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Lecture - Notes From - Aberra Degafe
Lecture - Notes From - Aberra Degafe
Lecture Note
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CONSTITUTIONS AND CONSTITUTIONALISM IN ETHIOPIA
INTRODUCTION
We study the past in order to gain a better understanding of the present. Usually,
the past haunts the present in the sense that the past system of ideas and old habits affect the
present in so many ways. In order to understand the current Ethiopian Constitution, one
needs to critically explore the sources of legitimacy and power base of the past Ethiopian
rulers’ authority and their constitutions. The past constitutional history has its own direct
influence on the present constitutional questions of Ethiopia. The origin of the present
Ethiopian constitutional developments and challenges may possibly be traced back to the
way Ethiopia was constituted and developed since then.
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One may wonder why Ethiopia, with such a long history of independence has remained
extremely backward. This has continued to be the paradox of Ethiopian constitutional
development.
Ethiopia as a Multi-Ethnic Empire: The modern Ethiopian polity was created in the
second half of the 19th century as an amalgam of polyethnic entities and has since then been
maintained by use of force. The past rulers of Ethiopia have always relied entirely on their
military force to subject the people of the Empire to their autocratic rule. Because of the
harsh and repressive rule of Ethiopian rulers, quite a big number of scholars agree that rule of
law was alien to Ethiopia (Bairu, 1994). The system had always been hostile to the rule of
law thus engendering continual ethnic conflicts (Merera, 2003). For this reason, the entire
history of the state has generally been characterized as a history of conflicts (Markakis, 2003,
Merera, 2000).
Politically, Ethiopia had traditional ruling ethnic groups who had the monopoly of
power and resources of the country. As a consequence, the conflicts in Ethiopia were by
and large attributable to absolute monopoly of power and resources by one or the other
ethnic group to the exclusion of all others (Ali, 2003, Lewis, 1983, Sarah Vaughan and
Kjetil Tronvoll, 2003).
As a multi-ethnic empire-state, the modern Ethiopia was created by wars of
conquest. The way the State was forged has created many constitutional problems which
remained unaddressed by the successive generations. The scars from the wars of conquest
have had significant effects on the past, the present and the future. In Ethiopia, numerous
nations and nationalities have been subjugated by one or the other which conquered the
former from without and retained their conquest and domination by force. So the Ethiopian
Empire as such was forged by the force of arms where the hegemonic rule of one or two
ethnic groups has been established and maintained. Hence, the Empire State of Ethiopia had
at birth and carried with it potential seeds of conflict (Merera, 2003).
Questions:
a. How did all the past Ethiopian governments constitute themselves?
b. How and by whom were all the past Ethiopian constitutions made?
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With that objective Haile Sellassie brought the nobility into the process of making
the 1931 constitution, in order to legally bring them under his control and to give further
weight to the document (Paul & Clapham, 1972). In short, the 1931 Constitution has:
Helped in consolidating Haile Sellassie’s power
Served as an instrument of centralization reflecting the traditional
principle of absolute imperial power without any practical limitations.
Introduced a parliament as an institution which had only the right of
discussion (see arts. 30-47 of the Constitution).
Under Arts 6-17 of the Constitution, the powers and prerogatives of the Emperor were
provided. Accordingly,
Supreme power rested into the hands of the Emperor (Art. 6).
The Emperor had the right to institute Chambers (Art. 7).
The Emperor had the right to convene and dissolve the Chamber of
Deputies (Art. 8).
The Emperor had the power to promulgate Decrees taking the
place of laws (Art. 9).
With regard to citizens’ rights, Articles 18-29 provides the rights and duties of
subjects of the Empire. Article 28 states that Ethiopian subjects had the right to present
petitions to the government in legal form. But no independent judiciary was created to
guarantee these rights.
Overall, the 1931 constitution explicitly made the Emperor supreme and above
the law (arts 5 & 6). As sovereignty was made to be vested on the Emperor, it is difficult to
imagine how this same sovereign could impose on itself the law it could not infringe. In so
doing, the traditional principle which attributed super-human virtue to the Emperor prevailed.
In general, the 1931 Constitution, rather than limiting and distributing power it
consolidated and centralized it (arts 1-5). Like the traditional Abyssinia kings, the Emperor
remained above laws and supreme in all cases ecclesiastical and civil (Bruce). According to
Article 5 of the Constitution ’In the Ethiopian Empire supreme power rests with the
Emperor’. This kind of constitution cannot claim to be a genuine constitution in the
substantive sense, since it fails to institutionalize shared and limited government. Mahtama
Sellassie also stated that the Ethiopian Emperor had an uncontested and boundless power
over the territory he ruled (Zikre Nagar).
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Emperor free from judicial process. Rather, based on Article 35, the Emperor had the power
to maintain justice. What is more, by virtue of art 36, the Emperor was made the sole
guardian of the people’s rights which were provided under arts 37-63. As per art 26ff the
Emperor was made the sovereign. Hence under the 1955 Revised Constitution of Haile
Sellassie, the principle of judicial independence (art 110) conflicted with the unique and
absolute power of the Emperor. The 1955 Revised Constitution could not expressly provide
for a body empowered to deal with constitutionality issues.
The separation of powers was applicable only at the level below the Emperor.
Based on Art 30, the Emperor had the power to make treaties. Of course, Art 64 provided
that everyone in the Empire has the duty to respect and obey the constitution, laws, decrees,
orders and regulations of the Empire. But this did not (at least in writing) include the
Emperor (see also art 4).
Under the 1955 Revised Constitution, the Emperor had the power to initiate
legislation (See Articles 34, 86, 88, 91, and 92). Art 88 made the publication of laws possible
only after the Emperor approves.
Question: What were the major constitutional problems which Haile Sellassie’s Government
failed to address?
iii. The PMAC and the 1987 PDRE Constitution
The 1974 revolution has brought an end to Ethiopia’s imperial regime. After
deposing the Emperor and suspending the 1955 Revised Constitution, the Provisional
Military Administrative Council (PMAC) constituted itself as a provisional government. The
Military regime ruled the country up to 1987 without a constitution. The Peoples Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia Constitution (PDRE) was adopted by referendum in 1987. During its 13
years rule, the Military regime has addressed the land question ignoring the country’s ethnic
problem.
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According to Brietzke, the Deg’s response to ethnic problem was unitarism in the
extreme.
Little sensitivity toward ethnic sensibilities emerged however, a regional
administrative autonomy was supposedly created by the 1987 constitution,
but there was no meaningful political or ethnic autonomy Mengistu’s style
of governance unovwerslist and unitarist in the extreme: through popular
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easily be manipulated by the dominant majorities or dominant parties that have emerged
today in many African countries. One of the most important ways to arrest this insidious
decline towards the one party system is for all African constitutions, first to guarantee
constitutionalism and second to constitutional the status of political parties.
Of the two main constitutional issues i. e, end of feudal land ownership and ethnic
issue, the Derg failed to address the ethnic issue in a meaningful way in the 1987 PDRE
Constitution. Consequently, the resistances which manifested themselves in the form of
ethnic liberation fronts finally led to the fall of the Derg and with it also the 1987
constitution. Hence, as it lived only for less than four years some say that the 1987
Constitution ‘never got off the ground’. Missed historical opportunities in Ethiopian
Constitutional History
According to Dr Eshetu Chole, within a period of less than one generation,
Ethiopian society has had to contend with two periods of transition. The first was at the end
of the Haile Sellassie era when the Imperial rule came to an end by the seizure of power by
the military which represented a definite transition because when seen in the light of the
political and economic structures the transition represented a radical break with the past. In
1974, with the fall of Imperial order, history availed the Ethiopian people a unique
opportunity of building an economically viable, democratic and just society. But popular
aspirations were hijacked by a military clique, and the record of seventeen years of military
misrule turned out to be a bitter ”harvest of sorrow”. In other words, as a people we wasted
the opportunity offered by 1974(Dialogue, 1992, vol1 no 1, p.63).
The second was, in a rare instance of generosity, in 1991, history has once again
given Ethiopian people another chance to redeem our country and pull it out of the quagmire.
Dr Eshetu’s question then was, whether we could rise to the occasion and rehabilitate
Ethiopian society and economy, or whether we could once again waste a historic opportunity,
thereby perpetuating hell on earth, not only for this generation but also for generations to
come?
In Dr Eshetu’s view, two opportunities in less than a generation was a privilege seldom
granted to a people; squandering both of them is a crime that will not be forgiven by
posterity. Right after the fall of the Dergue Regime, that was a challenge which once again
was placed before the Ethiopian people during the transitional period (p.63).
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economic and social life and thereby contributing to the welfare of the Ethiopian peoples and
rescuing them from centuries of subjugation and backwardness.
The Charter has provided for the dismantling of all institutions of repression
installed by the previous regimes. Its objectives were to redress regional prejudices and the
safeguard the rights and interests of the deprived citizens by a democratic government
elected by and accountable to the people. The Charter recognized several human rights
including the right to self- determination of ethnic groups to independence when the
nation/nationality or people concerned are convinced that its rights were denied abridged or
abrogated (Articles 1 and 2).
The provisional government which was referred to as the Transitional
Government of Ethiopia (TGE) was established by the Charter. The TGE had 87 members
which consisted of Council of Representatives and Council of Ministers (Article 6). The
Transitional Council of Representatives (TCR) was composed of representatives of liberation
fronts and professional organizations. It had the power to exercise all legal and political
responsibility for the governance of Ethiopia (Article 9).
The Charter did not have constitutional character within the strict definition of
modern constitution. It was an interim constitution as it was meant to serve only for two
years (Art 12). It did not have amendment clause but had supremacy clause (see Art 18). It
failed to define the relationship between the different organs clearly. Issues like:
Accountability,
Check and balances. (See art 6, 7 and 8),
Failure to provide for enforcement machineries,
Mechanism for realizing democratic rights (provided under art 1 and 2 but
without independent judiciary were meaningless),
Independence of the judiciary and control of constitutionality of laws (verbally
article 9(F) provides it), were not adequately defined and established clearly.
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discussed on the draft and ratified it on December 8, 1994. The Constitution entered into
force on 21 August 1995.
Regarding the participation and inclusiveness level in the making of the
constitution, writers had different views. According to Meaza Ashenafi,” debates were
lively.-------Nonetheless, the EPRDF, the ruling party, always dominated when an issue
came to a vote, as it had the largest delegation”(Meaza, 2003, P 32). For Meaza, the
process was not fully participatory. In C.N. Paul’s view,
None of the political and ethnic forces which make the opposition to (the
EPRDF) had participated in the constitution making. All opposition parties, most
importantly, those representing the Amhara and Oromo groups (38 and 35%
respectively) withdrew from the electoral competition. The new constitution is
therefore supported politically and ethnically by the Tigrayan minority which
counts less than 10% of the population (Paul, 2000, p. 128).
a. Introduction
The Preamble of the Constitution outlined its major aims and aspirations. The
constitution is a compact between nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia. It
aspired for rectifying historical wrongs. It aims at ‘building a political community
founded on the rule of law and capable of ensuring a lasting peace, guaranteeing a
democratic order, and advancing ... economic and social development’.
The Constitution conditions the success of this sacred goal on the full respect of
the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals and the people, to living together on
the basis of equality and without any sexual, religious, and cultural discrimination, and on
rectifying historically unjust relationships and promoting shared interests.
The 1995 FDRE Constitution has made a significant departure from the previous
constitutions both in form and in content. The nature of state it has envisaged and the
government it established was different. As clearly captured in the preamble of the
constitution, one of the most important objectives of the constitution is to create one
economic and political community based on good governance, respect for human rights
and democracy. The right to self-determination is clearly provided for under article 39
and nine regional states were created based on cultural and linguistic categories. The nine
regional states newly created are Afar, Amhara, Benshangul Gumuz, Gambela, Harari,
Oromiya, Somali , SNNP (Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples), and Tigray. The
FDRE Constitution has eleven chapters and 106 articles.
Chapter one General provisions (1-7)
Chapter two- Fundamental principles (8-12)
Chapter Three fundamental rights and Freedoms (13-44)
Chapter four- State Structure (45-49)
Chapter five structures and division of powers (50-52)
Chapter six the federal councils (53-68)
Chapter seven –The presidency (69-71)
Chapter Eight- The Executive (72-77)
Chapter Nine- Structure and powers of courts (78-81)
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Human and democratic rights (Article 10): Article 10 of the FDRE Constitution
provides that human rights and freedoms, emanating from the nature of mankind, are
inviolable and inalienable. Human and democratic rights of citizens and peoples shall be
respected. Democracy and human rights are distinct yet interrelated concepts, with
democracy referring to government by the people, and human rights referring to universal
rights that apply to all individuals in all societies.
Human rights are commonly understood as being those rights which are inherent
in the mere fact of being human. A human right is something that pertains to all humans
at all times. Human rights are those, which belong universally to people regardless of
their sex, race, color, language, national origin, age, class, religion or political beliefs.
Human rights have been defined as ‘basic moral guarantees that people in all
countries and cultures allegedly have simply because they are people. The moral doctrine
of human rights aims at identifying the fundamental prerequisites for each human being
leading a minimally good life. Calling these guarantees “rights” suggests that they attach
to particular individuals who can invoke them, that they are of high priority, and that
compliance with them is mandatory rather than discretionary.
The concept of human rights is based on the belief that every human being is
entitled to enjoy her/his rights without discrimination. Human rights are not bought nor
does any other specific contractual undertaking create them.
There are certain common features of all the categories of human rights. The
following are the basic characteristics of human rights:
Inherent – human Rights are inherent because they are not granted by any person
or authority.
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Fundamental - Human Rights are fundamental rights because without them, the
life and dignity of man will be meaningless.
Universal - Human Rights are universal in application and they apply irrespective
of one’s origin, status, or condition or place where one lives. Human rights are
enforceable without national border.
Imprescriptible - Human Rights do not prescribe and cannot be lost even if man
fails to use or assert them, even by a long passage of time.
Indivisible - Human Rights are not capable of being divided. They cannot be
denied even when other rights have already been enjoyed.
Democratic Rights
Democratic rights have got to do with the right to take part in the establishment
and running of government. According to Article 21 of Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR),
1. Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly
or through freely chosen representatives.
2. Everyone has the right to equal access to public service in his country.
3. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this
shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal
and equal suffrage and shall be held in secret vote or by equivalent free voting
procedures.
Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), also
provides that
Every citizen shall have the right and opportunity… (a) To take part in the
conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives; (b) To
vote and be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and
equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression
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of the will of the electors; (c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to
public service in his country.
Separation of state and religion (Article 11): What do we mean by separation of state
and religion? This simply means that state should be secular. There should be no state
religion. But what is religion? According to Frankfurter, religion is the affirmative pursuit
of one’s convictions about the ultimate systems of universe and man’s relation to it.
Religion is that system of activities and beliefs directed toward that which is perceived to
be of sacred value and transforming power. It refers to the set of beliefs, feelings, dogmas
and practices that define the relations between human being and sacred or divinity. These
set of beliefs concerns the cause, nature, and purpose of the universe, especially when
considered as the creation of a superhuman agency or agencies, usually involving
devotional and ritual observances, and often containing a moral code governing the
conduct of human affairs.
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A state should not identify itself with any particular religion or be controlled by
any particular religion. No particular religion in the state will receive any state patronage.
TA secular state is not going to make any discrimination whatsoever on the ground of
religion.
The essential features of secular democracy
The state will not identify itself with or be controlled by any religion
While the state guarantees to every one the right to profess whatever
religion one chooses to follow, it will not accord any preferential treatment
to any of them
No discrimination will be shown by the state against any person on
account of his/her religion or faith and
The right of every citizen, subject to any general condition, to enter any
office under the state will be equal to that of his fellow citizens.
In the affairs of the state, the professing of any particular religion will not be
taken into consideration at all.
In the USA, there is an Establishment Clause which provides that neither a state
nor the Federal Government can set up a church. Neither a State nor the Federal
Government can pass laws which aid one religion aid all religions, or prefer one religion
over another. No tax in any amount, large or small can be levied to support any religious
activities or institutions whatever they may be called, or whatever form they may adopt to
teach or practice religion.
Neither a state nor the Federal Government can, openly or secretly, participate in
the affairs of any religious organizations or groups and vice versa. This is meant to erect
‘a wall of separation between church and state’.
To survive an establishment challenge in the USA, a government action must
meet each of these requirements known as Lemon Test- Lemon vs Kurtzman(1971)
c. The statute must have a secular legislative purpose
d. Its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor
inhibits religion
e. The statute must not foster an excessive government entanglement with
religion
Art 11 of the FDRE Constitution provides that State and religion are separate. There
shall be no state religion. The state shall not interfere in religious matters and religion shall not
interfere in state affairs. But what constitutes religious affairs?
To establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purpose
To maintain its own affairs in matters of religion
To own and acquire movable and immovable property and
To administer such property in accordance with law
Article 27 provided that everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience
and religion.
This right shall include the freedom to hold or to adopt a religion or
belief of his choice, and the freedom, either individually or in community
with others, and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in
worship, observance, practice and teaching.
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Conduct and Accountability of Government (Article 12): This article provides that the
conduct of government affairs shall be public and transparent. This would create relation
of harmony and understanding between the government and the people. Its absence
would on the other hand create suspicion (see also Arts 29(2-4), 58(5)
Any public official or an elected representative shall be accountable to the people
for any dereliction of the duties of office. He will be responsible and answerable for
failing to discharge his official duties. Whoever is the victim of such dereliction should
be able to get remedies which require the establishment of legal devices for enforcing the
accountability (see Art 37).
If the electorate looses confidence in an elected representative, s/he may be
recalled. Procedures are to be established by law (see Art 54(7) of the Constitution. See
Arts 4-7 of Procl. No 88/97 a proclamation on loss of mandate of members of HPR.
In general, in a democracy, elected and appointed officials have to be accountable
to the people. Officials must make decisions and perform their duties according to the
will and wishes of the people, not for themselves. For government to be accountable the
people must be aware of what is happening in the country. This is referred to as
transparency in government. A transparent government holds public meetings and allows
citizens to attend. In a democracy, the press and the people are able to get information
about what decisions are being made, by whom and why.
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party by judicial proceedings (they are non-justiciable). These provisions are not meant to
be enforceable by courts.
Secondly, they are fundamental in the governance of the country and it shall be the duty
of the State to apply these principles in making laws. If a law giving effect to the
principles infringes any of the constitutional provisions, it will not be valid. The directive
principles can as well be taken into consideration in interpreting the ambiguous
provisions of the constitution as it is the case with the Preamble of the Constitution.
The fundamental rights provisions speak of certain things which the state ought to
refrain from doing. But pursuant to article 85, the directives are meant only to guide
public authorities in the implementation of the Constitution (both central and regional). In
making laws and in the governance of the country, the state has to apply these principles
or follow the directives, which would require positive actions. As such the principles and
the objectives are not suitable for enforcement in court of law. They are instructions
issued to the legislature and the executive for their guidance.
Critics Regarding the inclusion of the Objectives and Principles in a Constitution
Arguments against the inclusion of these objectives
These principles are simply manifestations of aims and aspirations as they lack the
quality of enforceability. But constitution as a rule should include only those provisions
whose enforcement is obligatory on the state.
So they think it should not be part of the constitutional document.
Arguments favoring its inclusion
d. Although the state may not have to answer for breach in a court of
law, the electorate may require the answer during election time.
e. They are in the nature of moral rules for the authorities of the state
as such they have educational value.
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Question
Does a durability of a constitution be measured by the existence of stringent amendment
procedures?
III. Fundamental Human rights and freedoms under the FDRE Constitution
Introduction
According to Harold Laski, (1934), “Every state is known by the rights that it
maintains. Among the distinguishing features of modern democratic society recognition of
the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people is the most important one. Hence one
method of judging a state’s character lies, in the contribution that it makes to the substance
of men’s happiness (Grammar of Politics, 3rd. ed. p.89). In Loewenstein’s view of all
restraints placed on the power of the state, the most effective is considered to be the
recognition by law and the protection by observance of certain areas of individual self
determination into which the State cannot penetrate (1965).
The recognition and the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms are the
essence of the political system of constitutional democracy. They signify shared and
limited power without which it cannot function. The reality of individual liberties is the
only reliable criterion that differentiates authoritarian and constitutional democratic
political systems.
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The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights states “Every individual shall have
the right to enjoy the best attainable state of physical and mental health”. The words “best
attainable” are used because this will vary, depending upon how rich a particular country
is, and what resources it has available for these services.
Conflicting Rights
Environmental rights with economic development rights freedom of information with
right to privacy
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