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The Marcus Garvey and Universal

Negro Improvement Association


Papers, Volume XIII: The Caribbean
Diaspora, 1921-1922, Volume 13 Marcus
Garvey (Editor)
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THE
MARCUS GARVEY
AND
UNIVERSAL NEGRO
IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION
PAPERS
Caribbean Series
THE
MARCUS GARVEY
AND
UNIVERSAL NEGRO
IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION
PAPERS
Caribbean Series

SPONSORED BY
National Endowment for the Humanities
National Historical Publications and Records Commission
James S. Coleman African Studies Center,
University of California, Los Angeles

SUPPORTED BY
Ahmanson Foundation
Ford Foundation
Rockefeller Foundation
UCLA Foundation
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Fitzroy Baptiste†
Richard Blackett
O. Nigel Bolland
Philippe Bourgois
Bridget Brereton
Patrick Bryan
Ronald N. Harpelle
Richard Hart
Winston James
Rupert Lewis
Hollis R. Lynch
Colin Palmer
Stephan Palmié
Brenda Gayle Plummer
K. W. J. Post
J. R. Ralph Casimir
(Source: MGPP JRRC)
THE
MARCUS GARVEY
AND
UNIVERSAL NEGRO
IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION
PAPERS

Volume XIII
The Caribbean Diaspora
1921–1922

Robert A. Hill, Editor in Chief


John Dixon, Associate Editor
Mariela Haro Rodríguez, Assistant Editor
Anthony Yuen, Assistant Editor

DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS


Durham and London
2016
The preparation of this volume was made possible in part by grants from the
National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency, and
the National Historical Publications and Records commission. Production of
the volume has also been supported by grants from the Ahmanson Foundation,
the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the UCLA Foundation.

Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of the National


Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC), which provided
funds toward the production of this book.

Documents in this volume from the Public Record Office are © British Crown
copyright material and are published by permission of the Controller of Her
Majesty’s Stationery Office.

The volume was designed by Linda M. Robertson and set in Galliard and
Stempel Garamond type. Photographs and illustrations were digitized using
a Xerox DocuImage 620s scanner and an Epson Perfection 1650 scanner.

Copyright © 2016 Duke University Press.

Cataloging-in-Publication data on file with the Library of Congress.

ISBN 978-0-8223-6116-9 (cloth)


ISBN 978-0-8223-7428-2 (e-book)
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper f
DEDICATED TO
THE PEOPLE OF THE CARIBBEAN
CONTRIBUTING SCHOLARS

Rosanne Adderley Alana Johnson


Peter D. Ashdown Simon Jones-Hendrickson
Patrick L. Baker Greg LaMotta
Phillippe Bourgois Michael Louis
Bridget Brereton Susan Lowes
O. Nigel Bolland Marc McLeod
David Browne Melanie Newton
Marcelo Bucheli Ira P. Philip
Carla Burnett Brenda Gayle Plummer
Marcia Burrowes Lara Elizabeth Putnam
Kim D. Butler Glen Richards
Aviva Chomsky Bonham Richardson
Michael Conniff Reinaldo L. Román
Edward L. Cox D. Gail Saunders
Juanita De Barros Cleve McD. Scott
Dario A. Euraque Mimi Sheller
Helen Francis-Seaman Richard Smith
Humberto Garcia-Muñiz Peter Szok
Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres Melisse Thomas-Bailey
Julia Greene Nigel Westmaas
Frank Guridy Kevin A. Yelvington
Ronald N. Harpelle
CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS xxix

MAPS xxxi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xxxiii

INTRODUCTION xxxvii

HISTORY OF THE EDITION xlvii

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES li

TEXTUAL DEVICES lvii

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS lix


Repository Symbols lix
Manuscript Collection Symbols lxi
Descriptive Symbols lxii
Abbreviations of Published Works lxii
Other Symbols and Abbreviations lxiv

CHRONOLOGY lxvii

THE PAPERS

1921
ca. 6 August “100% Negro” to the Negro World 3

ca. 6 August Article in the Negro World 4

7 August Henry O. Mattos to the Negro World 6

7 August Percival C. James, General Secretary, 7


UNIA Céspedes Division, to the Negro World

xiii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

8 August Arthur Geo. Burkley to Osiris de Bourg 11

10 August N. C. Frederick et al., UNIA Majuba La Brea 11


Division, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

11 August Alonza Lynch, General Secretary, UNIA 13


Cristóbal Division, to the Negro World

12 August Reprint of Dominica Guardian Article 14

12 August Jabez L. Clarke, General Secretary, UNIA 21


Havana Division, to William H. Ferris,
Literary Editor, Negro World

13 August Article in the Workman 22

15 August Circular Letter from Winston S. Churchill, 24


Secretary of State, Colonial Office

18 August J. C. Wyke et al., UNIA Dominica División, 26


to J. R. Ralph Casimir

18 August John H. Pilgrim, Secretary, UNIA Colón 27


Division, to the Negro World

18 August James Fraser, Secretary, UNIA Santa Marta 28


Division, to Fred A. Toote

ca. 20 August I. S. Lahoodie to the Negro World 29

ca. 20 August J. A. H. Thorpe to the Negro World 30

20 August Article in the Workman 31

26 August Gilbert E. A. Grindle, Assistant Under Secretary 32


of State, Colonial Office, to the Under Secretary
of State, Foreign Office
4 August Samuel Augustus Richards
to the King of England 33

27 August “Iconoclast” to the Workman 34

31 August Richard A. Bennett to Wiliam H. Ferris, 36


Literary Editor, Negro World

xiv
CONTENTS

2 September F. A. Ogilvie to the Negro World 38

3 September “An Onlooker” to the Negro World 39

3 September Reverend Joseph U. Osborne, Executive 40


Secretary, UNIA Puerto Padre Division,
to the Negro World

3 September Editorial in the Workman 41

3 September Memorandum from Major G. M. Kincade, 43


Provost Marshal, San Pedro de Macorís,
to the Chief of Municipal Police,
San Pedro de Macorís

5 September Thomas Duruo, et al., to Rear Admiral 43


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

7 September UNIA and ACL Santo Domingo Division 48


to the Crusader

9 September J. R. Ralph Casimir in the Negro World 50

10 September “Iconoclast” to the Workman 55

ca. 10 September James Benjamin Yearwood, Assistant 56


Secretary General, UNIA, to H. R. P. George
in the Workman

15 September Fernando Escobar, Royal Consulate 57


of the Netherlands, Dominican Republic,
to Lieutenant-Colonel F. A. Ramsey, Officer in
Charge, Department of Justice and Public
Instruction
12 September James Cooks
to Fernando Escobar 60

16 September J. R. Ralph Casimir in the Crusader 62

18 September E. Brice, British Consul, Santiago de Cuba, 66


to the Municipal Mayor, Santiago de Cuba

xv
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

19 September Fred A. Toote, Secretary General, UNIA, 68


to J. R. Ralph Casimir

21 September C. A. Reid to the Workman 69

23 September Harold D. Clum, U.S. Consul, Santiago 70


de Cuba, to John R. Putnam, U.S. Consul,
Havana

24 September Luis G. Guzmán, Permanent Secretary, Industria 72


Lodge No. 3551, to Rear Admiral Samuel S.
Robison, Military Governor, Dominican Republic

24 September “A Genuine Friend of the Negro Race” 74


to the Workman

26 September Alfred Dunbavin, et al., to Rear Admiral 75


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

26 September P. Premdas, Acting Assistant Secretary, 77


Black Star Line, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

28 September Robert S. F. Blake, Chaplain, UNIA 78


Banes Division, to William H. Ferris,
Literary Editor, Negro World

29 September Philander L. Cable, U.S. Chargé d’Affaires, 79


Havana, to Guillermo Patterson,
Subsecretary of State, Cuba

30 September Eduardo V. Morales, UNIA Commissioner 80


to Cuba, to William H. Ferris, Literary Editor,
Negro World

30 September Philander L. Cable, U.S. Chargé d’Affaires, Havana, 81


to Charles Evans Hughes, U.S. Secretary of State

30 September Rowland Sperling, Assistant Secretary, 82


Foreign Office, to Auckland C. Geddes,
British Ambassador to the United States
26 September Gilbert E. A. Grindle,
Assistant Under Secretary of State,
Colonial Office, to the Under Secretary of State,
Foreign Office 82

xvi
CONTENTS

14 July Eyre Hutson, Governor, British


Honduras, to Winston S. Churchill, Secretary
of State, Colonial Office 83
2 July Report by H. J. Cavenaugh,
Superintendent, British Honduras Police 84
3 July Report by H. J. Cavenaugh,
Superintendent, British Honduras Police 85
4 July Report by H. J. Cavenaugh,
Superintendent, British Honduras Police 86
5 July Report by H. McDonald, Assistant
Superintendent, British Honduras Police 87
5 July Report of Interview with
Marcus Garvey by Eyre Hutson,
Governor, British Honduras 89

ca. 1 October Rachel E. Butler to the Negro World 93

1 October “Iconoclast” to the Workman 94

4 October Circular Letter by Winston S. Churchill, 95


Secretary of State, Colonial Office
15 August Lieutenant-Colonel Des Voeux,
Officer Administering the Government,
Bermuda, to Winston S. Churchill,
Secretary of State, Colonial Office 96
4 August Reverend Richard H. Tobitt
to General James Willcocks, Governor,
Bermuda 97
25 July Reverend Richard H. Tobitt
to Winston S. Churchill, Secretary of State,
Colonial Office 98

ca. 8 October Article in the Negro World 99

8 October Philip Van Putten of UNIA San Pedro de Macorís


Branch No. 26 to the Negro World 101

8 October R. H. Thompson to the Workman 103

9 October P. E. Plunkett to the Negro World 104

ca. 10 October W. Stennett in the Negro World 107

11 October Cyril V. Briggs to J. R. Ralph Casimir 109

xvii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

13 October W. Noel Robinson to William H. Ferris 112

17 October Lieutenant-Colonel William C. Harllee, 112


District Commander, Eastern District,
Dominican Republic, to Brigadier General
Harry Lee, Commanding General,
Second Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps
ca. 30 September List of UNIA Members 113

22 October Eduardo V. Morales to M. A. Figueroa, 114


Spanish Section Editor, Negro World

24 October R. M. R. Nelson to the Negro World 115

25 October Ezel Vanderhorst, Secretary, UNIA Santo 116


Domingo Division, to James Benjamin
Yearwood, Assistant Secretary-General, UNIA

28 October Lieutenant-Colonel William. C. Harllee, 118


District Commander, Eastern District,
Dominican Republic, to Brigadier General
Harry Lee, Commanding General,
Second Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps
25 October Interview with John Sydney
de Bourg 118

ca. 29 October Charles S. McKenye [McKenzie] 121


to the Negro World

31 October H. Leonard Ivey, Secretary, UNIA El Porvenir 122


Division, to the Negro World

31 October Letter from UNIA Penal Division No. 260 125


to the Officers and Members
of the UNIA Roseau Division

1 November C. K. Ledger, British Chargé d’Affaires, 126


Santo Domingo, to Lieutenant-Colonel
F. A. Ramsey, Officer in Charge, Department
of Justice and Public Instruction

5 November J. L. Linwood in the Negro World 129

xviii
CONTENTS

8 November Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Assistant Secretary, 130


U.S. Navy, to Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison,
Military Governor, Dominican Republic
2 November UNIA and ACL to Theodore
Roosevelt Jr., Assistant Secretary, U.S. Navy 130

11 November Augustus Luis, President, UNIA St. Thomas 132


Division, to the Negro World

12 November Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, 133


Military Governor, Dominican Republic,
to Ezel Vanderhorst, Secretary, UNIA
Santo Domingo Division, et al.

ca. 20 November M. A. Labega to the Negro World 134

23 November Article in the Panama Star and Herald 136

ca. 26 November F. Gregoire to the Negro World 137

26 November Article in the Workman 138

ca. 26 November J. Gilman Horsford, Acting President, 148


UNIA San Juan Division, to the Negro World

1 December Samuel Percival Radway, et. al., 149


to the District Attorney, Camagüey
Provincial Court

3 December Article in the Workman 150

ca. 10 December E. A. Scarlett, Third Vice-President, 157


UNIA Morón Division, to the Negro World

12 December John Sydney de Bourg to the Senatorial 160


Commission of Inquiry for the
Dominican Republic
ca. 12 December Report on U.S. Marine Corps
in San Pedro de Macorís 161
ca. 12 December Statement of Zachariah Rawlins
and David Hicks 163
ca. 12 December Statement of Joseph Welch 164
ca. 12 December Report on Treatment of UNIA
San Pedro de Macorís Division Members 165

xix
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

21 September Statement of Charge Brought


Against UNIA San Pedro de Macorís Division
Members 173
4 November Military Government
Deportation Order 176
ca. 4 November Signatures and Addresses
of Those Imprisoned 178

13 December Attlee Pomerene, U.S. Senator, 178


to John Sydney de Bourg

16 December John Sydney de Bourg to Rear Admiral 179


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

17 December Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, Military 180


Governor, Dominican Republic, to Brigadier
General Harry Lee, Commanding General,
Second Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps

19 December John Sydney de Bourg to Lieutenant- 181


Commander R. M. Warfield, Commissioner,
Department of Agriculture and Immigration

20 December H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit 182


Company, to Victor M. Cutter, Vice-President,
United Fruit Company

20 December Edward H. Bouello to the Negro World 183

21 December J. R. Ralph Casimir to the Negro World 184

29 December Statement of Joseph Thomas 186

29 December Lieutenant-Colonel William C. Harllee, 188


District Commander, Eastern District,
Dominican Republic, to Brigadier General
Harry Lee, Commanding General, Second
Brigade, U.S. Marines Corps
21 September Major G. M. Kincade,
Provost Marshal, San Pedro de Macorís,
to William C. Harllee, District Commander,
Eastern District, Dominican Republic 190

xx
CONTENTS

30 December Second Lieutenant James E. Whitmire, 193


U.S. Marine Corps, to Lieutenant-Colonel
William C. Harllee, District Commander,
Eastern District, Dominican Republic

31 December Telegram from Henry Clay von Struve, 194


U.S. Consul, Antilla, to the Black Star Line

1922

3 January Richard S. Dunbar to the Negro World 195

5 January “G. F. B.” in the Clarion 196

5 January Eduardo V. Morales to the Negro World 198

5 January Brigadier General Harry Lee, Commanding 200


General, Second Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps,
to Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison,
Military Governor, Dominican Republic
September 1921 African Blood Brotherhood
Supreme Council Bulletin 201

5 January Frederick G. A. Butler, Finance Officer, 202


Foreign Office, to C. K. Ledger
25 November 1921 John Sydney de Bourg
to Winston S. Churchill, Secretary of State,
Colonial Office 203

ca. 7 January I. Augustus Brown in the Negro World 208

10 January Brigadier General Harry Lee, Acting 209


Military Governor, Dominican Republic,
to the Department of Interior and Police

14 January Lieutenant-Colonel F. A. Ramsey, 210


Officer in Charge, Department of Justice
and Public Instruction, to Fernando A. Brea,
Procurador Fiscal [District Attorney],
Macorís-Seybo Judicial District,
San Pedro de Macorís

ca. 14 January Joseph E. Gadbsy to the Workman 211

xxi
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

14 January Telegram from Marcus Garvey to Edgar West 213

16 January Edgar W. Bridgewater, Reporting Secretary, 214


UNIA San Pedro de Macorís Division,
to John Sydney de Bourg

17 January Emiliano García B., Chief, San Pedro de 215


Macorís, to Fernando A. Brea, Procurador
Fiscal [District Attorney], Macorís-Seybo
Judicial District, San Pedro de Macorís

18 January Lieutenant-Colonel William C. Harllee, District 217


Commander, Eastern District, Dominican
Republic, to Brigadier General Harry Lee,
Commanding General, Second Brigade,
U.S. Marines Corps

18 January Brigadier General Harry Lee, Acting Military 218


Governor, Dominican Republic, to J. I. Bowman

18 January Juez Alcade [Town Judge], San Pedro de Macorís, 219


to Fernando A. Brea, Procurador Fiscal
[District Attorney], Macorís-Seybo Judicial
District, San Pedro de Macorís

19 January D. Erastus Thorpe, President, UNIA Tela 220


Divison, to the Negro World

19 January Fernando A. Brea, Procurador Fiscal [District 221


Attorney], Macorís-Seybo Judicial District,
San Pedro de Macorís, to Lieutenant-Colonel
F. A. Ramsey, Officer in Charge, Department
of Justice and Public Instruction
19 January Emiliano García B., Chief,
San Pedro de Macorís Police,
to Juan Félix Peguere, Governor
of the Province, Santo Domingo 223
19 January Report by Emiliano García B.,
Chief, San Pedro de Macorís Police 223

20 January Juan Félix Peguere, Governor of the Province, 224


Santo Domingo, to Emiliano García B., Chief,
San Pedro de Macorís Police

xxii
CONTENTS

20 January Juez Alcalde [Town Judge], San Pedro de 225


Macorís, to Juan Félix Peguere,
Governor of the Province, Santo Domingo

20 January Emiliano García B., Chief, San Pedro de 226


Macorís Police, to Juan Félix Peguere,
Governor of the Province, Santo Domingo

26 January J. A. Keloo, Executive Secretary, UNIA Banes 226


Division, to Eduardo V. Morales

27 January A. B. C. in the Listín Diario 227

ca. 28 January Louis I. Gonzales to the Negro World 228

28 January Editorial in the Workman 229

31 January Brigadier General Harry Lee, Acting Military 231


Governor, Dominican Republic, to Theodore
Roosevelt Jr., Assistant Secretary, U.S. Navy

31 January John Grayson-Carey, Charles A. Henry, 232


and W. J. E. Butler, to John Sydney de Bourg

4 February Oshbourne E. Moodie, UNIA Talamanca 234


Valley Division, to the Negro World

10 February S. J. Josephs to the Negro World 235

ca. 11 February J. R. Ralph Casimir to the Negro World 236

11 February J. L. Barnes, President, UNIA Tampico 237


Division, to the Negro World

15 February “Civis Africanus” in the Negro World 238

ca. 18 February Amy Broaster, Emily Chandler, and Caroline 239


Gray, UNIA Puerto Barrios and Los Amates
Divisions, to the Negro World

18 February John Sydney de Bourg to Rear Admiral 241


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

xxiii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

ca. 16 February Statement of Charges


against John Sydney de Bourg 247

20 February Mrs. Anthony, Acting General Secretary, 248


UNIA St. Thomas Division, to the Negro World

23 February John Sydney de Bourg to Warren G. Harding, 249


U.S. President

24 February Jabez L. Clarke, General Secretary, UNIA 251


Havana Division, to Marcus Garvey

ca. 25 February Joseph Crooke to the Negro World 252

25 February Article in the Workman 254

27 February John Sydney de Bourg to Rear Admiral 256


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

28 February Agness Holness, Lady President, UNIA Havana 260


Division, to Marcus Garvey

6 March Petition from John Sydney de Bourg 260


to Warren G. Harding, U.S. President
16 February William C. Harllee, District
Commander, Eastern District, Dominican
Republic, to Major G. M. Kincade, Provost
Marshal, San Pedor de Macorís 263

9 March Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, 264


Military Governor, Dominican Republic,
to John Sydney de Bourg

11 March Article in the Workman 265

13 March John Sydney de Bourg to Rear Admiral 267


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

14 March Report by Brigadier General Harry Lee, 268


Commanding General, Second Brigade,
U.S. Marine Corps

xxiv
CONTENTS

14 March W. L. Hurley, Office of the Under Secretary, 268


U. S. State Department, to William J. Burns,
Director, Bureau of Investigation
21 February William W. Russell
to Charles Evans Hughes, U.S. Secretary
of State 269

17 March John Sydney de Bourg to Rear Admiral 270


Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

20 March Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, Military 272


Governor, to the Department of Agriculture
and Immigration

21 March Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, Military 272


Governor, to John Sydney de Bourg

21 March Declaration by Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, 273


Military Governor, Dominican Republic

22 March Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, 274


Military Governor, Dominican Republic,
to John Sydney de Bourg

23 March Rear Admiral Samuel S. Robison, Military 275


Governor, Dominican Republic, to Theodore
Roosevelt Jr., Assistant Secretary, U.S. Navy

29 March W. L. Hurley, Office of the Under Secretary, 276


U.S. State Department, to William J. Burns,
Director, Bureau of Investigation
9 March A. C. Frost, U.S. Consul,
Guatemala City, to Charles Evans Hughes,
U.S. Secretary of State 277

31 March William J. Burns, Director, Bureau of 278


Investigation, to W. L. Hurley, Office
of the Under Secretary, U.S. State Department

6 April Colonel L. H. Moses, Officer Administering 278


the Affairs of the Department of the Interior
and Police, Dominican Republic, to Rear Admiral
Samuel S. Robison, Military Governor,
Dominican Republic

xxv
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

8 April S. Philip to J. R. Ralph Casimir 279

20 April Draft Letter from Winston S. Churchill 282


Secretary of State, Colonial Office,
to Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana
ca. April Petition by Members of the UNIA
British Guiana Division 285

20 April H. N. Huggins, President, UNIA St. Vincent 292


Division, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

ca. 22 April Sidney L. M’Lean to Marcus Garvey 293

25 April Minutes of UNIA Meetings in Panama City 294

18 May H. N. Huggins, President, UNIA St. Vincent 296


Division, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

20 May Editorial in the Negro World 296

ca. 27 May Article in the Negro World 298

31 May F. Gregoire to the Workman 299

3 June Article by Casper Holstein, President, Virgin Islands 300


Congressional Council, in the Negro World

ca. 10 June Article in the Negro World 309

ca. 17 June Gustavius Timothy Marigot in the Negro World 311

17 June Mary Philip to J. R. Ralph Casimir 313

17 June Mary Philip to the UNIA Roseau Division 313

17 June Article in the Negro World 314

24 June Poem by J. R. Ralph Casimir 316

6 July Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, 318


to Winston S. Churchill, Secretary of State,
Colonial Office

11 July José Martinez in the Negro World 320

xxvi
CONTENTS

15 July Casper Holstein, President, Virgin Islands 322


Congressional Council, in the Negro World

15 July Antonio Beltrán Rentas to the Negro World 326

17 July John Sydney de Bourg to Charles Evans 327


Hughes, U.S. Secretary of State
14 February U.S. Immigration Form 329

21 July Enid H. Lamos, Corresponding Secretary, UNIA, 332


to J. R. Ralph Casimir

25 July Lyllian M. Galloway, Manager, Universal 333


Publishing House, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

28 July H. N. Huggins, President, UNIA St. Vincent 333


Division, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

28 July Alfredo Prince, Ex-President, UNIA San Juan 334


Division, to Enrique Colón Baerga, Editor,
La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico

30 July Article in the Savannah Tribune 335

2 August Article in El Mundo 339

5 August Casper Holstein, President, Virgin Islands 340


Congressional Council, to the Negro World

8 August E. G. Adams, Superintendent of Agriculture, 342


United Fruit Company, Panama, to H. S. Blair,
Division Manager, United Fruit Company

10 August Jaime A. Bishop, President, UNIA San Juan 344


Division, to Romualdo Real, Editor, El Mundo

12 August Article in the Central American Express 345

ca. 14 August Article in the Workman 347

14 August Conrado Rosario, Secretary General, UNIA 348


San Juan Division, to José Coll Vidal, Editor,
La Democracia

xxvii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

15 August J. D. W. Ross to the Negro World 350

15 August Editorial in La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico 351

15 August Editorial in La Democracia 353

15 August Article in La Democracia 359

16 August Jaime A. Bishop, President, UNIA San Juan 360


Division, to Salvador Brau González, Editor,
El Tiempo

16 August Conrado Rosario, Secretary General, UNIA 361


San Juan Division, to José Coll Vidal, Editor,
La Democracia

18 August J. Ananda to El Mundo 362

22 August Article in La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico 363

26 August Editorial in the Workman 364

28 August E. E. Mair, Circulation Manager, 366


Negro World, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

31 August Article in the Labour Leader 367

ca. August Poem by Prince John 368

INDEX 371

xxviii
ILLUSTRATIONS

J. R. Ralph Casimir’s UNIA Dues Card 54


Payment made by Henry Clay von Struve to Sydney Tullock 195
D. J. Steyn-Pavré, Consul-General for the Netherlands,
New York, to W. E. B. Du Bois, 13 April 1922 281
Minutes 284
John Sydney de Bourg Naturalization Petition, 14 February 1921 331
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

xxx
MAPS

Central and South America lxxiv


Puerto Rico 149

xxxi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Over the years spent editing the Caribbean Series volumes, the Marcus Garvey
and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers project has incurred an
unusually large number of institutional, intellectual, and personal debts. The
preparation of the volumes would never have been possible without the con-
tinuing support and assistance of a wide array of manuscript librarians, archi-
vists, university libraries, scholars, funding agencies, university administrators,
fellow editors, and friends.
While the debts thus accrued can never be adequately discharged, it is still
a great pleasure to acknowledge them. They form an integral part of whatever
permanent value these volumes possess. We would like to acknowledge our
deep appreciation to so many for contributing so greatly to this endeavor. In a
real sense, these volumes represent the fruition of the efforts of many hands
that have worked selflessly to assist in documenting the story of the Garvey
movement in the Caribbean.
We would like to begin by thanking the many archives and manuscript
collections that have contributed documents as well as assisted the project by
responding with unfailing courtesy and promptness to our innumerable queries
for information: Archives of the Episcopal Church, Austin, Texas; Archivo
General de Centro América, Guatemala City, Guatemala; Archivo Histórico
Provincial de Camagüey; Archivo Historico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba;
Archivo Nacional de Cuba; Belize Archives Department; Bermuda Government
Archives; Columbia University, New York; Department of Archives, Black
Rock, St. Michael, Barbados; Department of Archives, Nassau, The Bahamas;
Federal Archives and Records Center, East Point, Georgia; Foreign and
Commonwealth Office, London; Jamaica Records and Archives Department,
Spanish Town, Jamaica; National Archives of Guyana, Georgetown, Guyana;
National Archives, Washington D.C.; Royal Archives, Windsor; Schomburg
Center for Research in Black Culture, New York; St. Kitts-Nevis National
Archives, Basseterre, St. Kitts; St. Lucia National Archives; St. Vincent and the
Grenadines National Archives.
A large number of libraries and their staffs have rendered extraordinarily
valuable service in response to the project’s flow of requests for bibliographical
data as well as for historical and biographical materials. We wish to
acknowledge and thank for their assistance: Bodleian Library, Oxford
University; National Library of Jamaica; New York Public Library; Panama

xxxiii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Canal Zone Library, Balboa Heights, Canal Zone; Trinidad Public Library;
University of California, Los Angeles Library.
Several governmental agencies contributed time and resources to the
project by assisting with the collection and reproduction of documents. The
project wishes to thank these agencies and their staffs for their cooperation:
Netherlands Consulate General in New York; National Historical Publications
and Records Commission, Washington D.C.
Along the way a large number of individuals in many countries have aided
the various research efforts of the project. Despite their own busy schedules
they responded to the project’s numerous requests for advice and assistance.
We would like to thank: Hilary Beckles, University of the West Indies, Cave
Hill; Patrice Brown, National Archives and Records Administration; Ian
Duffield, University of Edinburgh; Bill Elkins; Robert Gore; Julie Greene,
University of Colorado at Boulder; Richard Hart; Dane Hartgrove, National
Archives and Records Administration; Susan Hawley, Oxford University;
Winston A. James, Columbia University; Rupert Lewis, University of the West
Indies, Mona; Ghislaine Lydon, University of California, Los Angeles;
Frederick Douglass Opie, Syracuse University; Stephan Palmié, University of
Maryland, College Park; Anacristina Rossi; Jerome Teelucksingh; Rodney
Worrell, University of the West Indies, Mona; Michael Zeuske, Universität zu
Köln.
Over the years various individuals have assisted the project with translation
of foreign-language documents and phrases. We would like to thank for their
services: Linda Greenberg; Rafael E. Moscote, public interpreter of the English
language certificates; Ana Lya Sater; Arienne Starkie, Ministerie van Buitenlandse
Zaken, Netherlands; Gabriele Yuen.
Because of the editorial design of the Caribbean volumes, the project had the
job of identifying and commissioning a panel of scholarly contributors to assist in
annotating the large number of Caribbean references contained in the documents.
For their willingness to serve and the time that it took away from their own projects,
we should like to acknowledge and thank the following contributors: Peter
Ashdown, St. Mary’s Hall, Brighton; Patrick L. Baker, Mount Allison University;
Bridget Brereton, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine; O. Nigel Bolland,
Colgate University; David Browne, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Marcelo
Bucheli, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign; Marcia Burrowes, University of
Warwick; Kim D. Butler, Rutgers University; Edward L. Cox, Rice University;
Juanita De Barros, University of Michigan; Dario A. Euraque, Trinity College; Helen
Francis-Seaman; Humberto Garcia-Muñiz, University of Puerto Rico; Jorge L.
Giovannetti-Torres, University of Puerto Rico; Ronald N. Harpelle, Lakehead
University; Alana Johnson, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Simon Jones-
Hendrickson, University of the Virgin Islands; Greg LaMotta, National Archives and
Records Administration; Michael Louis; Marc McLeod, Seattle University; Ira P.
Philip; Brenda Gayle Plummer, University of Wisconsin, Madison; Lara Elizabeth
Putnam, University of Costa Rica; Glen Richards, University of the West Indies,

xxxiv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Mona; Reinaldo L. Roman, University of Georgia; D. Gail Saunders, Department of


Archives, Bahamas; Cleve McD. Scott, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill;
Richard Smith; Peter Szok, Texas Christian University; Melisse Thomas-Bailey,
University of the West Indies, St. Augustine; Nigel Westmaas, Binghamton
University.
It was also necessary to identify and appoint a team of scholars to review
and evaluate the content of contributors’ annotations. Of necessity, the identity
of the panel of peer reviewers must remain anonymous, both collectively and
individually. Their diligence and critical eye for historical detail supplied
important quality control and greatly improved the Caribbean series volumes.
We wish to express the project’s gratitude to all of the reviewers.
In keeping with the revised plan of the series, the project appointed a
special editorial advisory board made up of distinguished Caribbeanist scholars.
Their service to the project took several forms, viz., helping to identify
contributing scholars and peer reviewers, finding fugitive archival documents,
identifying local researchers, and, most importantly, advising on the editorial
organization of the volumes. The enthusiastic support given to the project as
well as their sound advice have served the project well over the past decade. We
should like to acknowledge the valuable service rendered to the project by:
Fitzroy Baptiste; Richard Blackett; O. Nigel Bolland; Phillippe Bourgeois;
Bridget Brereton; Patrick Bryan; Ronald Harpelle; Richard Hart; Winston
James; Rupert Lewis; Hollis R. Lynch; Colin Palmer; Stephan Palmié; Brenda
Gayle Plummer; K. W. J. Post.
In the years that the project has been functioning, undergraduate and
graduate students have assisted with the work of research. Their special blend
of resourcefulness, enthusiasm, and diligence have greatly aided the project in
accomplishing its objectives. It is a pleasure to acknowledge and thank the
following individuals: Jo Bangphraxay, Jenny Cho, Janette Gayle, Laura
Gifford, Mariela Haro, Dennis Lee, Theodore Lieu, Sharon Luk, Brandy
Worrall, and Marissa Yenpasook.
The complex editorial methodology, as well as the huge amount of
historical data supporting and explicating the texts, presented a formidable
copyediting challenge. We wish to express a special appreciation to Olivia
Banner, the project’s former copyeditor, for her invaluable work.
The final stages of production depended upon the expertise of several
individuals. In preparing photographs and illustrations for publication, Freida
Ibanez demonstrated rare skill as designer. Chase Langford expertly prepared
the maps for each of the volumes.
Duke University Press and its staff have once again proved what an
important part academic publishing plays in the larger scholarly enterprise. The
project’s sponsoring editor, Ken Wissoker, and Valerie Millholland, senior
editor of Duke University Press, facilitated an otherwise arduous process by
assisting with the various arrangements at every step of the production and

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

publication process. Typesetting was done by Kalina Klamann, whose technical


expertise was central in the final stage of the preparation of the volume.
Supervision of a large historical documentary editing project brings with
it many responsibilities that place administrative demands on the academic
institution and department with which it is affiliated.
Finally, the project wishes to acknowledge the institutional sponsors of
the edition as well as the generous assistance received from private foundations
in support of the project’s work. We should like to thank the National
Endowment for the Humanities, National Historical Publications and Records
Commission, and the Ford, Rockefeller, Ahmanson, and UCLA Foundations.

xxxvi
INTRODUCTION

The third in the Caribbean Series of the edition of The Marcus Garvey
and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, the present volume
covers the period August 1921 to August 1922, twelve months that marked a
very dark hour for Garvey and the UNIA parent body. At the same time, it was
also a period of continuing growth and expansion of the movement within the
Caribbean basin and its associated territories.
The present volume extends from the second through the third
international conventions of the UNIA. The high point in the political calendar
of the UNIA, the annual August celebration-cum-confab was the time when
the eyes of the worldwide movement were focused on the organization’s
deliberations in New York. In the conventions of August 1921 and August
1922, roiling tensions within the leadership of the UNIA boiled over, pitting
Garvey against those whom he declared to be disloyal. The result was the
fracturing of the top leadership of the UNIA, including the trial and expulsion
of several key leaders. If this was not challenge enough, at the same time Garvey
was coming under increased external pressure as well as facing an acute crisis of
financial insolvency in the affairs of the Black Star Line.
In this weakened state, Garvey decided to pull back in effecting a strategic
retreat from his previous radicalism; in place of his earlier oppositional stance,
Garvey now proclaimed his loyalty to the selfsame governments that he had
previously criticized for oppressing blacks. In that sense, 1921–22 marked a kind
of political watershed.
One sign of the change became manifest on Garvey’s return to the
United States from his five-month sojourn in the Caribbean—a promotional
trip that originally had been planned to last for five weeks but which instead
stretched into five months, largely due to hostility on the part of the American
government which steadfastly refused to grant him a reentry visa. Garvey’s ship
stopped briefly in Belize (British Honduras) where he took the opportunity to
request a meeting with the British governor of the territory. Whatever Garvey
thought would emerge out of the meeting, it resulted in a severe grilling and
dressing down by the governor. Thrown on the defensive throughout the
ensuing interview, Garvey found himself disavowing and disowning statements
that he had previously made when he was confronted with them by the
governor in the form of copies of the Negro World newspaper; eventually, he
tried to regain the initiative by assuring the governor that he was “a loyal
subject.” “It is no desire of mine to be disloyal to any man,” Garvey declared,

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

adding: “I am a British subject, and a large number of us are British subjects,


and it is foreign to our aims to be disloyal and to disrupt the Government, but
to help the Government to bring about a better state throughout”
(Memorandum of interview with Mr. Marcus Garvey at Government House,
Belize, at 2 P. M. on Tuesday 5th July, 1921, TNA: PRO FO 115/2690/
33396).
The retreat from his previous oppositional stance was unmistakable in the
exchange that occurred. What might have begun, and been mistaken, as no
more than a momentary lapse during his face-to-face encounter with the
colonial governor in Belize would shortly reveal itself as the start of a full-scale
repositioning by Garvey in terms of his former anticolonial political agenda.
Thereafter, Garvey would not challenge the system of British colonial rule. If
politics would now give way to the expression of loyalty to existing
government, antagonism born of race was what would remain, except the
target of antagonism would not be directed against governments and systems
of political subjugation, as it had been formerly, but against political rivals. The
change would take the form in the enunciation by Garvey of the new doctrine
of racial purity.
Garvey arrived back in New York on 17 July 1921. He had exactly two
weeks to prepare for the international UNIA convention that opened on 1
August. It did not leave him with much time to adapt and to prepare for what
was the most important political event in the UNIA calendar; in fact, the
planning and organizing of the event would have been severely hampered by
Garvey’s protracted absence from America, so that one wonders exactly how
much advance preparation was carried out in fact, especially where the direction
of international divisions of the UNIA were concerned. All of it was in marked
contrast to the phenomenal success achieved by the first international
convention of the movement in August 1920.
In fact, Garvey had little that he could show in the form of organizational
achievement for the year that had elapsed. The Liberian initiative that was
launched around the same time that he was setting out on his tour of the
Caribbean had started with a great deal of promise; within a matter of a couple
of months, however, the mission collapsed in squabbling between the UNIA’s
potentate, who was also the mayor of Monrovia, Liberia, and the secretary of
the team of technical experts that Garvey had dispatched to what was promised
to be the future headquarters of the UNIA. Crippled by the lack of cohesion
and absent any clear agenda of work, the mission became a serious
embarrassment, its collapse compounded by the fact that the mission lacked the
financial support that had been promised to it and that would have been
necessary to sustain it. When Garvey returned to New York in July, he was met
with news of a mission in tatters.
In lieu of the failure to establish the much sought after bridgehead in
Africa that the UNIA had been led to expect, and without the territorial base
that he had hoped to secure for the movement on African soil, Garvey was

xxxviii
INTRODUCTION

obliged to rethink his whole African program and how to implement it. It is
little wonder that there was not much discussion of Liberia on the agenda of
the convention that followed his return.
In considering Garvey’s political reorientation at this juncture in the
history of the UNIA, the financial difficulties engulfing the Black Star Line
were no less a factor to be weighed. Symbolizing the financial catastrophe of
the Black Star Line was the abandonment of the S.S. Kanawha by its crew on
the beach in Antilla, Cuba, in the attempt to return to the United States. The
ship, which was abandoned due to its unseaworthiness, had been purchased for
$65,000, but had lost $75,000 on her maiden voyage to the Caribbean.
Similarly, the purchase of the S.S. Yarmouth, the first ship of the Black Star
Line, had cost $145,000, but had lost $300,000 on her first trip. It was sold for
$1,800 to satisfy claims of almost $100,000. A third ship, an excursion vessel,
ended up as a wreck somewhere in New York Harbor. In August 1922, Garvey
admitted in court that the Black Star Line represented an investment of
$600,000, but which was all gone.
Garvey now resorted to a new fundraising expedient: at the August 1921
convention, he announced the launch of the “African Redemption Fund,”
which, it was said, was intended to come up with working capital for the UNIA
as well as to be used for the African program. Once more Garvey had no
alternative but to reach out and appeal to members to give yet again.
Economically, it was not an advantageous time for raising additional funds
from members. The new fund, which was one more in a succession of appeals
by Garvey, coincided with the worst of the postwar economic recession of
1920–21. An extremely sharp deflationary recession in the United States and
other countries, it lasted from January 1920 to July 1921. Gone were the
relatively flush times of the immediate postwar boom, when members had a
surplus they could afford to invest liberally in the hopes kindled by the African
program of Garvey. After the short but sharp economic contraction of 1920–21,
the UNIA was never able again to generate the level of support it had
previously enjoyed.
Confronted as he was by the complete insolvency of the Black Star Line,
and obviously recognizing how precarious and vulnerable his position was once
he stepped outside of the United States, Garvey decided in the circumstances to
pull back by toning down his rhetoric, refraining from saying anything that
could conceivably be construed as challenging governments. Instead, Garvey
now set out to court their favor. Several European governments as well as the
U.S. government were invited to send representatives to the August 1922
convention. When Garvey, along with three other officials of the Black Star
Line, was indicted by the United States government on charges of mail fraud,
he launched a propaganda offensive in which he sought to paint his critics and
political opponents as the true enemies of the United States. Part of this
offensive involved his ill-advised meeting with the head of the Ku Klux Klan,
Edward Young Clarke, in Atlanta, Georgia, in June 1922, a move that would

xxxix
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

serve to galvanize opponents further and accelerate his own rightward political
drift. The precedent for the meeting can be found in the get-together that
Garvey had solicited with the governor of British Honduras the year before.
It was against this backdrop of political involution on the part of Garvey
that the UNIA in the Caribbean at this critical juncture must be judged. Between
August 1921 and August 1922, the UNIA continued to show remarkable vitality
and to command the fervent allegiance of many thousands of people. In contrast
to the situation in the United States, the Caribbean Garvey movement witnessed
continued growth and expansion. The present volume contains reports from
chartered divisions and chapters from throughout the Caribbean archipelago.
The following is a summary of the countries for which the volume contains
reports and correspondence (where they are available, charter numbers are
provided)—
Barbados (Bridgetown)
British Guiana (Georgetown)
British Honduras (Belize; Trixville)
Colombia (Santa Marta)
Cuba (Antilla; Banes; Camagüey; Guantánamo; Guaro [172]; Havana;
Manatí; Moron; Preston; Puerto Padre [163]; Santiago de Cuba
[71])
Dominica (Grand Bay; Marigot; Pointe Michel; Rouseau [85]; Soufriére)
Dominican Republic (Consuelo; San Pedro de Macorís [26])
Guatemala (Los Amates [212]; Puerto Barrios [34])
Honduras (El Porvenir; Tela)
Jamaica (Falmouth)
Mexico (Tampico)
Panama (Changuinola; Colón [4]; Cristóbal [240]; Gamboa [5]; Guabito;
Guachapali [14]; Panama City [3]; Panama City [18, formerly
No. 4], Panama City [Prospective Chapter]; Sixaola; Talamanca
Valley [Bocas del Toro])
Puerto Rico (San Juan [45])
St. Kitts (Basseterre)
St. Lucia (Castries)
St. Vincent (Kingstown)
Trinidad (Brother’s Road; Guaico [217]; Majuba/La Brea [283]; Penal;
Siparia, St. Joseph; Tabaquite)
U.S. Virgin Islands (St. Thomas [84])
The reports contained in the volume describe a mixture of joy and travail
and give a flavor of what it was like for those who pledged their allegiance to
the UNIA, and did so at times under extremely trying circumstances.
Thus, the major highlight of the volume pertains to the brutal attempt at
the suppression of the UNIA in the Dominican Republic, specifically in the
southeastern port of San Pedro de Macorís, the capital of the sugar-growing

xl
INTRODUCTION

area of the eastern part of the Dominican Republic. San Pedro de Macorís,
located approximately one hour’s drive to the east of Santo Domingo, was
founded in the late nineteenth century by Cubans fleeing their country’s War of
Independence. They brought with them their extensive knowledge of sugar-
cane farming, which they turned eventually into the most important economic
activity in the area. Crucially, the extensive labor force that the sugar industry
relied upon rested on the supply of West Indian migrant laborers imported
from the Leeward Islands in the eastern Caribbean. The West Indian
community formed the bedrock of the UNIA in the Dominican Republic.
The first quarter of the twentieth century saw sugar production reach its
peak; it resulted from the high prices that sugar enjoyed on the international
market as a consequence of the First World War. There was even a name given
to this period of inflated sugar prices and consequent economic spectacle—la
danza de los millones. The city of San Pedro de Macorís would also become
renowned for its contribution of many outstanding athletes to Major League
Baseball, with the town and its surrounding area supplying the greatest number
of Major League players in the world, a large number of them direct
descendants of West Indians who came as sugar-cane cutters.
A very cosmopolitan urban center with many Europeans settling there
and bustling with economic activity, San Pedro de Macorís became a magnet
for people all over the eastern Caribbean, providing extremely fertile ground
for recruitment and organizing effort by the UNIA. Crucially, this was also the
period of U.S. military occupation of the Dominican Republic, which lasted
eight years (1916–1924). Although the UNIA had come to San Pedro de
Macorís in December 1919 (Division No. 26) and had operated with full
approval from Dominican authorities, in September 1921 the U.S. military set
out to crush its influence and all activities of the division. It did this by arresting
and imprisoning most of its leaders and a good number of its members, and
also by deporting several key leaders. Thus, more than a year and a half of
peaceful and successful operation was suddenly ended in a nightmare of brutal
repression and curtailment that would last for nine months (September 1921–
June 1922) and eventually decapitate the movement. It represented the worst
physical repression that the UNIA endured in its entire history.
To try to resolve the problems that the local division was experiencing,
Garvey despatched John Sydney de Bourg as its representative. Much of the
present volume is taken up with correspondence between de Bourg and the U.S.
Provost Marshal and between de Bourg and U.S. officials in Washington, D.C.,
and British officialdom. It was the contention of the local UNIA that the person
responsible for instigating the repression was the British vice-consul, who was
also a priest of the Episcopal Church, the Reverend Alexander Henry Beer. It
was believed that Beer reported the UNIA to the American military authorities
alleging that the British flag had been trampled upon by the parade of UNIA
members celebrating the conclusion of the UNIA international convention,

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

stopping in front of the vice-consul’s residence as it did so. The consequences


would prove to be dire.
Whatever the truth of the allegation coming from either side, the fact is
that Beer was wearing the hat of British vice-consul and at the same time
wearing a second hat as head of the Episcopal Church in the Dominican
Republic. His pride as well as ire must have been severely wounded when
several members of his congregation defected to form a separate independent
Episcopal church. The move was obviously inspired by the example of the
UNIA’s chaplain-general in New York, Rev. George Alexander McGuire, who,
in April 1920, broke his earlier affiliation with the Reformed Episcopal Church
and founded the Independent Episcopal Church as an independent black
denomination incorporated under the statutes of New York. On 2 September
1921 a synod of the Independent Episcopal Church decided to reconstitute the
church body as the African Orthodox Church (AOC), and McGuire was
subsequently consecrated as its first bishop.
If the putative action of the UNIA marchers had besmirched the dignity
of the British Empire by the incident with the flag, his own leadership was
being called into question by the defection of members of his flock.
Sandwiched squarely between British imperial interests on one side and
American rule on the other side, and at the mercy of local Dominican
magistrates and police doing the bidding of both, the UNIA found itself
struggling against not one but two imperialisms; members of the UNIA would
now undergo a succession of extremely brutal measures meant to destroy its
presence. The leadership of John Sydney de Bourg, who was himself at one
stage in the process imprisoned and roughly handled by Dominican authorities,
was all the more remarkable in representing the UNIA before the American
military authorities as well as intervening in the several administrative hearings
to plead the cause of the leaders and members who had been either arrested,
deported, or imprisoned. It was an altogether remarkable performance by the
UNIA representative, as the documents make clear, both in terms of the literary
quality of his numerous submissions as well as intellectual brilliance of his legal
arguments. Indeed, his indefatigable spirit, particularly for a man of his
advanced years, was no less impressive.
The political repression that was meted out to the UNIA in the
Dominican Republic was of a kind and intensity that would not be experienced
by the UNIA elsewhere in the Americas. Indeed, in its harshness it provided a
foretaste and an inkling of the kind of brutal repression that would become
synonymous with the dictator Rafael Trujillo, who ruled the Dominican
Republic from February 1930 until his assassination in May 1961. It is
interesting that one of the business partners of Trujillo in overseeing the
importation of West Indian laborers to work on the dictator’s privately owned
sugar plantations in the Dominican Republic was none other than the Reverend
Alexander Beer, bête noire of the UNIA in the early twenties in San Pedro de
Macorís.

xlii
INTRODUCTION

Harsh conditions were also faced by the UNIA in eastern Cuba among
members who were concentrated in places such as Preston, where they were at
the mercy of United Fruit Company rule in what essentially were company-run
towns. A similar situation obtained on farms of the United Fruit Company in
Panama, in areas such as Guabito, a town in the Changuinola district of Bocas
del Toro province, where the so-called military features of the UNIA were
viewed as distinctly threatening and steps were taken by United Fruit Company
managers to outlaw and suppress them. At the same time, there is also a report
furnished by an official of the United Fruit Company of the remarkable success
of the UNIA among supporters in Puerto Barrios, Guatemala.
Amidst the extraordinary success of the early UNIA across the Isthmus of
Panama, there were also strains that began to appear in the form of fractures
among divisions in Colón and Panama City in 1921, with dissident factions
splitting off and attempting to gain recognition from the parent body in New
York by granting charters to start new divisions. However, reports contained in
the volume describing the elaborate ceremony to mark the unveiling of the
charter of the Guachapali chapter/division, and the presence of a large number
of fraternal representatives of other UNIA divisions, impress one with the
extensiveness of the planning and the resources that went into the preparation
of the event. It is all the more remarkable to note that membership in one
UNIA division in Panama exceeded 1,000. A series of incisive commentaries on
the state of the UNIA and the evolution of its program would also emerge
from the pen of one calling himself “Iconoclast” in the Workman in Panama.
Another notable feature of the volume is the record it contains of the
organizing activity of the secretary general of the UNIA in Dominica, J. R.
Ralph Casimir. Given the number of divisions that Casimir organized in
Dominica, and the efficiency and quality of their functioning and the regularity
of their communication with the UNIA parent body, it would not be an
exaggeration to say that Dominica represented the strongest outpost of the
UNIA in the English-speaking Caribbean in the period covered in the present
volume. Casimir was responsible for organizing not only the divisions in
Dominica, but also in setting up divisions in Trinidad and supervising their
functioning. In addition, he functioned as the communication hub for the
UNIA division in St. Vincent, to which he provided encouragement and
direction.
The volume also contains reports of the rebuilding of the UNIA in St. Lucia
amid the difficulties it encountered following the break with its original leader,
Wilberforce Norville, and its subsequent reconstitution under new leadership.
The volume also contains several important reports of the struggle waged
by the UNIA to advance the cause of labor in the U.S. Virgin Islands, where
the administration of the territories was in the hands of the U.S. Department of
the Navy. In this context, the Negro World provided an important political
platform for communicating the interests and the views of the labor movement

xliii
THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

and the leadership of D. Hamilton Jackson. Extensive letters and articles by


Caspar Holstein and Hubert H. Harrison, key leaders of the Virgin Islands
community in New York, are printed in the volume.
One highlight of the volume is the reports of the rival African Blood
Brotherhood, the New York–based group whose radical propaganda was
confused by authorities in the Dominican Republic with that of the UNIA,
which confusion only served to further complicate the already difficult situation
faced by the UNIA in San Pedro de Macorís. In fact, it was hard to distinguish
the leadership of the Brotherhood in San Pedro de Macorís from that of the
UNIA. It required the determined intervention of John Sydney de Bourg to
make explicit the separation between the two groups and to repudiate their
connection totally. The connection between the UNIA and the African Blood
Brotherhood was also close in Dominica, where J. R. Ralph Casimir was in
active communication with both groups. Once the representatives of the
Brotherhood were expelled by Garvey from the floor of the UNIA convention
in New York in August 1921, the breach between the two organizations
became not only absolute, but also intensely bitter.
Powerful and intense as was the loyalty that supporters of Garvey in the
Caribbean expressed, about which the volume provides eloquent testimony, the
fact remains that it was the friendly society model that provided the foundation
of the UNIA’s organizational success. The friendly society formed the template
and bedrock of the institutional life of the UNIA, around which people in
various communities found the means to continue the building of social and
cultural bonds. At the same time, the strength of the UNIA’s devoted
following confirms yet again the fact that the real homeland of the movement
during these years of the early nineteen-twenties was in the Caribbean. There it
attained a depth and a breadth of social outreach and cultural meaning that no
other area of the black world equaled or could ever equal. That was because the
name of the UNIA happened to be a new label for what people throughout the
Caribbean and the wider Caribbean Diaspora knew and had been practicing for
a long time prior to the advent of Garvey.
In the changed political circumstances following the end of the First
World War, to the extent that the aspirations of large numbers of people in the
Caribbean and the Caribbean Diaspora became identified with and attached to
the banner of the UNIA, the tradition of home grown independent organizing
associated with the West Indian friendly society can be seen. It not only was
what made the UNIA possible, but also it was what gave to it such a resonant
West Indian identity.
Two items of special cultural interest are worth noting as they appear in
the present volume. The first pertains to the operation of the Barbados
“Landship” in Panama and evidence of its association with the UNIA in that
country. The second relates to the bomba dance phenomenon in Puerto Rico
and the way that the scandal set off by its performance at an event held in San
Juan divided opinion among the local leaders of the UNIA. It showed that the

xliv
INTRODUCTION

leaders were not only susceptible to and caught up in the civilizing rhetoric of
bourgeois cultural ideals of progress and respectability, but also were cognizant
of forces from below that had the potential to disrupt the carefully policed
boundaries of cultural discipline. Both sets of cultural expression, the
“Landship” and the bomba, symbolically serve to express the tremendous
diversity and richness of Caribbean popular culture as well as their imbrication,
along with the Garvey phenomenon, forming part of a much larger cultural
whole in the making of the Caribbean people.

xlv
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Unfortunately, in a place like Venice, which is such a veritable
conglomeration of artistic treasures, it is obviously very difficult to
protect all, and with a thoroughly ruthless and barbaric enemy like
Austria it is to be feared that a lot of irreparable damage will be done
before the end of the war.
Life in Venice during the daytime was practically normal—
sunshine engenders confidence; it was after nightfall that you
realised the high state of tension in which everyone was living; it
could scarcely be described as terror, but a “nervy,” “jumpy”
condition, which was very uncanny. Everyone seemed to be on the
qui vive, though curiously enough the fear of the Venetians, as far as
I could judge, was not so much for themselves as for the safety of
their beloved city.
The most extraordinary precautions were taken to ensure its being
shrouded in impenetrable obscurity at night—a ray of light shewing
through a window meant instant arrest for the occupant of the room.
Even smoking out of doors at night was strictly forbidden. The
doorways of restaurants, cafés, and shops were heavily draped with
double curtains, and after eight o’clock the electric light was turned
off and only candles allowed.
It would be difficult to describe the weird effect of Venice in total
darkness on a moonless night.
It is said that more people have lost their lives by falling into the
canals than through aeroplane bombs, and I can quite believe it, for
it was positively dangerous to go a yard unless one was absolutely
certain of one’s whereabouts.
Added to this was the risk of being mistaken for a spy. One had to
get a permis de séjour from the Police, but even with this in your
pocket one was never really safe, for they had “spy fever” very badly
indeed when I was there, and even old and well-known inhabitants
were not immune from suspicion at times.
I heard of several cases of hair-breadth escapes from the clutches
of the angry crowd which would gather on the slightest suggestion.
To be heard speaking with a foreign accent was often sufficient to
attract unpleasant attention, so you were inclined to be chary of
venturing far from the Place St. Marc at any time, however much
your papers might be en règle.
Apart from the defensive work that was being undertaken to
protect Venice from Austrian air attacks, there was nothing of interest
in the way of military or naval activity to be seen. Destroyers and
torpedo boats occasionally came into the lagoon, but seldom
remained long.
The position of Venice makes it a sort of cul de sac, and of no
importance whatever from the point of view of land and sea
operations, and it is quite at the mercy of Austrian aeroplanes or
seaplanes operating from Pola or Trieste.
The sole object the Austrians can have in attacking it therefore is
to cause wanton damage to its historic buildings and art treasures,
for it is not a place forte in any sense of the word; and if there is one
thing more than another calculated to stiffen the backs of the Italians
against their enemy and to make them the more determined to do all
in their power to crush Austria for ever, it is this cold-blooded
onslaught on their national artistic heirlooms, for which there is no
military justification whatever.
At that time the nearest point of the Front was some 40 miles from
Venice, in Friuli, and after a few days marking time, I decided that
this was where I must make for if I wanted to see anything of what
was going on in this early stage of the war.
The courteous and genial British Vice-Consul, Mr. Beak, who had
just taken over the post, proved a veritable good Samaritan, and did
his best to help me.
I have not mentioned, I think, that when in Rome I had been given
an important letter of credentials by the British Embassy
recommending me for any facilities the Italian military authorities
might be prepared to grant me, and the letter now proved invaluable.
Mr. Beak got a translation made of it, to which he affixed the
consular stamp, and, armed with this, I paid a visit to the
Commandant of Venice, at the Arsenal.
He received me with the utmost cordiality, but when I suggested
his giving me permission to go to the Front he informed me that he
had no power to do this; that my best plan would be to go direct to
Headquarters at Udine, where doubtless I would get what I wanted
on the strength of my letter from the Embassy. I said nothing, but
with the recollection of what General Elia had told me in Rome, I had
my doubts. Anyhow, it gave me the idea of going to Udine and trying
my luck; if the worst came to the worst, I could but be sent back, and
in the meantime I should have seen something of the Front.
The following day a new rescript of the Generalissimo appeared in
the papers to the effect that until further orders no correspondents
were allowed in the War Zone. This was awkward for me, as, of
course, I was already in it, but I made up my mind to run the further
risk of getting up to the actual Front if it were possible. But how,
without speaking Italian, for, of course, the “interpreter” element had
disappeared from Venice since there were no longer any tourists to
interpret for.
My ever faithful pipe as usual helped me to solve the difficulty
(what I owe to Lady Nicotine for ideas evolved under her sway I can
never be sufficiently grateful for).
There was a very intelligent young waiter at the hotel who spoke
English fluently, and it occurred to me that he would make a useful
guide if he would go with me. He not only jumped at the idea, but
actually offered to come for a few days for nothing if he could get
permission from the manager, and if I paid his expenses, so anxious
was he to see something of the military operations.
There was no difficulty in getting the consent of the manager as
the hotel was practically empty; and then my friend, the Vice-Consul,
again good-naturedly came to my assistance by giving me a letter to
the Military Commandant of Udine, in which he stated fully my object
in coming to the front, and the fact that I was carrying a special letter
of credentials from the Embassy.
These two important documents, together with my passport, were,
I felt, sufficient to frank me some distance unless unforseen trouble
arose; so I made arrangements to start at once; and in order not to
be hampered with baggage, as I did not know where my venture
would take me, decided to leave my bulky luggage behind at the
hotel, only taking with me what I could carry on my back in my
“ruksak.”
Before I left I was introduced to a very nice fellow who had just
arrived in Venice, and a somewhat amusing incident occurred. I did
not catch his name at first, and, as he spoke English so fluently and
looked so much like an Englishman, I was somehow under the
impression that he was a correspondent of a London paper. He
appeared mystified when, after a few casual remarks, I asked him
how long he had been in Italy.
“How long?” he exclaimed. “Why, I live here.” “But you are not an
Italian?” “Well, you see my grandfather was,” he replied with a touch
of humour which I was only able to appreciate, when I heard later
that my “English journalist” was Peppino Garibaldi, a nephew of the
great patriot. He had just come from the Front, where he had been to
see the King to offer his services in raising a regiment of volunteers
similar to the one he had recently commanded on the French front in
the Argonne. His offer, it appeared, was not accepted, but afterwards
I learned he was given a commission in the Army, and he has since
so distinguished himself in action that he has risen to the rank of
Colonel. I believe his brothers have also done equally well in the
Army, thus proving that they are all real “chips of the old block.”
CHAPTER III

From Venice to Udine—Reservists rejoining—Interesting crowd—


Delays en route—Endless procession of military trains—Drawn
blinds—The Red Cross train—Arrival Udine—Scene on platform—In
search of an hotel—A little incident—The well-dressed civilian—The
obliging guide—My suspicions—Awkward questions—The best hotel
in Udine—A little “Trattoria” close by—A cheap room—First
impressions of Udine—At the Police Office—The permis de séjour—
The Carabinieri and the local police—The fascination of the big guns
—The “Military Commandant of Udine”—A difficult proposition—The
luck of the undelivered letter—My guide has to leave me—I change
my quarters—The Hotel “Tower of London”—Alone in Udine—An
awkward predicament—A friend in need—Still more luck—Dr.
Berthod—I am offered a studio—I accept—The delight of having this
studio in Udine.
CHAPTER III
The train service between Venice and Udine was apparently running
as usual, and there was no difficulty in getting tickets in spite of the
drastic regulations with regard to passengers. Possibly it was
assumed that anyone already inside the War Zone had permission to
be there, so no further questions were asked.
My guide, of course, got the tickets, so I had no trouble in that
matter; perhaps if I had gone to the booking office myself with my
limited vocabulary of Italian it would have been different. As it was, it
all seemed ridiculously simple, and there appeared to be no difficulty
whatever.
In Venice they are so accustomed to Englishmen, and artists are
such “common objects of the seashore,” that I attracted no particular
notice, in spite of my rucksack and my Norfolk jacket, breeches and
leggings.
The train left Venice at 8 o’clock in the morning, and was crowded
with officers in uniform and reservists in civilian attire, going to join
their regiments. Every class of Italian life was to be seen amongst
them—from the peasant with his humble belongings in a paper
parcel to the smart young man from Venice with his up-to-date suit
case and other luggage.
All were in the highest possible spirits, and it gave me more the
impression of a holiday outing of some big manufacturing company
than a troop-train as it virtually was.
I now began to realize how handicapped I was in not speaking
Italian; it would have been so interesting to have been able to chat
with these enthusiastic young fellows.
It was supposed to take three hours to get to Udine, but we were
two hours and a half longer, as we were continually being held up for
trains with troops, artillery and every description of materiel to pass.
It was an endless procession, and the soldiers in them seemed as
happy as sand-boys, and cheered lustily as they passed us.
The blinds of our windows and doors had to be kept drawn down
the whole way, and no one except the officers was allowed to get out
of the train at the stations under any pretext. Still there was not much
that we did not see; the blinds did not fit so tight as all that.
At one place we passed a long Red Cross train full of badly-
wounded men just in from the Front. This was the first time there had
been any evidence of the fighting that was taking place on ahead. It
was almost a startling sight, and came in sharp contrast to the
cheering crowds of healthy boys in the troop trains that had gone by
a few minutes previously.
There was a big crowd of officers and soldiers on the platform at
Udine, which was the terminus of the line, and one realised at once
that it was an important military centre. Outside was a large
assemblage of vehicles, motor waggons, and ambulance cars, and
altogether there was a scene of military activity that presented a
sharp contrast to sleepy Venice.
Rugged and threatening, visible for miles around is the frowning pinnacle of bare
rock known as Monte Nero (see page 40)
To face page 26

The station is some little distance from the town, so we set off in
search of a small hotel we had been recommended to where we
could get quiet lodgings for a day or two as I did not want to put up
anywhere where we should attract undue attention. I had thought it
would be advisable to drop the “War Correspondent” for the time
being and to call myself simply a wandering artist in search of
Military subjects, and my intelligent young guide quite entered into
my idea—it was only a harmless little fib after all.
A few hundred yards from the station a little incident occurred
which, curiously enough, turned out to be the commencement of the
run of luck which, with one exception, of which I shall tell later, I had
during the whole of my stay in Udine. It came about in this wise.
A good-looking, well-dressed man in civilian attire caught us up as
we were walking along, and, noticing that we seemed uncertain
which way to take, asked pleasantly if we were looking for any
particular street. My companion unhesitatingly told him we had just
arrived in Udine, and were looking for lodgings.
The stranger, noticing I could not speak Italian, addressed me in a
very good French, and obligingly offered to accompany us part of the
way. I could not well refuse, but I recollect how the thought instantly
flashed through my mind that he was perhaps a police official in
mufti or a detective, and my suspicions seemed to be confirmed by a
question he put to me bluntly.
“Are you journalists?” he enquired suddenly.
My first impulse was to ask what business it was of his what we
were, when it flashed through my mind that it was better not to
resent his query, which might after all mean no harm. So I replied
that I was a travelling artist in search of military subjects, and that my
companion was my interpreter. “But why do you ask if we are
journalists?” I continued.
“Because journalists are forbidden to come to Udine, and only
yesterday the famous Barzini himself was arrested and sent back to
Milan for coming here without permission. Of course there may be
no objection to you as an artist if all your papers are in order.”
I assured him they were, but nevertheless I did not feel very
reassured after what he had told me; it seemed a sort of hint that
unless I was very sure of my position I had better not think of taking
lodgings at Udine, otherwise I was asking for trouble. However, I had
weighed all this in my mind beforehand, and was well aware of the
risk I was taking.
It makes me smile even now when I recall how curtly I answered
him, and how every remark he made only increased my early doubts
as to his bona-fides, for he turned out to be as good and genuine a
fellow as I ever met, and had it not been for this chance meeting, my
early impressions of Udine would have been very different to what
they were, apart from the result it had on my work whilst there, but of
all this more anon.
The modest hotel we had been recommended to put up at was
merely modest in comparison with Danielli’s at Venice, for it was the
Hotel d’Italie, one of the best and most frequented in Udine, and the
very last place I should have chosen for seclusion. As it turned out,
they had not a room vacant, so we had perforce to seek
accommodation elsewhere.
Meanwhile the obliging stranger had left us to our own devices,
much to my relief, as I was not over keen on his knowing where we
put up.
There happened to be a little “trattoria” close by, and we went in to
get something to eat. It was late for lunch, so we had it to ourselves,
and the proprietor, seeing we were strangers, came and had a chat
with us.
It turned out that he had a room to let for 1.50 per night with two
beds in it; it was large and very clean, so, to avoid walking about
trying to find something better, I told him that I would take it. But it
was more easily said than done.
“You must go to the Questura (the police) and get their permission
to stay in Udine before I can let you have it,” he told us. This was a
bit awkward, but there was no help for it but to go at once and get
the ordeal over, so we made our way at once to the police station.
We had to pass through a main street, and I realised at once that
Udine, although the “Front” and the Headquarters of the Army, was
only a small Italian garrison town, with perhaps more soldiers about
than there would have been in normal times.
Considering how close it was at that moment to the actual opening
operations of the war, it was distinctly disappointing from my point of
view, considering I was looking for military subjects. In this respect it
was even less interesting than many of the French towns such as,
for instance, Epinal or Langres, I had been in during the early days
shortly after the commencement of hostilities.
This was my first impression of Udine—I had reason to modify it
considerably in a very short time, in fact during the first day I was
there. The echo of the big guns convinced me that although life in
Udine was outwardly normal, the war was very near indeed.
At the Questura, to my surprise, the Commissaire made but little
difficulty in giving me a permis de séjour, on seeing my passport and
my last permis from Venice, and on my guide explaining that I might
be remaining some little time, he readily made it out for one month.
As I came away I could not help wondering why it should have
been so easy for me to obtain this permission to remain in Udine
when Barzini had been arrested and sent away a couple of days
previously.
I had yet to learn that in the War Zone the civil authorities and the
local police take a very back seat, and that the permis de séjour I
had just been given would prove of no value whatever if the
Carabinieri—i.e., the military police—took exception to my being in
Udine. Fortunately I did not learn this until some days later, and in
the meantime, confident in the possession of my police permit, I had
no hesitation in walking about the town freely.
The sound of the big guns, however, which one heard unceasingly,
soon began to exercise the curious fascination over me that they
always have, and I was not long making up my mind that I must lose
no time in Udine.
It was a delightfully quaint old town, with cafés and restaurants,
and altogether a pleasant place to spend a few days in, but this was
not what I had come for. So I immediately set about making
enquiries for the quarters of the “Military Commandant of Udine” in
order to present my letter from the Consul, and ask for permission to
go out to the scene of operations.
It seemed on the face of it a perfectly simple matter to find out
where he was staying, but we spent several hours going from place
to place without success.
The long official envelope with “On His Majesty’s Service” on it
proved an open sesame everywhere, and I was received with
marked courtesy by all the staff officers I showed it to, and the
envelope itself seemed to inspire respect, but not one of them could
(or as I thought “would”) give me the information of the
Commandant’s whereabouts. It struck me as being very strange all
this mystery as it appeared.
Well, after having spent two hours going from one staff building to
another, we had to give it up as a bad job—it was evidently a very
difficult proposition to present a letter to the “Military Commandant of
Udine”—and the envelope was beginning to show signs of wear after
being handled so much, so there was nothing for it but to have the
letter always handy and chance coming across him sometime—in
the meantime, if any questions were asked me as to the reason of
my being in Udine I felt I had always the excuse of this document
which I was waiting to hand personally to the “Military Commandant.”
As it turned out I owed all my luck in remaining in Udine as long as
I did to this undelivered letter in its official envelope. Whenever I was
asked any awkward questions as to why I was there, out it would
come, and the mere sight of it seemed to afford me protection. It was
a veritable talisman. How its spell was eventually broken I will
narrate in due course.
To get out to the scene of operations without a permit appeared
hopeless, for the moment; one realised it would take some time to
work it, so the only thing to do was to chance it and to remain on in
the hope of something turning up—that Udine was the place to stay
in if one could was evident. I therefore decided not to budge till they
turned me out, and I never had cause to regret my decision.
My guide had only been given a few days holiday, so when he saw
that there was no immediate chance of getting out to see anything of
the fighting he told me he thought he had better return to Venice.
This, of course, meant my remaining on alone—a somewhat
dreary prospect, since I knew no one, and, as I said, could scarcely
make myself understood, but there was no help for it.
Before he left I managed, with his assistance, to find a better room
in a small hotel in the main street (curiously enough the hotel was
named “The Tower of London”), and arranged to have my luggage
sent from Venice.
It would be difficult to describe my feelings when I found myself
alone outside the station after my guide had gone. I felt literally
stranded, but my lucky star was in the ascendant, and in a few
minutes a little incident occurred that made me feel that I might get
used to Udine after all.
There is a tramcar running from the station to the town, so I got on
it as a sort of first attempt at finding my way about without
assistance, but when the conductor apparently asked me where I
wanted to go I was at once non-plussed, and could only gesticulate
my ignorance and offer him a lire to take the fare out of.
I might have been in an awkward predicament and have attracted
more attention than I desired, when a big stout man, who was also
standing on the platform of the car, turned to me and in excellent
English asked me where I was going and if he could be of any
assistance since he saw I was an Englishman and could not speak
Italian.
Needless to add, that this led to a conversation, and I learned that
he had lived for many years at Cairo, hence his speaking English so
well. He was a very genial fellow, and a genuine admirer of the
English nation and our methods in Egypt.
Before we parted it was arranged that I should meet him the
following day at the principal café in the town, and that he would
introduce me to a young fellow, a friend of his, who also spoke
English fluently, and who would doubtless be glad to show me
around. So within five minutes of the departure of my guide I had
fallen on my feet.
My luck even then was not out: just as I got off the tram I ran into
the affable stranger who had walked with us from the station on the
day of our arrival. He seemed so genuinely pleased to meet me
again that my suspicions of him vanished at once, and I
unhesitatingly accepted his offer of an “Americano” at the café close
by; the fact of my being alone seemed to interest him immensely,
and he expressed astonishment at my risking remaining in Udine
without understanding Italian.
In the course of conversation I learned he was Dr. Berthod, the
President of an Agrarian Society, with a big warehouse and office in
Udine. He asked me where I proposed to do my work, and when I
said in my bedroom at the hotel, he told me that in his building there
was a large room with a north light which he, speaking on behalf of
his members, would be pleased if I would make use of as a studio
whilst I was in Udine.
This was so unexpected that I was quite taken aback—such
friendliness from a stranger quite overwhelmed me.
He would take no refusal, and insisted on my going with him to
see if it would suit me.
It turned out to be a capital room, and I told him it would answer
my purpose admirably, so he got some of his workmen to clear it out
for me at once, in readiness for me to commence work, and
promised to find me an easel and everything I required.
He refused to discuss the idea of my paying anything for it, saying
they were only too pleased to help an Englishman, and that they
would be delighted if I would consider it as my studio as long as I
was in Udine. This was eighteen months ago, and the room is still
reserved for me.
Without this studio, as I soon realised, life up at the Front for any
length of time would have been terribly fatiguing and monotonous. It
is difficult to convey an idea of the delight it was, having a quiet place
to come back to work in after rushing about in a car for hours and
probably having been under fire all the time.
To get away for a while from the turmoil of war when you were in
the midst of it was a relief, like going from blazing sunshine into the
cool interior of a cathedral.
CHAPTER IV

The wonderful system on which everything was worked—Udine “the


Front”—The commencement of hostilities—The 24th May—The first
day of operations auspicious for Italy—Redemption of the province
of Friuli—New Italian Front—Cormons—The inhabitants of Italian
origin—A good practical joke—The moral of the troops—
Unpretentious attempts at wit—High spirits of the men—The road
from Udine to Cormons—Wonderful sight—Italian flags everywhere
—A mystery where they came from—Wild triumphant advance of the
Italian troops—Women kiss the ground—But a lever de rideau—
Italians cross the Isonzo—Austrians on Monte Nero—Monte Nero—
The capture of Monte Nero—Incredible daring of the Alpini—The
story of the great achievement—Number of prisoners taken—The
prisoners brought to Udine—Their temporary prison—The tropical
heat—An ugly incident—Austrian attempt to re-take Monte Nero—
Success follows success—Capture of Monfalcone and Gradisca;
Sagrado and Monte Corrada—Commencement of the attack on
Gorizia—Subjects for my sketch book—Touches of human nature—
High mass in the mountains—The tentes d’abri—Cheerfulness of
men in spite of all hardships.
CHAPTER IV
Everything seemed to go as though by routine in the early
operations, and from the moment war was declared and the Italian
army made its “Tiger spring” for the Passes on the night of May 23rd-
24th it was manifest that General Cadorna had well-matured plans,
and, that they were being carried out without a hitch anywhere.
During the six weeks I managed to stay in Udine I had ample
opportunity of observing the wonderful system on which everything
was worked, and how carefully pre-arranged were the movements of
troops and material. Certainly no army—not even excepting the
German—ever started a war under better conditions.
Udine in the early weeks of the war was right up at “the Front,” so
to speak, and therefore an extremely important centre. It was
practically from here that the commencement of hostilities was
made.
At four o’clock in the morning of the 24th of May the Italian army
crossed the Indrio, a tributary of the Isonzo, overcame a feeble
resistance and entered Austrian territory.
During the entire day the onward march continued. After a
preparatory attack in Monte Quirino, the important town of Cormons
surrendered and a few hours later Caporetto, Cervignano, Terzo,
Medea, the ancient city of Aquileia and Grado, the “Austrian
Ostend,” in the Adriatic. The first day of operations, therefore,
dawned auspiciously for Italy.
Some fears were expressed at the time that the hasty withdrawal
of the Austrians was a ruse, and that the Italians might find
themselves in a fix later on, but, as was soon proved, this was not
the case, and nearly the whole of the province of Friuli, that the
Austrians had held since 1866, had been redeemed with no
opposition worthy of the name, and the Italian front extended from
Tolmino to the sea.
I was in Cormons shortly after the entry of the troops, and it was
difficult to realise that the Italians had not always been there. The
inhabitants of Italian origin helped to remove as many traces as
possible of the Austrian occupancy—the hated names disappeared
as if by magic from shop fronts and street corners; in fact, in a very
few hours it was an Italian town again, and the good folk of Cormons
had cast off their hated thraldom.
In the centre of the town is a statue of the Emperor Maximilian (it
looks exactly like Beckmesser in the “Meistersingers” singing his
pricelied), and on the day of the entry of the Italian soldiers some
wag conceived the happy idea of placing a sack over the head and
an Italian flag in one of the hands, an indignity that must have
caused the Austrian inhabitants to gnash their teeth with impotent
rage, but there were touches of humour discernable everywhere
which conveyed to you more perhaps than anything else an idea of
the moral of the troops.
Notices roughly scrawled on walls in the villages which one
passed—“This way for Trieste,” “Nearest road to Monfalcone,”
“Straight on and the second to the right for Gorizia,” and so forth—
unpretentious little attempts at wit which have remade their
appearance again and again in every war probably from time
immemorial. All this, added to the wonderful patriotic ardour and
enthusiasm one saw on all sides, was very impressive.
It meant practically scaling a cliff of rock (see page 41)
To face page 38

It is certain that no troops ever went to battle in higher spirits than


these splendid fellows. One heard them marching along singing and
laughing as though they had not a care in the world.
The road all the way from Udine to Cormons was a wonderful
sight, and looked like a defile of troops on some national fête day
rather than the opening of hostilities.
I saw the French armies on their way to the Front at the beginning
of the war, flower-bedecked and bubbling over with enthusiasm, but
somehow that was different to this advance of the Italians. The world
war had not then commenced; its horrors were as yet unknown—
here there was no question as to what was going to happen if Italy
did not “make good,” so the confidence and empressment was the
more stirring to my mind.
Italian flags seemed to blossom forth everywhere. It was quite
remarkable the numbers of them one saw. Where they all came from
was a mystery, as it was well known that the Austrians never
tolerated them anywhere in the province. It was suggested that the
three different colours of material were purchased separately and in
different places so as not to arouse suspicion, and held in readiness
to be sewn together to form the flags when the time at last arrived.
The successful operations of the first day of the war were
immediately followed up by a vigorous offensive, and the Italian
troops practically swept everything before them during the next few
days in their wild triumphant advance, all of which, in the language of
the Ring, proved the value of being ready and getting in the first
blow.
Everywhere the soldiers were received with open arms by the
peasantry of the redeemed province, and many touching scenes
were witnessed in the villages through which they passed, villages
that had long given up hope of ever being under the Italian tricolour
again. In one place the women said they would always kiss the
ground the Italians were marching over.
Of course, however, all this was but a lever de rideau, and the
merest prelude to what was going to take place in the near future
when the opposing armies got to grips. The Austrians did not intend
to submit to a walk over by any means, as was discovered when, a
few days later, the Italians crossed the Isonzo and endeavoured to
establish themselves on the slopes of Monte Nero preparatory to
capturing the mountain itself, but the Austrians were found to be
formidably entrenched, supported by heavy artillery and a great
number of machine guns.
The chief operations for the next few weeks, therefore, were
confined to the mountainous region on the left bank of the Isonzo,
about six miles west of Tolmino.
Here, towering nearly 7,000 feet high, rugged and threatening,
visible for miles around, is the frowning pinnacle of bare rock known
as Monte Nero, for the possession of which so many gallant lives
were to be sacrificed. That it was of the utmost importance it should
without undue delay be captured was patent from the very start.
From its northern slope the Austrian artillery commanded the entire
zone of operations in the vicinity right and left.
It is almost impossible to describe the terrible nature of the
enterprise the Italians found themselves up against, but which had to
be carried out at all costs. One must have seen Monte Nero to form
a conception of the courage that was requisite to accomplish it, yet it
was eventually achieved, and under conditions which will ever
redound to the glory of the Italian army.
The whole story of the capture of Monte Nero is a veritable epic of
heroism and endurance. It started with a series of stubborn conflicts
for the possession of the spurs leading to the summit; these were
gradually taken, and then came the crucial moment when only the
actual summit remained in the possession of the Austrians. This had
been transformed into a veritable fortress, and its eventual capture
was probably one of the most thrilling episodes in the history of war.
The Austrians were so strongly entrenched and fortified that they
had every reason to consider themselves in complete security from
any attack except by long range artillery fire, and the front of their
positions was further protected by nature, the side of the mountain
being almost perpendicular for some distance from the top.
Many an experienced climber would hesitate to negotiate so
precipitous an ascent in daylight. The Alpini, with almost incredible
daring, undertook it on a moonless night.
It meant practically scaling a cliff of rock in pitch darkness,
encumbered with rifle and munition; however, amongst the men, all
of whom were hardy mountaineers, there was no hesitancy. In order
to lessen the danger of making any noise which might arouse the
suspicions of the Austrian sentries, they removed their boots and
bound rags round their feet to prevent them being cut on the rocks.

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