and economic policy.
Capital City Growth Immigration is not only a major contributor to the

nation’s population growth; it is a significant driver of the growth of its
capital cities (Tables 1.1 and 1.2). Overseas-born residents constitute a
major share (high by world standards) of the total population in these
centres. Metropolitan planning in the major cities has not kept pace with
their rate of population growth, reflected in negative impacts on urban
liveability (housing supply and affordability; traffic congestion and pub-
lic transport provision; loss of green space, etc. (Newton & Doherty,
2014; Newton et al., 2017), and the environment more broadly (see
Sobels & Turner, Chap. 4, this book). Prior to COVID-19, ABS forecasts
indicated that Australia was on a mega-city growth trajectory in relation
to Sydney and Melbourne. While there has been some evidence of
increased interest in regional living during COVID-19, its longevity is
unclear. Moreover, the increasing emphasis on skilled and temporary
migration also generates an additional capital-city bias (see Nygaard,
Chap. 3, this book). Australian federal and state governments continue to
search for a sustainable population and industry decentralisation policy
(Prime Minister of Australia, 2019); one which needs to be based on an
unprecedented level of investment in mega-metropolitan regional plan-
ning (Newton et al., 2022).
Internal Migration and Population Redistribution Australia also has one of

the highest levels of internal migration in the world (The Australian
Government, The Treasury Centre for Population, 2020), a principal
driver of population redistribution within the country. Propensity for
internal migration over a five-yearly period varies by category of move.
Based on five-yearly averages over a 30-year period to 2016, there was an
approximate 5% propensity to move inter-state, 14% to move inter-
regionally or between cities, and 30% to move between housing markets
(SA2s) (Charles-Edwards et al., 2018). The few studies of internal migra-
tion of international migrants in Australia indicate that their levels of
mobility are higher than those of the Australian-born, attributable to
their younger average age and the fact that greater housing adjustments
are often needed in the period following arrival (Charles-Edwards et al.,
2018). There were significant differences in mobility levels between the
English-speaking and non-English-speaking migrant groups, however,
with the latter exhibiting significantly lower levels of movement (Hugo
& Harris, 2011).
Changes in the Composition of the Population The 2016 census revealed

that nearly half (49%) of all Australians were either born overseas (first-
generation, 28.4%) or have at least one parent born overseas (second-
generation, 20.9%; ABS, 2017). A major transition currently underway
is a shift in migrant origins from a traditionally European base to Asian
(Newton et al. Chap. 5, this book). These trends represent a major focus
of this book, exploring how immigration is shaping the social fabric, cul-
ture, norms and attitudes of Australian society and settlement in the early
twenty-first century. In keeping with many developed societies, Australia’s
population is also ageing. The median age of Australia’s population was
30 in 1950, declining to a low of 27.4 in 1970 and steadily rising to 37 in
2015 (Ritchie & Roser, 2019; compared to a global mean age of 30).
Immigration to Australia has served to offset some of the effects of longer
life-expectancy and population aging, an impact that is expected to take
on additional relevance in the coming decades (UN, 2019) – a reflection
of the Australian government’s policy emphasis on skilled migration and
international students (see McDonald, Chap. 2, this book).
Immigration, Impacts and Urban Transitions

in Australia
Urban transitions scholarship has traditionally focused on sustainable
development addressing ‘wicked challenges such as climate change and
urbanisation’ (Borgström, 2019, p. 463). Recently, however, the debate
has expanded to tackle other major societal challenges such as migration
and urban diversity. The growing scholarship on urban transitions is now
opening up to questions about suburban urbanisation (e.g. Newton et al.,
2017), sense of place and sense of belonging (e.g. Frantzeskaki et al., 2018;
10 I. Levin et al.
Frantzeskaki & Rok, 2018), spatial inequality in cities (e.g. Gusdorf et al.,
2008) and to viewing cultural diversity in cities as a driver of transforma-
tive innovation and systemic solutions (e.g. Borgström, 2019; Wolfram,
2016). Below, we present several significant areas where immigration has
made noteworthy impact and initiated urban transitions in Australia.
Impact of Immigration on Environmental Sustainability
Stimulated by the publication and impact of the United Nation’s

Brundtland Report, a National Strategy for Ecologically Sustainable
Development was prepared by the Hawke federal government in 1992,
following two years of extensive consultation. With a multi-sectoral
focus, it was the first to highlight the national challenges facing Australia
on many environmental fronts: biodiversity, energy, water, waste, and
greenhouse gas emissions among them. Fast-forward 30 years and the
many federal reports issued since continue to reinforce the growing sus-
tainability threats Australia faces now and into the future. During this
period, the United Nations also released its landmark Sustainable
Development Goals report – an attempt to focus on 17 primary goals
and targets – intended to be achieved by the year 2030. Australia is a
party to these goals, but it is lagging in response to tackling many of its
targets related to sustainable production, consumption, and population
(UNAA, 2019).
Australia’s current pattern of development and consumption in the
twenty-first century is unsustainable. Australia’s ecological footprint – an
aggregate measure of its resource consumption and waste generation,
including greenhouse gas emissions – has long been identified as one of
the largest in the world: 7.31 ha/person versus world average of 2.77
(Newton, 2012; World Population Review, 2021). Regions that are now
Australia’s largest sources of migrants have much smaller footprints:
China 3.71; India 1.19; Sri Lanka 1.49; Vietnam 2.24; Malaysia 3.91;
Lebanon 3.33. However, research has shown that following settlement in
Australia, the consumption patterns and size of ecological footprint of
migrants become aligned with and often exceed those of the Australian-
born population (Sobels et al., 2010; Ting et al., 2018).
There has been continued failure to develop a national population and

settlement policy and strategy by the Australian government over decades,
despite multiple attempts (Allen, 2017). Australia’s immigration policy in
effect has become its de facto population policy according to the
Productivity Commission (2016, p. 2). While it argues that government
decisions about immigration policy should take into account economic,
social and environmental impacts, the recent Australian Government,
Treasury and Department of Home Affairs Report (2018) on population
growth and immigration focuses almost exclusively on the significance of
migration to national economic growth (54 of its 56 pages are on the
economy, two refer to social inclusion and none to the environment).
Financial commentators also refer to Australia as the world’s first immi-
gration economy (Babones, 2018), requiring continued injection of
migrants to maintain its consumer-based economic growth.
Radical transitions will be required in multiple sectors of industry, the
built environment and the household sector, if ecologically sustainable
development is to be realised. Sobels and Turner (Chap. 4, this book)
have applied a Stocks and Flows framework/model to future develop-
ment scenarios of the national economy that link alternative population,
consumption and technology inputs – the core factors in Ehrlich and
Holdren’s (1971) formula that describes the impact of human activity on
the environment. Sobels and Turner identify a pathway to sustainable
development in Australia involving a stabilised population, lower con-
sumption and introduction of green technologies (especially renewable
energy).
Given the acceleration of global warming and climate change over the
past decade (Hewson et al., 2021) and the way it is magnifying impacts
on both natural and built environments in Australia and globally, this has
become more critical for governments (Newton et al., 2017). The lack of
political response to the ‘slow burn’ of the environment registered over
decades in Australia (Newton, 2011) has resulted in major loss of biodi-
versity and habitat in natural ecosystems as well as health and well-being
threats to urban environments and their residents. Without holding
future temperature increases to 1.5° Celsius above pre-industrial levels,
there will be an abandonment and depopulation of marginal farming
regions, retreat from areas of coastal settlement impacted by sea level rise,
12 I. Levin et al.
a major reduction in city liveability due to urban heat, and mounting

pressure to accept large numbers of climate refugees from less developed
countries unable to adapt to climate change (an issue of environmental
justice).
Industrial, Population and Settlement Transitions
Kelly et al. (2014, p. 1) summarised the evolution of urban settlement in

Australia thus:
Until the early 20th century, one in three workers were employed in pri-
mary industry and almost half of the population lived on rural properties
or in towns of less than 3000. By 1960 manufacturing had grown to make
up almost 30 percent of GDP and employ one in four Australians, with a
big presence in suburban areas.
Today, Australia’s metropolitan areas with populations above half a mil-

lion account for two thirds of national GDP (OECD, 2018) and the
largest two cities contributed three quarters of national GDP growth in
2018–2019 (Melbourne 40% and Sydney 33%; SGS Economics &
Planning, 2019).
Australia’s post-industrial transition to an information economy has
seen economic activity concentrating most heavily in the CBDs and
inner suburbs of the larger cities, having displaced manufacturing indus-
tries and their workforces (Gipps et al., 1997). Large cities are now
defined according to their roles in global economies and networks, acting
as command and control centres in managing the flows of information,
capital, skills and power. Representing agglomeration economies, they
attract industries that benefit from spatial clustering and from locations
where there is concomitant concentration of human capital, which
encourages knowledge spillover between firms and increased creativity
and innovation (Glaeser, 2011).
As engines of national economies, cities represent the principal desti-
nations for overseas migrants. Cities are even stronger magnets for human
and financial capital when they are high on world liveability rankings
(viz. Australia’s five largest capital cities are ranked in the top 20 of EIU
listings; see EIU, 2019). Migration and the transition of migrant-

dominated residential neighbourhoods into ‘ethnic precincts’ – e.g.
Italian, Vietnamese and Chinese – are today key features of the liveability
image of Sydney and Melbourne (see Nygaard, Chap. 3; Colic-Peisker &
Peisker, Chap. 9; and Williamson, Banwell & Dixon, Chap. 14,
this book).
International students have been a considerable recent source of
growth in migration to Australian cities. In the last decade or so, Australian
universities have increased their share of international students, making
this sector one of the main export industries in the Australian economy
(Hurley, 2021). This has been initiated by changes in visa provisions and
coincided with the desire of some state governments to densify inner-city
development. From minimal numbers in the early 1990s to about
680,000 international students in 2020 (Austrade, 2020), this growth in
migration has created an opportunity for both governments and the pri-
vate sector to vitalise the CBDs and adjacent areas by building multi-unit
purpose-built student apartments near university campuses (see Parkinson
et al. Chap. 8, this book). In 2019, Melbourne’s CBD had the largest
number of international students in Australia, at almost 20,000, or 38%
of the resident population (Hurley, 2020). The recent COVID-19 pan-
demic has halted international student migration to Australian cities,
leading to a financial crisis of the higher education sector, as well as to
empty student apartment buildings and CBDs. Currently (early 2022),
the impact of the pandemic on the flow of international students to
Australia is far from over.
Urban Form and Housing Transitions
Over the past 220 years, migration enabled a succession of urban eco-
nomic transitions: from convict settlement to coastal commercial centres
in the nineteenth century; then to manufacturing and industrial centres
in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, before transitioning to
post-industrial and service-based centres beginning in the 1970s, a func-
tion that continues to this day.
14 I. Levin et al.
Despite the popular image of Australia, domestically and internation-

ally, as an outback society, most migrants remain within one of the seven
capital cities (see Burke et al. Chap. 6; Nygaard, Chap. 3, this book). The
tendency for migrants to remain in cities has left a legacy of public policy
discourse concerned with decentralising population growth and eco-
nomic activity as a means of easing infrastructure and housing market
pressures in capital cities, particularly Sydney and Melbourne, as most
recently articulated in the Australian Government’s (2020) Planning for
Australia’s Future Population.
As discussed by Burke et al. (Chap. 6, this book), where migrants
ended up living in Australia’s growing cities depended on the attributes of
the housing market and labour market of each period. Moreover, many
English migrants in the nineteenth century arrived with expectations
around housing outcomes drawn from their own rapidly urbanising and
industrialising background (Jupp, 1991), resulting in the early suburban-
isation of Australian cities as well as high (by international standards)
rates of home ownership. Both these legacies are now gradually changing.
Institutional (including planning) housing market changes and composi-
tional changes to country of origin accompanying the transition to
service-based economic activity and skills-based (and unassisted) migra-
tion is changing the housing market conditions and outcomes for many
migrants.
Housing transition is also reflected in the type and architectural mark-
ings of housing inhabited by many migrants. Many post-War European
migrants recrafted the prevailing brick veneer detached dwelling typical
of Australian suburbs with architectural markings associated with their
migrant groups even more than their countries of origin. This housing
expression of migration became the focal point of anti-migrant rhetoric;
more recent ethnic-minority residents, on the other hand, tend to make
invisible their architectural traditions (Levin, 2016; see Lozanovska,
Chap. 10, this book).
In this regard, migrant-specific investment infrastructure (see Burke
et al. Chap. 6, this book) and the studentification of rental markets in
housing markets close to educational institutions (see Parkinson et al.
Chap. 8, this book) are both cause and effect of recentralisation and den-
sification outcomes, as well as the variation in tenure outcomes across
different migrant groups. Notwithstanding the differences in housing

outcomes between some migrant groups and the Australian-born popula-
tion, the housing aspirations of migrants do not appear to differ from
that of the Australian-born population (see Stone et al. Chap. 7,
this book).
The gradual transition of Australia’s immigration policy, from favour-
ing predominantly white British settlers via a series of inter-governmental
agreements with European countries following the Second World War to
a skills-based system in the 1990s, also meant that the ethnic and racial
composition of migrants changed over time. Consequently, many sub-
urbs exhibit particular ethnic and racial compositions, some of which
have persisted over time, others which have changed as migrants either
settle in newly establishing suburbs or relocate from inner city arrival
gateways to newly establishing suburbs (see Newton et al. Chap. 5; Burke
et al. Chap. 6, this book). Although concerns about ‘swamping’ are raised
in Australia, as in many other migrant societies, the concentration of
migrants from non-Anglophone countries is less in Australia than in
comparable countries (like the USA and UK). Moreover, areas of erst-
while residential concentration have transitioned into ‘ethnic precincts’
that have become integral to liveability and the cosmopolitan fabric (see
Colic-Peisker & Peisker, Chap. 9; Williamson et al. Chap. 14, this book).
Socio-Cultural Transitions
Ongoing international migration to Australia has seen some Australian

capital cities become multicultural and diverse, in parallel to many other
global cities. Yet urban diversity in Australian cities is not only about
migrants and refugees but also about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
peoples in urban environments, as well as second and third generations of
migrants. Some Australian cities have been recently described as super-
diverse (Davern et al., 2015). This means that in line with international
experience, since the beginning of the 2000s, Australia has seen more
complex settlement patterns of migrants, coming from a greater range of
countries and bringing with them a greater diversity of socio-economic
Another random document with
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36
Ingersoll’s History, i. 120.
37
Serurier to Bassano, July 21, 1813; Archives des Aff. Étr. MSS.
38
National Intelligencer, July 17, 20, 22, 1813.
39
Madison to Gallatin, Aug. 2, 1813; Works, ii. 566.
40
Executive Journal, ii. 388.
41
Monroe to Jefferson, June 28, 1813; Adams’s Gallatin, p. 484.
42
Monroe to Jefferson, June 28, 1813; Adams’s Gallatin, p. 484.
Cf. Madison to the Senate, July 6, 1813; Executive Journal, ii.
381.
43
Hanson to Pickering, Oct. 16, 1813; Pickering MSS.
44
Harrison to Eustis, Aug. 10, 1812; Dawson, p. 273.
45
46
47
Dawson, p. 296.
48
Winchester to the “National Intelligencer,” Sept. 16, 1816.
49
Eustis to Harrison, Sept. 17, 1812; Dawson, p. 299. Eustis to
Governor Shelby, Sept. 17, 1812. McAffee, p. 117.
50
Dawson, p. 312.
51
McAffee, p. 184.
52
Armstrong to Harrison, April 4, 1813; Armstrong’s Notices, i.
245.
53
Harrison to Secretary of War, Jan. 4, 1813; Dawson, p. 337.
54
Dawson, p. 333. Armstrong’s Notices, i. 63, 86.
55
Dawson, p. 454.
56
Harrison to the Secretary of War, Jan. 4, 1813; Dawson, p.
339.
57
339.
58
339.
59
339.
60
Winchester to the “National Intelligencer,” Sept. 16, 1817;
Major Eves’s Statement; Armstrong’s Notices, i. 203. Cf.
Dawson, p. 443.
61
Winchester’s Statement; Armstrong’s Notices, i. 197.
62
McAffee, p. 230.
63
McAffee, p. 237.
64
65
Winchester to the “National Intelligencer,” Dec. 13, 1817.
66
67
James, i. 185; Richardson, p. 74.
68
Richardson, p. 75.
69
70
71
Harrison to the Secretary of War, Jan. 26, 1813; Official
Letters, p. 125.
72
Harrison to Governor Meigs, Jan. 19, 1813; “National
Intelligencer,” Feb. 11, 1813.
73
McAffee, p. 210; Armstrong’s Notices, i. 200.
74
Harrison to the Secretary of War, Feb. [Jan.] 20, 1813; MSS.
War Department Archives.
75
McAffee, p. 233.
76
Dawson, p. 364.
77
Life of Sir George Prevost; App. xxv. p 74. Christie, ii. 115.
78
Return of the whole of the troops engaged at Frenchtown, Jan.
22, 1813; MSS. Canadian Archives, c. 678, p. 18.
79
Christie, ii. 69; James, i. 186; Richardson, p. 75.
80
Proctor’s Report of Jan. 25, 1813; James, i. 418.
81
James, i. 185, 186.
82
Return, etc.; MSS. Canadian Archives, c. 648, p. 18.
83
Richardson, p. 76.
84
Statement of Madison, March 13, 1813; Niles, iv. 83.
85
Richardson’s War of 1812, p. 79.
86
Dawson, p. 362.
87
Dawson, p. 356.
88
Armstrong’s Notices, i. 85.
89
Dawson, p. 370.
90
McAffee, p. 240.
91
Dawson, p. 375.
92
Dawson, p. 373.
93
Armstrong’s Notices, i. 242.
94
Dawson, p. 337.
95
Proctor’s Report of May 4, 1813; Richardson, p. 94; James, i.
196, 429.
96
Lossing, p. 486, note.
97
Richardson, p. 86; James, i. 198.
98
Harrison to Armstrong, May 13, 1813; MSS. War Department
Archives.
99
Richardson, pp. 87, 88. Harrison to Armstrong, May 9, 1813;
MSS. War Department Archives.
100
Richardson, p. 88.
101
Harrison to Armstrong, May 13, 1813; MSS. War Department
Archives.
102
Proctor’s Report of May 14, 1813; James, i. 428; Richardson,
pp. 93, 94.
103
Prevost to Proctor, July 11, 1813; Armstrong’s Notices i. 228.
104
Richardson, p. 111.
105
James, i. 264, 265; Richardson, p. 104; Christie, p. 117.
106
Dawson, p. 408.
107
McAffee, p. 322.
108
McAffee, p. 323.
109
Governor Duncan’s Report, 1834; Armstrong’s Notices, i. 230.
110
Dawson, p. 408.
111
Richardson, p. 105.
112
Proctor to Prevost, Aug. 9, 1813; MSS. Canadian Archives.
113
Life of Prevost, p. 106, note.
114
Governor Duncan’s Report, 1834; Armstrong’s Notices, i. 230.
115
Richardson, p. 104.
116
James, ii. 264.
117
Dawson, p. 407; McAffee, p. 302.
118
Armstrong’s Notices, i. 166, note.
119
Harrison to Armstrong, March 17, 1813; Notices, i. 242.
120
Richardson, p. 110; James, Naval Occurrences, p. 285.
121
Barclay’s Report of Sept. 12, 1813; James, Naval
Occurrences. Appendix, no. 54.
122
McAffee, p. 334.
123
Harrison to Meigs, Oct. 11, 1813; Official Letters, p. 239.
124
Armstrong, i. 171, note; McAffee, p. 286.
125
R. M. Johnson to Armstrong, Dec. 22, 1834; Armstrong, i. 232.
126
Perry to Secretary Jones, Sept. 24, 1813; Official Letters, p.
215.
127
James, i. 269.
128
Richardson, p. 119.
129
Harrison to Meigs, Oct. 11, 1813; Official Letters, p. 239.
130
Richardson, pp. 126, 133, 134.
131
Perry to Secretary Jones, Sept. 27, 1813; Official Letters, p.
220.
132
Harrison to Armstrong, Sept. 27, 1813; Dawson, p. 421.
133
Harrison to Armstrong, Oct. 9, 1813; Official Letters, p. 233.
134
Report of Oct. 23, 1813; MSS. British Archives. Lower Canada,
vol. cxxiii.
135
Richardson, pp. 133, 134.
136
Harrison’s Report, Oct. 9, 1813; Official Letters, p. 234.
137
Narrative of Lieutenant Bullock, Dec. 6, 1813; Richardson, p.
137.
138
Proctor’s Report of Oct. 23, 1813; MSS. British Archives.
139
Richardson, pp. 122, 139.
140
Richardson, p. 136.
141
James, i. 278.
142
Report of Lieutenant Bullock, Dec. 6, 1813; Richardson, p.
140.
143
Harrison’s Report of Oct. 9, 1813; Official Letters, p. 233.
144
R. M. Johnson to Armstrong, Dec. 22, 1834; Armstrong’s
Notices, i. 232.
145
Report of Lieutenant Bullock, Dec. 6, 1813; Richardson, p.
140.
146
Richardson, p. 136.
147
R. M. Johnson to Armstrong, Nov. 21, 1813; MSS. War
Department Archives.
148
Richardson, p. 125. Lewis Cass to Armstrong, Oct. 28, 1813;
MSS. War Department Archives.
149
Return of Right Division, Richardson, p. 129.
150
Prevost to Bathurst, Feb. 14, 1815; MSS. British Archives.
151
W. H. Robinson to Prevost, Aug. 27, 1814; MSS. British
Archives.
152
Prevost to Bathurst, Aug. 27, 1814; MSS. British Archives,
Lower Canada, vol. cxxviii. no. 190.
153
James, i. 140.
154
Report of Major Macdonnell, Feb. 23, 1813; James, i.
Appendix no. 16.
155
State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 608.
156
Armstrong to Dearborn, Feb. 10, 1813; Armstrong’s Notices, i.
221.
157
Note presented to Cabinet, Feb. 8, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. Appendix xxvi.; State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 439.
158
State Papers; Military Affairs, i. 440.
159
Distribution of Forces in Canada; Canadian Archives, Freer
Papers, 1812–1813, p. 47.
160
Dearborn to Armstrong, March 9, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 441.
161
Dearborn to Armstrong, March 9, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 442.
162
163
Armstrong to Dearborn, April 19, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 442.
164
165
James, i. 143, 149.
166
Letter of Dearborn, Oct. 17, 1814; Niles, viii. 36.
167
Niles, iv. 238.
168
Table of Land Battles; Niles, x. 154.
169
Dearborn to Armstrong, April 28, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 443.
170
Dearborn to Armstrong, May 13, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 444.
171
James, i. p. 151.
172
Vincent to Sir George Prevost, May 28, 1813; James, i. 407;
Appendix no. 21.
173
Return of killed, etc.; James, i. 410.
174
Morgan Lewis to Armstrong, July 5, 1813; MSS. War
175
James, i. 203.
176
Armstrong to Dearborn, June 19, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 449.
177
Table of land battles; Niles, x. 154.
178
Morgan Lewis to Armstrong, June 14, 1813; Official Letters, p.
165. Chandler to Dearborn, June 18, 1813; Official Letters, p.
169.
179
Vincent to Prevost, June 6, 1813; James, i. p. 431.
180
Chandler’s Report of June 18, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. p. 448.
181
Report of Colonel Harvey, June 6, 1813; Canadiana, April,
1889. Report of General Vincent, June 6, 1813; James, i. p.
431.
182
Morgan Lewis to Armstrong, June 14 (8?), 1813; Official
Letters, p. 165.
183
184
185
186
187
188
Morgan Lewis to Armstrong, July 5, 1813; MSS. War
189
Memoir of Dearborn, etc., compiled by Charles Coffin, p. 139.
190
Court of Inquiry on Colonel Boerstler, Feb. 17, 1815; Niles x.
19.
191
James, i. 216.
192
Dearborn to Armstrong, June 25, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs; i. 449.
193
James, i. 165; Colonel Baynes to Prevost, May 30, 1813;
James, i. 413.
194
Report of Sir George Prevost, June 1, 1813; MSS. British
Archives.
195
Prevost to Bathurst, June 1, 1813; MSS. British Archives.
Prevost’s Life, p. 82, 83.
196
James, i. 165, 166. Brenton to Freer, May 30, 1813; MSS.
Canadian Archives, Freer Papers, 1812–1813, p. 183.
197
Report of Colonel Baynes, May 30, 1813; James, i. 413.
198
Brown to Dearborn, July 25, 1813; Dearborn MSS.
199
Prevost’s Report of June 1, 1813; MSS. British Archives.
200
James, i. 175.
201
Report of Colonel Baynes, May 30, 1813; James, i. 413.
202
Brenton to Freer, May 30, 1813; MSS. Canadian Archives.
Freer Papers, 1812–1813.
203
Quarterly Review, xxvii. 419; Christie, ii. 81; James, i. 177.
204
Brown’s Report of June 1, 1813; Niles, iv. 260.
205
Brown to Dearborn, July 25, 1813; Dearborn MSS.
206
James, i. 165.
207
Return, etc.; James, i. 417.
208
Baynes’s Report of May 30, 1813; James, i. 413.
209
Strictures on General Wilkinson’s Defence; from the Albany
“Argus.” Niles, ix. 425.
210
Armstrong to Wilkinson, March 10, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 341.
211
Armstrong to Wilkinson, March 12, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 342.
212
Autobiography, p. 94, note.
213
Strictures; Niles, ix. 425.
214
Wilkinson, to Armstrong, May 23, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 341.
215
Armstrong’s Notices, ii. 23.
216
217
Scott’s Autobiography, p. 50.
218
Scott’s Autobiography, p. 36.
219
Hampton to Armstrong, Aug. 23, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. Appendix xxxvi.
220
Memorandum by Armstrong, July 23, 1813; Wilkinson to
Armstrong, Aug. 6, 1813; State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 463;
221
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Aug. 8, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 464.
222
223
Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. Appendix xxxv.
224
Hampton to Armstrong, Aug. 23, 1813; Memoirs, iii. Appendix
xxxvi.
225
Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 358.
226
Hampton to Armstrong, Aug. 31, 1813; MSS. War Department
Archives. Armstrong to Wilkinson, Sept. 6, 1813; Wilkinson’s
Memoirs, iii. Appendix xxxvii.
227
Armstrong’s Notices, ii. 33; Memorandum of July 23, 1813;
228
Minutes, etc.; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. Appendix no. 1.
229
Wilkinson to Swartwout, Aug. 25, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 51.
230
Cf. Wilkinson to Armstrong, Oct. 19, 1813; State Papers,
Military Affairs, i. 472.
231
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Sept. 6, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii.
Appendix xxxvii.
232
Testimony of Brigadier-General Boyd; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii.
80.
233
234
235
236
Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 190; Paper A, note.
237
Armstrong to Hampton, Oct. 16, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii.
361.
238
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Oct. 19, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 472.
239
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Oct. 19, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 472.
240
241
Armstrong to Swartwout, Oct. 16, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 70.
242
Council of War, Nov. 8, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii.
Appendix xxiv. Report of Adjutant-General, Dec. 1, 1813,
Appendix vii.
243
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Oct. 28, 1813; MSS. War Department
Archives.
244
General Order of Encampment; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 126;
Order of October 9, Appendix iii.
245
Minutes etc.; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. Appendix xxiv.
246
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Oct. 27, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. Appendix xli.
247
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Oct. 30, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 474.
248
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Nov. 12, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 474.
249
Journal etc.; State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 477.
250
Evidence of General Boyd; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 84;
Evidence of Doctor Bull; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 214.
251
252
Autobiography, pp. 93, 94.
253
Wilkinson’s Defence, Memoirs, iii. 451; Ripley’s Evidence,
254
Evidence of General Boyd; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 85.
255
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Nov. 18, 1813; Niles, v. 235.
256
Evidence of Colonel Walbach; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 151.
257
James, i. 323–325, 467.
258
Return, etc., State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 476.
259
Morrison’s Report of Nov. 12, 1813; James, i. 451.
260
Journal, Nov. 11, 1813; State Papers, Military Affairs, i. 478.
261
Evidence of Colonel Walbach; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 145;
Evidence of Colonel Pinkney, iii. 311.
262
Evidence of Brigadier-General Boyd; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii.
91.
263
James, i. 242; Christie, ii. 94.
264
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Aug. 30, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 466.
265
Armstrong to Hampton, Sept. 28, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 460. Cf. Armstrong’s Notices, ii. 25.
266
267
Prevost to Bathurst, Oct. 8, 1813; MSS. British Archives.
268
Weekly General Return, Sept. 15, 1813; MSS. Canadian
Archives, Freer Papers, 1813, p. 35.
269
Cf. Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. Appendix xxiv.; Council of War,
Nov. 8, 1813; Wilkinson’s Defence, Memoirs, iii. 449.
270
Hampton to Armstrong, Oct. 12, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 460.
271
James, i. 307.
272
Hampton to Armstrong, Nov. 1, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 461.
273
Prevost to Bathurst, Oct. 30, 1813; James, i. 462.
274
Hampton to Armstrong, Nov. 1, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 461.
275
Hampton to Armstrong, Nov. 1, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs iii.
Appendix lxix.
276
Wilkinson to Hampton, Nov. 6, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 462.
277
Hampton to Wilkinson, Nov. 8, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, 462.
278
Wilkinson to Hampton; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. Appendix v.
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Nov. 24, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 480.
279
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Nov. 17, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 478.
280
281
Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 362, note.
282
McClure to Armstrong, Dec. 10, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 486.
283
Armstrong to McClure, Oct. 4, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 484.
284
Wilkinson to Armstrong, Sept. 16, 1813; Sept. 20, 1813; State
Papers, Military Affairs, i. 467, 469.
285
Armstrong to McClure, Nov. 25, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 485.
286
McClure to Armstrong, Dec. 10 and 13, 1813; State Papers,
Military Affairs, i. 486.
287
James, ii. 77.
288
McClure to Armstrong, Dec. 22, 1813; State Papers, Military
Affairs, i. 487.
289
Christie, ii. 140.
290
James, ii. 20, 21.
291
James, ii. 23.
292
Christie, ii. 143; Niles, v. 382.
293
Parton’s Jackson, i. 372.
294
Monroe to Pinckney, Jan. 13, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
295
Monroe to Wilkinson, Jan. 30, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
296
Annals of Congress, 1812–1813, p. 124.
297
Annals of Congress, 1812–1813, p. 127.
298
Act of Feb. 12, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, iii. 339.
299
300
Armstrong to Jackson, March 22, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
301
Armstrong to Pinckney, Feb. 15, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
302
Armstrong to Pinckney, March 7, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
303
Gallatin’s Works, i. 539, note.
304
Gallatin to Monroe, May 2, 1813; Gallatin’s Writings, i. 539.
305
Monroe to Gallatin, May 5, 1813; Gallatin’s Writings, i. 540.
306
Monroe to Gallatin, May 6, 1813; Gallatin’s Writings, 1. 542.
307
Gallatin to Monroe, May 8, 1813; Gallatin’s Writings, i. 544.
308
Armstrong to Wilkinson, Feb. 16, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs,
iii. 339.
309
Minutes of a Council of War, Aug. 4, 1813; Wilkinson’s
Memoirs, i. 498–503.
310
Eustis to Wilkinson, April 15, 1812; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, i.
495.
311
Wilkinson’s Memoirs, i. 507–522.
312
Armstrong to Wilkinson, May 22, 1813; Wilkinson’s Memoirs, i.
521.
313
Armstrong to Wilkinson, May 27, 1813; MSS. War Department
Records.
314
Hawkins’s Sketch, p. 24.
315
U. S. Commissioners to Governor Irwin, July 1, 1796; State
Papers, Indian Affairs, i. 611.
316
Talk of the Creek Indians, June 24, 1796; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 604.
317
Life of Sam Dale, p. 59.
318
Hawkins to the Creek Chiefs, June 16, 1814; State Papers,
Indian Affairs, i. 845.
319
Report of Alexander Cornells, June 22, 1813; State Papers,
Indian Affairs, i. 845, 846.
320
Hawkins to General Pinckney, July 9, 1813; State Papers,
321
Hawkins to the Creek Chiefs, March 29, 1813; State Papers,
322
Hawkins to Armstrong, Aug. 23, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i 851.
323
324
Letter from Kaskaskias, Feb. 27, 1813; Niles, iv. 135.
325
Hawkins to the Creek Chiefs, March 29, 1813; State Papers,
326
Hawkins to Armstrong, March 25, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 840.
327
Report of the Big Warrior, April 26, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 843.
328
Report of Nimrod Doyell, May 3, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 843.
329
330
Talosee Fixico to Hawkins, July 5, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 847.
331
Hawkins to Armstrong, July 20, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 849.
332
Hawkins to Armstrong, Aug. 23, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 851.
333
Carson to Claiborne, July 29, 1813; Life of Dale, p. 78.
334
Hawkins to Floyd, Sept. 30, 1813; State Papers, Indian Affairs,
i. 854.
335
Pickett’s Alabama, ii. 264.
336
Life of Dale, 106.
337
Hawkins to Armstrong, July 20, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 849.
338
Hawkins to Floyd, Sept. 30, 1813; State Papers, Indian Affairs,
i. 854.
339
Big Warrior to Hawkins, Aug. 4, 1813; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 851.
340
Report of General Coffee, Nov. 4, 1813; Niles, v. 218.
341
Jackson to Blount, Nov. 11, 1813; Niles, v. 267.
342
343
Blount to Jackson, Dec. 22, 1813; Parton’s Jackson, i. 479,
480–484.
344
Hawkins’s Sketch, pp. 43, 44.
345
Cocke to the Secretary of War, Nov. 28, 1813; Niles, v. 282,
283.
346
Cocke to White; Parton’s Jackson, i. 451.
347
Floyd to Pinckney, Dec. 4, 1813; Niles, v. 283.
348
Pinckney to Armstrong, Dec. 28, 1813; MSS. War Department
Archives.
349
Pinckney to Jackson, Jan. 19, 1814; MSS. War Department
Archives.
350
Parton, i. 864.
351
Hawkins’s Sketch, p. 45.
352
Jackson to Pinckney, Jan. 29, 1814; Niles, v. 427.
353
354
355
Pickett’s Alabama, ii. 336.
356
Jackson to Pinckney, Jan. 29, 1814; Niles v. 427.
357
Letter from Milledgeville, March 16, 1814; “The War,” April 5,
1814.
358
Floyd to Pinckney, Jan. 27, 1814; Niles, v. 411.
359
Floyd to Pinckney, Feb. 2, 1814; Military and Naval Letters, p.
306. Hawkins to Armstrong, June 7, 1814; State Papers,
360
Pinckney to the Governor of Georgia, Feb. 20, 1814; Niles, vi.
132.
361
Pinckney to Colonel Williams, Dec. 23, 1813; MSS. War
362
363
364
Cocke’s Defence; “National Intelligencer,” October, 1852.
Parton’s Jackson, i. 455. Eaton’s Jackson, p. 155.
365
366
Col. Gideon Morgan to Governor Blount, April 1, 1814; Niles,
vi. 148.
367
Eaton’s Jackson, p. 156.
368
Jackson to Pinckney, March 28, 1814; Military and Naval
Letters, p. 319.
369
Coffee to Jackson, April 1, 1814; Niles, vi. 148.
370
Colonel Morgan to Governor Blount, April 1, 1814; Niles, vi.
148.
371
Jackson to Governor Blount, March 31, 1814; Niles, vi. 147.
372
Jackson to Governor Blount, April 18, 1814; Niles, vi. 212. April
25, 1814; Niles, vi. 219.
373
Hawkins to Pinckney, April 25, 1814; State Papers, Indian
Affairs, i. 858.

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Migration and Urban Transitions in

Australia: Past, Present and Future Iris

CMOS Past, Present and Future. Luo

Pilgrimage and England's Cathedrals: Past, Present, and

Polarity in International Relations: Past, Present,

Electric Utility Resource Planning: Past, Present and

Barrow Hill Roundhouse. Past, Present & Future Ben

NATO’s Burden-Sharing Disputes: Past, Present and

The Human Rights Covenants At 50: Their Past, Present,

Understanding Mobility as a Service (MaaS): Past,

Peter van der Veer

More information about this series at

Migration and Urban

Peter W. Newton Sandra M. Gifford

ISSN 2662-2580 ISSN 2662-2599 (electronic)

Cover illustration: Orbon Alija/GettyImages

This book aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of urban

Chapter 3, by Christian A. Nygaard, focuses on the transformative role

composition, cultural dimensions, preferences for location, and of course,

train station and its immediate surrounds in the inner-Melbourne suburb

The concluding Chap. 15 is an epilogue by the editorial team. This

Melbourne, VIC, Australia Iris Levin

“It is important to know the impact of a long history of migration on Australia’s

1 Migration and the Shaping of Australian Cities 1

Part I Demographic, Settlement and Environmental

2 Migration Policy: An Overview 29

3 Economic Policy, Migration and the Australian City 45

4 There Are No Sustainable Cities in Australia 67

5 The Role of Immigration in Changing the Social Fabric

Part II Urban Form and Housing Transitions 125

6 ‘I Will Call Australia My Home’: Migration and

7 Understanding Migrant-Inclusive Urban Transitions

8 Does the Room Come with Wi-Fi? Negotiating Digitally

9 Is There a Problem with Migrant Concentrations?

10 Migrant Housing and Urban Transition Futures221

Part III Socio-Cultural Transitions 243

11 Station Precincts as Key Sites Enabling Australian

12 From Multicultural Nation to Intercultural City:

13 Cities of Welcome? Urban Transitions Through the

14 Eating the City: The Transformation of the Australian

Glenda Ballantyne is Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Deputy Chair of

employment, socio-cultural and residential integration, urban diversity,

Amity James is associate professor in the School of Accounting,

road safety, mental health, telehealth and urban analysis, specialising in

majored in mathematics and statistics (BA, Hons.) and holds a PhD in

and Flows Framework to create ‘what if ’ scenarios that quantify sustain-

Fig. 1.1 Natural increase and NOM 1981–2060, thousands.

Fig. 4.5 ASFF outcomes for water use in four scenarios.

giving us Australian born, with Chinese or Indian Parents,

Fig. 8.5 Concentration of higher education and postgraduate research

Table 1.1 Migration and Australia’s capital cities: migrant share of

Case study 1: Carly’s digital housing journey 181

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 1

immigration caused by the COVID-19 pandemic provides an opportune

 igration and Australian Cities: Brief History

1982) and greater opportunities for employment, housing and cultural

A Profile of Migration, Population, and City Growth

An Urban Nation Australia is a highly urbanised country. In 2016,

Immigration Compared to other traditional immigration countries (e.g.

Population Growth Rate The rate and numerical volume of population

COVID-19 Impact During COVID-19, both components of population

Natural increaase Net overseas migration

McDonald and Nygaard (see McDonald, Chap. 2; Nygaard, Chap. 3,

Melbourne, VIC, Australia Iris Levin

1 Migration and the Shaping of Australian Cities 1

Part I Demographic, Settlement and Environmental

2 Migration Policy: An Overview 29

3 Economic Policy, Migration and the Australian City 45

4 There Are No Sustainable Cities in Australia 67

5 The Role of Immigration in Changing the Social Fabric

Part II Urban Form and Housing Transitions 125

6 ‘I Will Call Australia My Home’: Migration and

7 Understanding Migrant-Inclusive Urban Transitions

8 Does the Room Come with Wi-Fi? Negotiating Digitally

9 Is There a Problem with Migrant Concentrations?

10 Migrant Housing and Urban Transition Futures221

Part III Socio-Cultural Transitions 243

11 Station Precincts as Key Sites Enabling Australian

12 From Multicultural Nation to Intercultural City:

13 Cities of Welcome? Urban Transitions Through the

14 Eating the City: The Transformation of the Australian

Case study 1: Carly’s digital housing journey 181

igration and Australian Cities: Brief History

A Profile of Migration, Population, and City Growth

Immigration, Impacts and Urban Transitions

Impact of Immigration on Environmental Sustainability

Industrial, Population and Settlement Transitions

listings; see EIU, 2019). Migration and the transition of migrant-

Urban Form and Housing Transitions