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SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY: A
PROBLEM-BASED APPROACH 3rd
Edition
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A Pro- em-Base . . . . . . Approac
THIRD CANADIAN EDITION
Richard H. Robbins
State University of New York at Plattsburgh
Maggie Cummings
University of Toronto
Karen McGarry
McMaster University
NELSON
-EDUCATION
NELSON
EDUCATION
COPYRIGHT© 2017, 2014 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of Library and Archives Canada
by Nelson Education Ltd. this work covered by the copyright Cataloguing in Publication Data
herein may be reproduced, Robbins, Richard H. (Richard
Adapted from ANTHRO, First Edition transcribed, or used in any form or
by Richard H. Robbins, published by Howard), 1940-
by any means-graphic, electronic, [Cultural anthropology]
Cengage Learning. Copyright ©2012 or mechanical, including
by Wadsworth Learning. Sociocultural anthropology : a
photocopying, recording, taping, problem-based approach I Richard
Printed and bound in Canada. Web distribution, or information H. Robbins, State University of
1 2 3 4 19 18 17 16 storage and retrieval systems- New York at Plattsburgh, Maggie
without the written permission of Cummings, University of Toronto,
For more information contact the publisher. Karen McGarry, McMaster
Nelson Education Ltd., University.- Third Canadian
1120 Birchmount Road, Toronto, For permission to use material
from this text or product, submit edition.
Ontario, M 1K 5G4. Or you can visit
our Internet site at all requests online at Previous editions published under
http://www.nelson.com www.cengage.com/permissions. title: Cultural anthropology.
Further questions about Includes bibliographical references
permissions can be emailed to and index.
permissionrequest@cengage.com ISBN 978-0-17-657016-3
Every effort has been made to (paperback)
trace ownership of all copyrighted 1. Ethnology-Textbooks.
material and to secure permission I. Cummings, Maggie, 1974-, author
from copyright holders. In the II. McGarry, Karen Ann, 1972-,
event of any question arising as to author Ill. Title: Cultural
the use of any material, we w ill be anthropology
pleased to make the necessary
corrections in future printings. GN316.R62 2016 306
C20 15-906184-9
ISBN-13: 978-0-17-657016-3
ISBN-1 0: 0-17-657016-0
The publisher of Sociocultural Anthropology: A Problem-Based Approach, Third Canadian Edition, hopes that the
inquiry-based approach of this book guides students as they develop an inquisitiveness and openness to cultural
diversity. The cover image is an untitled work from 1993 by Max Johnston, an artist whose work is primarily abstract art
and who lives in Toronto.
A Pro_ em-Base- Approac
THIRD CANADIAN EDITION
Although all humans that we know about are
capable of producing accurate sketches of localities
and regions with which they are familiar, cartogra-
phy (the craft of mapmaking as we know it today)
had its beginnings in 16th-century Europe, and its
subsequent development is related to the expan-
sion of Europeans to all parts of the globe. From
the beginning, there have been two problems with
MERCATOR
maps: the technical one of how to depict on a two-
dimensional, flat surface a three-dimensional spher-
ical object, and the cultural one of whose world
view maps reflect. In fact, the two issues are insepa-
rable, for the particular projection one uses inevita-
bly makes a statement about how one views one's
own people and their place in the world. Indeed,
maps often shape our perceptions of reality as much
as they reflect them.
In cartography, a projection refers to the system
of intersecting lines (of longitude and latitude) by
which part or all of the globe is represented on a
MOLLW£10E
flat surface. There are more than a hundred different
projections in use today, ranging from polar perspec-
tives to interrupted "butterflies" to rectangles to
heart shapes. Each projection causes distortion in
size, shape, or distance in some way or another. A
map that correctly shows the shape of a landmass
will of necessity misrepresent the size. A map that
is accurate along the equator will be deceptive at
the poles.
Perhaps no projection has had more influence
on the way we see the world than that of Gerhar-
VAN E& GRINTIN
dus Mercator, who devised his map in 1569 as a
navigational aid for mariners. So well suited was
Mercator's map for this purpose that it continues
to be used for navigational charts today. At the same
--- --
time, the Mercator projection became a standard for . ~:.,.._
IV NEL
The Van der Grinten Projection (1904) was a
compromise aimed at minimizing both the distor-
tions of size in the Mercator and the distortions of
shape in equal-area maps such as the Mollweide.
Although an improvement, the Van der Grinten still
emphasizes the lands of the northern hemisphere at
the expense of the southern. For example, it shows
Canada and the former Soviet Union at more than
never intended. Although an accurate navigational twice their actual size.
tool, the Mercator projection greatly exaggerates The Robinson Projection, which was adopted
the size of landmasses in higher latitudes, giving by the National Geographic Society in 1988 to
about two-thirds of the map's surface to the north- replace the Van der Grinten, is one of the best
ern hemisphere. Thus, the lands occupied by Euro- compromises to date between the distortions of size
peans and European descendants appear far larger and those of shape. Although an improvement over
than those of other people. For example, North the Vander Grinten, the Robinson Projection still
America (19 million square kilometres) appears depicts lands in the northern latitudes as propor-
almost twice the size of Africa (30 million square tionally larger than those of the southern, that is,
kilometres), while Europe is shown as equal in size the Third World. And like European maps before
to South America, which actually has nearly twice it, the Robinson Projection places Europe at the
the landmass ofEurope. centre with the Atlantic Ocean and the Americas
A map developed in 1805 by Karl B. Mollweide to the left, thus emphasizing the cultural connec-
was one of the earlier equal-area projections of the tion between Europe and North America, while
world. Equal-area projections portray landmasses in neglecting the geographic closeness of northwest-
correct relative size, but as a result, they distort the ern North America to northeastern Asia.
shapes of continents more than other projections. Each of the four maps on the following pages
They most often compress and warp lands in the conveys quite a different cultural message. Included
higher latitudes and vertically stretch landmasses among them are the Peters Projection, an equal-
close to the equator. Other equal-area projec- area map that has been adopted as the official map
tions include the Lambert Cylindrical Equal-Area of UNESCO (the United Nations Educational,
Projection (1772), the Hammer Equal-Area Projec- Scientific, and Cultural Organization), and a Japa-
tion (1892), and the Eckert Equal-Area Projection nese map that shows us how the world looks from
(1906). the other side.
'<:)0
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KAZAKHSTAN
KIRGHIZSTAN
MONGOLIA
••"''-'
KOREA
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC
OF CHINA
IRAQ IRAN
BHUTAN
NEPAL
I'
BYA
EGYPT
..• •
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INOlA
SAUOI OMAN
ARABIA
BANGLA-
EMIRATES DESH
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SUDAN THAILAND
J VIETNAM PHILIPPINES
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BRUNEI ••
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CAMEROON PAPUA
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AUSTRALIA
MOZAMBIQUE
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AFRICA
NEW ZEALAND
ANTARCTICA
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NORWAY
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OF CHINA
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• " . _,_.,_ ANTARCTI CA
JAPANESE MAP
Not all maps place Europe at the centre of the world. This map, besides reflecting the importance the
Japanese attach to themselves in the world, has the virtue of showing the geographic proximity of North
America to Asia a fact easily overlooked when maps place Europe at their centre.
UNITED
RUSSIA STATES
'
CANADA
r'.
.....
•
-·
UNITED STATES
.•.
• .... C>
..- .
• FRENCH GUIANA
•
COSTA RICA
iiiiiiiiiiii;;;::=. PANAM~------l
•
• '
GUYANA
ECUADOR SURINAM
BRAZIL
. 0
••
CHAPTER 1
CONSTRUCTING REALITIES 92
CHAPTER 5
XII NEL
PU TT ING T HE WORLD IN An Anthropologist Looks at a
"Happy Mea l" 24
PERS PECT IVE IV
QUESTION 1.5: How Can an
PREFAC E XIX
Anthropolog ical Perspective Be Used
A BOU T THE A UT HORS XXIX Outside Academia? 26
What Can You Do w ith a B.A. in
Anthropology? 26
Appl ied Anthropology 27
CHAPTER 1
Ind igenous Issues 27
CULTURE AND MEANING 2 Lega l Anthropology 29
Pol it ical Ecology 30
PROBLEM 1: How can people beg in to Medica l Anthropology 30
understand beliefs and behaviours that are
Corporate Ethnography 32
d ifferent from their own? 3
CONCLUSIONS 34
INTRODUCTION 3
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS 35
The World Behind Everyday
Appearances 3
A Mu lt i-faceted Discip line 4 CHAPTER 2
QUESTION 1.1: Why Do Human Beings
DOING FIELDWORK
Differ in Their Beliefs and Behaviours? 9
QUESTION 1.2: Is It Possib le to See the
IN SOCIOCULTURAL
World Through the Eyes o f Others? 12 ANTHROPOLOGY 36
How Do People Explain the
Bel ief s and Behaviours o f Others? 12 PROBLEM 2: How do sociocu ltural
The Ethnocentric Fal lacy and the anthropolog ists learn about culture? 37
Relat iv ist Fa llacy 13 INTRODUCTION 37
Virg inity Test ing in Turkey and
Canniba lism Among the Wari' 14 QUESTION 2.1: How Did Ethnographic
Objectivity and Mora lity 16 Fieldwork Develop During the Formative
Years of Anthropology? 39
QUESTION 1.3: How Can the Mean ings
Anthropology from an Armchair 39
That Others Find in Experience Be
Ethnographic Fieldwork 41
Interpreted and Described? 18
Deciphering the Balinese QUESTION 2.2: How Has Fieldwork
Cockfi ght 19 Changed over the Past Century? 43
Chang ing Notions of Fieldwork 43
QUESTION 1.4: What Can Learning About
Other Peop les Tell Anthropo log ists QUESTION 2.3: What Are Some of the
About Their Own Societ ies? 22 Cha llenges o f Conduct ing Fie ldwork? 47
A Bal inese Anthropologist Stud ies The Embarrassed Anthropologist 47
Canad ian Hockey 22 Con f ront ing Witchcraft in Mexico 48
NEL X III
QUESTION 2.4: What Are the QUESTION 3.2: How Can We Exp lain
Respons ib il it ies of Anthropo log ists Toward the Vast Inequality Between the Rich
the Peop le They Work W ith? What Does It and the Poor? 71
Mean to "Act Ethica lly" as an The Brit ish in Ind ia 74
Anthropolog ist? 50 Cotton, Slavery, and the Trail of
QUESTION 2.5: How Do Anthropolog ists Tears 75
Represent the Peop le They Study and Progress for Whom? 78
Work W ith? Why Is Representation an QUESTION 3.3: How Do Inequality,
Important Issue W ith in Anthropo logy? 51 Econom ic Development, and Cu ltura l
Representation and Cu lture 51 Divers ity Re late to One Another? 78
CONCLUSIONS 55 The Case of Brazi I 80
Do Progress and Deve lopment
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS 56 Inevitably Lead to Inequality? 81
QUESTION 3.4: Have Progress and
CHAPTER 3 Development Improved Human Hea lth? 82
Illness and Inequality 82
THE MEANING OF The Meaning of Illness 83
PROGRESS AND QUESTION 3.5: How Can We App ly a
DEVELOPMENT 58 Crit ica l Anthropolog ica l Understand ing of
Progress and Deve lopment Outside the
PROBLEM 3: How do we exp lain the Academy? 86
transformation of human societies over the Anthropolog ists in Development 86
past 10,000 years from sma ll-sca le, nomad ic
CONCLUSIONS 90
bands of foragers to large-sca le, urban-
industrial states? 59 CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS 91
INTRODUCTION 59
What Do We Mean When We Ta lk
CHAPTER 4
About Progress? 59
QUESTION 3.1: How and Why Did CONSTRUCT! NG
Forag ing Societies Switch to Sedentary REALITIES 92
Ag ricu ltu re? 60
Does the Idea of Progress He lp Us PROBLEM 4: Why do peop le be lieve d ifferent
Understand the Sh ift from Forag ing th ings, and why are they so certa in that their
to Sedentary Agricu lture? 62 v iew of the world is correct and that other
Evolutionary Exp lanations for Cu lture v iews are wrong? 93
Change: Lewis Henry Morgan and
INTRODUCTION 93
Les lie White 63
What Are the Shortcomings of The Centra l Question 93
These Theories of Progress? 65 QUESTION 4.1: How Does the Use of
Life Among Foragers: The Hadza Metaphor Affect the Meanings Peop le
and Ju/'hoans i 65 Ass ign to Experience? 95
The Transition to Agricu lture 68 Borrowing Meaning w ith Metaphors 95
Industria l Agricu lture: Producing Kwakwaka'wakw Metaphors of
Potato Ca lories 70 Hunger 98
NEL CONTENTS XV
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS 185
ID ENTITIES 160
CHAPTER 7
PROBLEM 6: How do peop le determ ine who
they are, and how do they commun icate who SOCIAL HIERARCHIES 186
they think they are to others? 161
PROBLEM 7: Why are modern societies
INTRODUCTION 161 characterized by social, polit ica l, and
QUESTION 6.1: How Is Identity, and econom ic inequa lit ies? How are certa in
One's Sense of Self, Learned? 162 gender, c lass, rac ial, and other identit ies
Learn ing Identit ies 162 priv ileged or marg ina lized in various
social contexts? 187
Learn ing to Be long 163
QUESTION 6.2: How Does the INTRODUCTION 187
Concept o f Personhood Vary from The Rationa le for Social Inequa lity 187
Society to Society? 167 QUESTION 7.1: How Do Societies Use
The Importance of Se lf 167 Class and Caste to Rank Peop le in
The Egocentric Se lf and the Social Hierarchies? 189
Sociocentric Self 168 Class as a Form of Social
Personhood in Japan 170 Hierarchy 189
QUESTION 6.3: How Do Societies Caste as a Form of Social
Distingu ish Indiv idua ls from One Stratif ication 190
Another? 171 QUESTION 7.2: How Do Peop le Come to
Accept Social Hierarchies as Natura l? 192
QUESTION 6.4: How Do Societies Mark
Changes in Identity? 173 Race as a Form of Social
Stratif ication 192
The Transit ion to Adu lthood 173
Constructing the Ideology of
QUESTION 6.5: How Do Indiv idua ls Racism 192
Communicate Their Identit ies to One Class, Race, and the Social
Another? 174 Construction of "Intelligence" 196
Ritua ls of Gift Giv ing and Hospita lity 175
QUESTION 7.3: How Is Gender a
Gifts and Commod it ies 177 Form of Soc ial Hierarchy? 200
Gift Giv ing and the Christian
Constructing Ma le and Fema le 200
Ce lebration of Christmas in North
Constructing Stratification by
America 178
Gender 201
QUESTION 6.6: How Do Peop le Gender Stratifi cation and the
Form Identit ies Through Collective Priv ileg ing of Hegemon ic
Strugg les? 180 Mascu linit ies 202
The Meaning of "Ind igenous" 180 Gender Stratifi cation and the
Social Movements 181 Feminization of Poverty 204
Pa lestinian Refugees 182 Body Image and Gender
Conflict W ith in Collective Identity: Hierarch ies 204
Telefolm in and Land in Papua New Language, Gender, and Racial
Gu inea 182 Hierarch ies 206
NEL XIX
around them. The text facilitates this by encour- the nine chapters focuses on a specific problem of
aging students to analyze and critique many basic anthropological as well as general concern:
assumptions that they have brought with them to • How can people begin to understand beliefs and
the course. For example, many of us are taught to behaviours that are different from their own?
think about our sense of identity, which encom- • How do sociocultural anthropologists learn
passes gender, class, race, ethnicity, nationality, and about culture?
family, as natural, biological, or fixed as something • How do we explain the transformation of
we are born with. In this text, however, we place human societies over the past 10,000 years
particular emphasis on the culturally constructed from small-scale, nomadic bands of hunters and
nature of our world: on the idea that many identi- gatherers to large-scale, urban-industrial states?
ties, as well as beliefs and practices, that we view as • Why do people believe different things, and
natural are both learned and the consequences of why are they so certain that their view of the
cultural differences. world is correct and that others are wrong?
We thus adopt a "problem-based approach" • What do we need to know before we can
to the study of anthropology. Richard Robbins understand the dynamics of family life in other
wrote the original edition of Cultural Anthropol- societies?
ogy: A Problem-Based Approach in the hope that such • How do people determine who they are, and
an approach would foster a classroom culture that, how do they communicate who they think
regardless of class size and instructional technique, they are to others?
would actively involve students in the learning process, • Why are modern societies characterized by
promote critical thinking, and impress on students that social, political, and economic inequalities?
they, along with the other people and cultures of the How are certain gender, class, racial, and other
world, are cultural animals worthy of study. identities privileged or marginalized in various
Each chapter is organized around an intellec- social contexts?
tual "problem" and then subdivided into a series of • What are the economic and cultural effects
questions that address the problem from an anthro- of globalization, and what is the relationship
pological perspective. Most sections of each chap- between globalization, the nation-state, and
ter contain short exercises that encourage students national identity?
to apply the knowledge and skills they have learned • How do societies give meaning to and justify
to foster a sense of reflexivity about their own various forms of conflict resolution, both
behaviours and beliefs. Each chapter ends with a peaceful and violent?
discussion of the ways in which a problem-based
These problems have no definitive solutions, yet
approach and anthropological perspective can be
they drive much intellectual inquiry. Each problem/
put to use outside academia. Ultimately, we hope
chapter is broken down into a series of specific ques-
that after reading this text, students will appre-
tions, each of which can be "answered" by focusing
ciate that culture, as the way that human beings
on the ethnographic and theoretical contributions of
make their lives meaningful, is fluid, dynamic,
anthropologists. Such questions include the following:
contradictory, and subject to critique. Moreover,
we hope that students who read this book will • Is it possible to see the world through the eyes
understand why and how anthropology matters of others?
for anyone who wants to understand, and perhaps • How do people come to accept social
make a difference in, the contemporary world. hierarchies as natural?
The material in this text is organized by prob- • What are the characteristics of peaceful
lems and questions rather than by topics. Each of societies?
XX PREFACE NEL
TOPIC AND QUESTION CORRESPONDENCE
Aboriginal and Indigenous Question 3.2; Question 3.3; Question 3.4; Question 3.5; Question 4.1; Question 4.2; Question 4.3; Question 4.4;
Peoples Question 4.5; Question 6.1; Question 6.6; Question 8.3; Question 8.4; Question 9.1; Question 9.2; Question 9.3
Applied Anthropology Question 1.5; Question 3.5; Question 5.6; Question 7.6;
Question 9.6; Chapter 9(Conclusions)
Caste Question 7.1
Colonialism Question 3.2; Question 3.3; Question 3.4; Question 4.4; Question 4.5; Question 6.2; Question 6.6; Question 8.2;
Question 8.3; Question 8.4; Question 8.5; Question 9.3; Question 9.4
Conflict Chapter 9
Corporations Question 8.1; Question 8.2
Cultural Relativism Question 1.2
Culture Change Chapter 3
Culture Concept Chapter 1
Ecology Question 1.5; Question 3.3; Question 3.5; Question 8.2; Question 8.3
Economic Anthropology Chapter 3; Chapter 7; Chapter 8
Education Question 6.1; Question 8.3
Ethnocentrism Question 1.2
Family Organization Chapter 5
Feminist Anthropology Question 4.5; Question 5.1; Question 6.4; Question 9.3
Fieldwork Chapter 2
Food Production Question 2.3; Question 3.1; Question 8.2
Foragers Question 3.1; Question 9.2
Gender Chapter 7; Question 6.1; Question 7.3; Question 9.3
Gift Giving Question 5.3; Question 6.5
Globalization Chapter 8; Question 3.2; Question 3.3
Human Rights Question 1.2; Question 7.6
Identity Chapter 6
Industrialization Question 3.2; Question 3.3
Inequality Chapter 7; Question 7.1; Question 7.2; Question 7.3; Question 7.4; Question 7.5; Question 7.6
International Development Question 3.3; Question 3.5; Question 5.6; Question 6.6
Kinship Chapter 5
Language and Culture Question 1.3; Question 4.1; Question 6.3; Question 7.3; Question 9.5
Law and Anthropology Question 1.5
Marriage Chapter 5
(Continued)
Medical Anthropology Question 1.5; Question 3.4; Question 5.6; Question 7.6
Nation-State Chapter 8; Question 9.4
Neoliberalism Chapter 8
Peasants Question 2.5; Question 3.1; Question 3.3; Chapter 5
Political Ecology Question 1.5
Political Organization and Control Chapter 7; Question 7.5; Question 9.2; Question 9.3; Question 9.4
Race and Racism Question 7.2; Question 7.4
Religion/World View Chapter 4; Question 1.1; Question 1.2; Question 6.5; Question 9.1
Ritual Question 1.3; Question 1.4; Question 4.2; Question 4.3; Question 6.4; Question 6.5; Question 6.6
Sexual Stratification Question 5.1; Question 5.2; Question 5.3; Question 9.3
Sexuality Question 5.3; Question 5.5; Question 5.6; Question 7.3
Social Stratification Chapter 7
Status and Rank Chapter 7; Question 3.1; Question 3.2; Question 3.3; Question 9.1
Subsistence Techniques Question 3.1; Question 3.2
Symbolism Question 1.1; Question 1.3; Question 1.4; Question 4.1; Question 4.2; Question 4.3; Question 6.4; Question 6.5
Systems of Exchange Question 6.5
Tourism Question 2.5; Question 8.4
Although the problems and questions included anthropologist." These exercises are interspersed
in the text are not exhaustive, those that we have throughout the text and can be used in various
selected are central to the concerns of the discipline ways by students and instructors. They might
and include the topics and issues typically covered in serve as discussion questions in lectures, tutori-
an introductory sociocultural anthropology class. We als, or online discussion posts, or they could be
have chosen problems and questions that we hope will used as the basis for group work. They could also
capture students' imaginations and whet their appe- be treated as informal writing assignments, with
tite for further study in the discipline. The Topic and students preparing brief reading responses based
Question Correspondence chart, which links topics to on the exercises, which would then be used as a
questions considered in the text, can be used in guid- starting point for classroom discussion. However
ing discussion and in course planning. they are used, the exercises are designed to give
A key pedagogical feature of this text is the first-year students a chance to engage in intellec-
inclusion of exercises that give students the oppor- tual debate and to highlight the real-world impli-
tunity to apply what they have read, to think about cations of what they have learned.
the implications of the material for their own In addition to the exercises, each chapter
lives, and to think about various problems "like an concludes with several critical thinking questions.
Saval úr, akit Mantes-ben csak Saval apónak hívnak, most kelt
fel. Esik az eső. Szomorú őszi nap; a levelek hullanak. Lassan
hullanak az esőben, mint egy másik, sűrűbb és lassúbb eső. Saval
úrnak nincs jókedve. Elmegy a kandallótól az ablakig, aztán az
ablaktól a kandallóig. Az életnek vannak sötét napjai. És Saval úrnak
ezentúl már csak ilyen sötét napjai lesznek, mert már hatvankét
éves! Magányosan él, igazán agg agglegény, aki körül nincsen
senki. Milyen szomorú így meghalni, egészen egyedül, minden
odaadó érzés híjával!
Az életére gondol, a letarolt, üres életére. Visszaemlékszik a
régmúlt időkre, a gyerekkorára, a gyerekkorában egy házra, arra,
amelyikben a szüleivel élt; aztán a kollégiumra, a vakációkra, a
párizsi jogászévekre. Aztán az apja betegségére, halálára.
Akkor visszajött, haza, hogy együtt legyen az anyjával. Így éltek
kettesben, a fiatal legény és az öreg asszony, békességben, semmi
többet nem is kívánva. Aztán az anyja is meghalt. Hajh, milyen
szomorú is az élet!
Egyedül maradt. És most már nemsokára ő rá is rákerül a sor, ő
is meghal. Eltűnik a világból és azzal vége. Paul Saval nem lesz
többé. Micsoda borzalmas história! A többi ember élni fog,
szeretkezni fog, nevetni fog. Úgy bizony, élik majd a világukat és ő, ő
nem lesz sehol! Mily különös, hogy az emberek nevetnek, mulatnak,
jókedvűek tudnak lenni a halálnak e mellett az örök bizonyossága
mellett! Még ha csupán valószínű volna ez a halál, akkor még
lehetne remélni; de több annál, – kikerülhetetlen! – olyan
kikerülhetetlen, mint az éjszaka a nappal után.
És még ha lett volna tartalma az életének! Ha csinált volna
valamit életében; ha kalandjai, nagy gyönyörűségei, sikerei lettek
volna, a kielégülésnek sok-sok fajtája! De nem volt része egyikben
sem. Nem tett soha egyebet, csak felkelt, szabályos időközökben
evett meg lefeküdt. Így jutott el a hatvankettedik évéig. Még csak
meg se házasodott, mint más emberfia. És miért nem? Igen, miért is
nem házasodott meg? Megtehette volna, hiszen volt némi vagyona.
Talán az alkalom hiányzott? Meglehet! De az ember maga idézi elő
ezeket az alkalmakat! Ő pedig hanyag volt, ez az egész. A
nemtörődömség volt mindig a fő bökkenője, vétke és hibája. Hány
ember rontja el az életét merő nemtörődömségből. Némely fajta
embernek olyan nehezére esik minden: felkelni, ide-oda mozdulni,
dolgokban eljárni, beszélni, kérdéseket meghányni-vetni.
Még csak nem is szerette soha senki. Nem volt nő, aki aludt
volna a mellén a szerelem teljes odaadásában. Nem ismerte a
várakozás kéjes aggodalmait, a kézszorítások isteni borzongását, a
győztes szenvedély elragadtatását.
Milyen emberfölötti gyönyör is áradhat el a szíveken, mikor az
ajkak először találják meg egymást, mikor a négy kar ölelkezése
egyetlen lénnyé forraszt össze, egyetlen királyian boldog lénnyé, két
egymásba őrült emberi lényt.
Saval leült, talpait a tűz felé nyujtóztatva. Házikabátban volt.
Ez hát bizonyos, az életének fuccs! Pedig volt ő is szerelmes! De
ezt is titokban cselekedte, fájdalmasan és hanyagul, mint mindent.
Igen, szerelmes volt, régi barátnőjébe, Sandresnébe, régi
cimborájának, Sandresnak a feleségébe. Oh! ha fiatal leány korában
ismerte volna! De későn került az útjába, már mint asszony. Pedig
ezt a nőt bizonyára megkérte volna! És még így is hogy szerette,
szüntelenül, az első naptól kezdve!
Emlékezett, milyen izgalom volt, valahányszor újra látta; milyen
szomorúság, ha válnia kellett tőle; eszébe jutottak az éjszakák,
amikor nem tudott aludni, mert az asszonyra gondolt.
Reggelenként mindig egy kicsit kevésbé szerelmesen ébredt fel,
mint ahogy este lefeküdt. Miért?
Milyen csinos nő volt valaha Sandresné, milyen helyes, szőke,
bodros, kacagó teremtés! És Sandres nem volt neki való férj. Most
az asszony ötvennyolc éves és boldognak látszik. Oh! ha ez az
asszony annak idején őt szerette volna, őt! És miért ne szerette
volna őt ez a Sandresné, ha ő, Saval, annyira szerette az asszonyt?
Ha legalább valahogy kitalált volna valamit a dologból az a nő!…
De hát igazán nem talált ki soha semmit? – nem látta, nem értette,
miről van szó? Nem gondolhatott magában egyet-mást? Ha
szerelmet vallott volna Sandresnénak, – mi lett volna a felelet?
És Saval sorra vetette fel magának a kérdéseket, ezer más
részletről is. Újra végigélte az életét, egész tömegét igyekezett
megragadni az emlékeknek.
Eszébe jutottak mind a hosszú, écarté-játékos esték
Sandreséknál, mikor az asszony még fiatal és olyan bájos volt.
Eszébe jutott minden, amiket az asszony mondott neki, a szavak
különös hangsúlyozása néha, a néma kis mosolyok, amelyek annyi
mindent engednek sejtetni.
Eszébe jutottak a közös séták, hármasban, a Szajna mentén, a
falatozások a fűben, vasárnaponként, mert Sandres hivatalnok volt
az alprefektúránál. És egyszerre egy nagyon éles emlék jelentkezett,
egy délután emléke, amikor együtt volt az asszonnyal egy kis
ligetben a folyó mellett.
Reggel indultak el, kis csomag elemózsiákkal. Remek tavaszi
nap volt, azok közül a tavaszi napok közül, amelyek berugatják az
embert. Minden ízlik ilyenkor, csupa boldogságnak látszik minden. A
madarak vígabban csicseregnek és gyorsabban csapják össze a
szárnyaikat. A társaság a fűben lakmározott, fűzfák alatt, egészen
közel a napfénytől álmos vízhez. A levegő langyos volt, tele a
növényi nedvek szagával, az ember kéjesen itta magába. Milyen jó
volt minden azon a napon!
A villásreggeli után Sandres elnyúlt és elaludt: »élete legjobb ízű
álmát aludta« – mondta utóbb, mikor felébredt.
Sandresné belekapaszkodott Saval karjába és kettesben
nekiindultak a part hosszának.
A nő rátámaszkodott Savalra. Nevetett és azt mondta:
– Barátocskám, berúgtam, teljesen be vagyok rúgva.
Saval nézte az asszonyt és még a szíve gyökere is reszketett,
érezte, hogy elsápad; félt, hogy a pillantása túlságosan merész talál
lenni, hogy a keze remegése elárulja a titkát.
Az asszony koszorút font hosszú fűszálakból és vízi liliomokból,
és azt kérdezte Savaltól:
– Mondja csak, szeret maga engem egy kicsit?
Mikor pedig a férfi nem felelt, – mert nem jött szó az ajkára és
legszívesebben térdre borult volna, – az asszony elkezdett nevetni,
elégedetlen nevetéssel és a Saval arcába kiáltotta:
– Nagy mamlasz maga, tudja? Az ember ilyenkor legalább szól
egy szót!
És Saval majdnem sírva fakadt, hogy még mindig egy árva szót
se tudott kinyögni.
Mindez feltűnt most az emlékezetében, olyan élesen, mint az
első nap. Miért mondta akkor az asszony, hogy: »Nagy mamlasz! Az
ember ilyenkor legalább szól egy szót!«
És eszébe jutott, milyen gyöngéden dőlt rá az asszony. Mikor az
egyik alacsony ág alatt lehajoltak, érezte a nő fülét, ahogy odaér az
ő arcához és ő vadul hőkölt hátra, mert attól félt, hogy az asszony
azt hiszi, hogy készakarva történt ez az érintkezés.
Mikor pedig megkérdezte Sandresnét, hogy: »Nem kellene-e már
visszamenni?« – az asszony furcsa pillantást vetett rá. Igen, igen,
nagyon különös volt, ahogy ránézett. Akkor nem ütött szöget a
fejébe a dolog, de most egyszerre nagyon élénken emlékszik rá.
– Ahogy gondolja, barátocskám. Ha fáradt, visszafordulhatunk.
Ő pedig azt felelte, hogy:
– Nem a fáradtság; de Sandres esetleg már felébredt…
Az asszony akkor rándított egyet a vállán:
– Ha maga attól fél, hogy az uram felébredt, az más; forduljunk
vissza!
Visszafelé az asszony hallgatott és nem támaszkodott tovább a
karjára. Miért?
Ezt a »miért?«-et eddig még nem vetette föl Saval soha. Most
úgy rémlett, egyszerre felfog valamit, amit eddig nem értett meg.
Lehetséges volna, hogy?…
Saval érezte, hogy elpirul és magából kiforgatva pattant fel,
mintha azt hallotta volna, harminc évvel fiatalabban, a Sandresné
szájából, hogy: »Szeretem magát!«
Lehetséges volna ilyesmi? A gyanú, amely csak most ébredt fel a
lelkében, gyötörni kezdte. Lehetséges volna, hogy nem látott jól
annak idején, hogy nem találta ki a dolgot?
Oh! ha ez volna az igazság, – ha elment volna a boldogság
mellett anélkül, hogy kinyujtotta volna utána a kezét!
Így szólt magához:
– Tudni akarom. Nem maradhatok meg ebben a
bizonytalanságban. Tudni akarom!
És gyorsan felöltözött, izgatottan hányva magára a
ruhadarabokat. Gondolkodott:
– Most hatvankét éves vagyok, ő pedig ötvennyolc; most már
nyugodtan megkérdezhetem.
És elment hazulról.
A Sandresék háza az utca másik oldalán volt, csaknem szemben
az övével. Oda tartott. A kis szolgáló jött kaput nyitni a kalapács
zajára.
Elbámult, hogy ilyen korán itt látja Savalt.
– Már itt teccik lenni, Saval úr? Csak nem teccik valami bajának
lenni?
Saval felelt:
– Semmi, semmi, lányom, de eredj, mondd meg a nagyságos
asszonynak, hogy rögtön beszélni szeretnék vele.
– Igen ám, de a naccsága éppen körtét főz be télire és az üst
mellett van; osztán nincs is rendesen felöltözködve, teccik tudni.
– Jó, jó, csak mondd meg neki, hogy nagyon fontos dologról van
szó.
A kis cseléd eltűnt és Saval elkezdett le-fel sétálni a szalónban,
nagy, ideges lépésekkel. Ezúttal azonban nem érzett semmi zavart.
Oh, most már úgy fogja megkérdezni a nőt, mintha csak valami
szakács-receptet kérne tőle. Hiszen mit kérdezhet már egy
hatvankét éves ember?
Az ajtó nyílt; Sandresné jelent meg. Kövér asszony lett belőle,
széles és kerek teremtés, kicsattanó arccal, kicsattanó nevetéssel.
Ahogy jött, a kezeit messzire eltartotta a testétől és a ruhaujja fel volt
tűrve meztelen karjain, amelyek maszatosak voltak a sziruptól.
Nyugtalanul kérdezte:
– Mi baj van, kedves barátom? Csak nem beteg?
Saval válaszolt: