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Secrets, Lies, and Consequences
Secrets, Lies, and Consequences

A GREAT SCHOLAR’S HIDDEN PAST AND HIS

PROTÉGÉ’S UNSOLVED MURDER

Bruce Lincoln
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by
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in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2024

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

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should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address
above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same
condition on any acquirer.

CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress

ISBN 978–0–19–768910–3
eISBN 978–0–19–768911–0

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197689103.001.0001
 For Louise,

Martha, and Rebecca

That which is hidden, from the simple fact
that it is dissembling, becomes a peril for the
individual and the collective. A “sin” is surely
serious, but if it is not confessed, it becomes
terrible, as the magic forces provoked by the
secret end by menacing the entire community.
—MIRCEA ELIADE, “Secrets” (1935)
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

1. A Sheaf of Papers: (1991–2017)

2. A Hidden Past: Part I (1927–1937)
3. A Hidden Past: Part II (1938–1979)
4. A Hidden Past: Part III (1972–1985)
5. An Unsolved Murder: Part I (1986–1991)
6. An Unsolved Murder: Part II (1991–)

Appendix: Continuity and Change in Culianu’s

Defenses of Eliade
Notes
Index
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

At various points in the course of my research, I was

fortunate to have been able to speak or exchange
emails with a number of people who knew Mircea
Eliade and Ioan Culianu personally or have done
serious research on them. I would like to express my
gratitude to Sorin Alexandrescu, Sorin Antohi (whose
generosity was enormous and whose help
invaluable), Ted Anton, Alexander Arguelles, Stefan
Arvidsson, Cristina Bejan, Liviu Bordaş, T. David
Brent, Raul Cârstocea, Alin Constantin, Wendy
Doniger, Jaš Elsner, Chris Gamwell, Clark Gilpin, Carlo
Ginzburg, Cristiano Grottanelli, Eric Heath, Moshe
Idel, Mark Krupnick, Marcello de Martino, Russell
McCutcheon, Daniel McNally, Jason Merchant,
Bernard McGinn, Frank Reynolds, Mac Linscott
Ricketts, Martin Riesebrodt, Gianpaolo Romanato,
Roberto Scagno, Greg Spinner, Ivan Strenski, Dorin
Tudoran, Florin Ţurcanu, Steve Wasserstrom,
Anthony Yu, and Kenneth Zysk. Unless cited directly
by name, they hold no responsibility for the opinions
expressed in the pages that follow.
 1

A Sheaf of Papers
(1991–2017)

IN MAY 1991 IOAN CULIANU,

associate professor of history
of religions at the University of Chicago Divinity
School, approached a colleague with a request to
safeguard some papers. Less than a week later,
Culianu was shot to death in the Divinity School
men’s room. The papers he sought to protect would
eventually come into my hands. This is their story.

THE ACT OF WRITING THIS book has been not just

technically difficult, but emotionally fraught. The text
that follows is the result of more than a quarter
century of what might euphemistically be called
incubation, but is more accurately characterized as
evasion, repression, and some haunted mix of half-
knowledge, anxiety, and sorrow.
 The dreams I had while writing it suggest how
disturbing I found—and still find—this material. In
one, I saw myself with a band of ragged milicianos in
the Spanish Civil War, under fire and terrified, but
determined to halt fascism at any cost. In another,
while gardening in my backyard I unearthed a corpse
that stirred slowly and revealed itself to be barely
alive. “What should I do?” I cried, in a state of panic.
“How can I help?” To which the aged, filthy figure
replied: “Just leave me alone. Cover me up and let
me rest.”
From 1971 to 1976, it was my privilege to study
under Mircea Eliade and serve as his research
assistant. Eliade was the world’s foremost historian
of religions at the time and remains one of the giants
of the field (Figure 1.1). I cannot say enough good
things about the way he treated me. Despite his
accomplishments and stature, I found him
remarkably approachable, modest, and unassuming.
In our dealings, he was unfailingly generous, kind,
supportive, and encouraging. What I said of
Professor Eliade in my first book (which grew out of
the dissertation he directed) remains heartfelt and
true: “His insight and genius are available to all in his
many books, but his warmth, enthusiasm, and
friendship are a particularly treasured memory for
me.”1
FIGURE 1.1 Mircea Eliade, circa 1976
Photo from the Mircea Eliade archive of Regenstein Library, Box
165, Folder 4.

There was, however, another side to the lovely

man I knew. During the years I studied with him, it
came to light that in his younger days he had been
involved with Romanian fascism. Those revelations
sparked controversy that runs hot to this day.2 For
years, I sought to avoid the ugly debates that
followed, telling myself (and others, when
necessary): “Mr. Eliade was my second father, whom
I loved and to whom I am indebted in countless
ways. Like all fathers, he was not perfect. Having
become aware of his failings, I cannot continue to
sing his praises without reservations, but it is hardly
my job to denounce him in public. Honesty requires
that I acknowledge—and regret—those charges that
are true, while rejecting those that are unfounded or
exaggerated. Conversely, loyalty does not mean
defending the indefensible. Rather than getting
embroiled in polemics, my preference is simply to
remember all that I found most admirable in him.”
There is also a specific incident that inclined me
toward that position. When Professor Eliade agreed
to supervise my dissertation, he expressed some
sentiments that he recorded in his journal on other
occasions. “When I take on new students,” he began,
in what was clearly a well-rehearsed speech, “I
prepare myself for the day they will betray me. I
have come to expect that, since it is a necessary step
if they are to become creative in their own right.”3 I
found this statement confusing at the time. Decades
later, I still do. On the surface it is high-minded and
generous, granting preemptive absolution for a yet-
to-be-committed offense, one that he saw as the
inevitable climax of a successful initiatory process. At
the same time, it was an incredibly manipulative
gambit, to which I responded as was no doubt
expected: “Oh no, sir! You have no need to worry. I
could never be so ungrateful.” And in some sense it
worked. Although my own work has changed much
since my student days, advancing values and views
markedly different from those of my teacher, I have
always taken pains not to write anything that might
be construed as betrayal.
Several things prompted me to reconsider my
position. First was an article I wrote with my
daughter, Martha Lincoln, a medical anthropologist
whose fieldwork in Vietnam alerted her to a veritable
epidemic of ghosts and haunting.4 In our paper, we
sought to understand this and other “hauntological”
phenomena as a set of beliefs, practices, and
experiences that manifest the enduring power of the
past in the present, forcefully reminding survivors of
their unfulfilled obligations to, ongoing relations with,
and ultimate accountability to the dead.
Second, an observation Eliade made in one of his
early works caught my attention. It suggested that—
his later reticence notwithstanding—Eliade
understood full well that even the most shameful and
painful secrets must be disclosed. In 1935 he wrote:
“That which is hidden, simply by being hidden,
becomes dangerous to the individual and the
collective. A ‘sin’ is surely serious, but a ‘sin’ that is
unconfessed and is kept hidden becomes terrible, as
the magic forces unleashed by the act of
concealment in time menace the whole community.”5
Magic or not, the secrets he struggled to preserve
had terrible consequences for those who became
aware of them, some of whom sacrificed their
careers, their scholarly integrity, perhaps even their
lives.
The most immediate stimulus, however, was a
serious mistake I made, one involving those papers
that Ioan Culianu (Figure 1.2) had entrusted to a
colleague all those years ago: papers that have
bearing not only on Eliade’s past, but on Culianu’s
murder.
FIGURE 1.2 Ioan Culianu, circa 1988
By permission of the Hanna Holborn Gray Special Collections
Research Center, University of Chicago Library.

II
Ioan Petru Culianu was just forty-one years old when
he was killed, on the afternoon of May 21, 1991. He
had gained his position at the University of Chicago’s
Divinity School just three years earlier and was
widely seen as Eliade’s successor. The crime was
shocking and remains unsolved, although multiple
theories have been offered, including those that
focus on disgruntled students, jealous spouses, drug
cartels, Chicago gangs, and occult covens. Most
widely accepted is the theory popularized by Ted
Anton: that agents of the Romanian secret service
(Securitate) killed Culianu in response to critical
articles he wrote for the émigré press, which
threatened their postcommunist hold on power.6
Those articles drew complaints and threats, and in
the week before Culianu’s murder, the threats
became sufficiently serious that he entrusted the
papers to our colleague Mark Krupnick, whom he
asked to safeguard them. Shortly before his own
death in 2003, Krupnick gave me the manuscripts
and explained how he came to have them. He was
not sure what to make of the papers themselves, nor
did he understand why Ioan entrusted them to his
care, since the two men were not particularly close.
Perhaps it was a chance result of their offices’
proximity. Mark speculated that his own identity as a
Jewish scholar whose research centered on Jewish
fiction, testimonial, and autobiography, might also
have had some relevance.
The papers, it turned out, were English
translations of articles Eliade had written in the
1930s, including a good number in which he voiced
his support for a movement known under two names
that signaled its religious and militant nature: the
Legion of the Archangel Michael and the Iron Guard.
Although these articles were key pieces of evidence
in the debate about Eliade’s past, few people had
actually read them. In Communist Romania,
surviving copies of the right-wing dailies in which
they originally appeared were consigned to the
special collections of select libraries, access to which
was tightly controlled. Requests to view such
material triggered state suspicion, and few were
foolhardy enough to take that risk.
The articles contained passages that shed light on
the bitterly contested question whether—and to what
extent—Eliade shared the Iron Guard’s virulent anti-
Semitism.
When I received these manuscripts, I was not
prepared to deal with them or the serious issues they
raised. I gave them a cursory reading and persuaded
myself that on the crucial question they were neither
damning, nor exculpatory, but sufficiently nuanced,
ambiguous, and elusive to admit rival interpretations.
Determined to continue my own work and avoid
entanglement in the endless, acrimonious debates
about Eliade, I put the papers in a manila folder and
buried them in my files. There they remained until
June 2017, when I retired from teaching. While
cleaning out my office—a task I found inconvenient
and annoying, and thus undertook hastily—I
carelessly let that folder go to the dumpster, along
with many others of no great importance. Freudians
will say this was hardly an accident, and I am in no
position to disagree.
A few days later, realizing the enormity of what I
had done, I resolved to do whatever I could to rectify
it. Since the papers could not be recovered, I
decided that the only responsible course of action
was to learn Romanian, locate the original articles,
translate and study them myself, and make the
results available. As I made this vow, I could hear
the voice of my Doktorvater, for Professor Eliade was
always urging me to learn new languages. “You
could pick up X easily,” he would say, “since it’s just
like Y, which you already know, with some added
vocabulary from Z.”
Finding the original Romanian articles proved
easier than I expected, as they had been collected
and republished in 2001, but there was much in their
content that I did not initially comprehend.7 And so I
continued to gather material, translating numerous
related texts that helped me understand the context
of these old publications: Romania’s situation
between the two world wars; Eliade’s position in the
intellectual, cultural, and political life of his country;
the role played by Nae Ionescu, his mentor and
patron, and the turbulent group that had Nae and
Eliade at its center. Beyond this, I was led to other
texts that show how Culianu got drawn into the
Eliade controversies, how he became aware of the
legionary articles, what he made of them, and what
he was planning to do with them at the time of his
murder. Most of this was written in Romanian and
Italian, with occasional pieces in German and French.
As a result, monoglot anglophones have had to rely
on the way these materials have been characterized
by the few scholars writing in English who had
competence in these languages—Culianu, Mac
Linscott Ricketts, and Adriana Berger—each of whom
interpreted the evidence in ways strongly inflected by
a desire to defend or prosecute Eliade.
Wading through this material, I came to believe
that my chief responsibility is to make the relevant
documents more fully and readily available. It was
thus my intention to include translations of the texts
Culianu entrusted to Mark Krupnick as an appendix
to this book and to make them easily available
online. Culianu’s own efforts to publish this material
had run into determined opposition from Christinel
Eliade, who inherited the copyrights from her
husband. My efforts were similarly checked by Sorin
Alexandrescu, Eliade’s nephew and one of two
literary executors to the Eliade estate, who similarly
refused permission, despite the strong support of his
coexecutor, David Brent, for the translations’
publication. Fortunately, copyright to all these articles
will expire in 2028, at which time I plan to make my
translations available in one form or another.
In the following chapters, I thus can do no more
than quote from those documents and offer the
inferences I have drawn from them, along with the
interpretations and hypotheses I consider most likely.
My own views are less important, however, than the
evidence itself. Experience suggests that what I have
to say will not resolve the debate about Eliade, nor
identify Culianu’s killer. The material is revealing,
however, and holds more than a few surprises.
 2

A Hidden Past
Part I (1927–1937)

I
The Treaties of Trianon and Paris were signed on
June 4, 1920, and October 28, 1920, respectively.
Among the last steps concluding the First World War,
they ceded Transylvania, Banat, Bukovina, and
Bessarabia (previously Hapsburg, Romanov, and
Bulgarian territories) to Romania, virtually doubling
its territory (Figure 2.1). The territory was a reward
for Romanians, who had contributed much and
sacrificed greatly during the Great War. But it was
also the result of shrewd maneuvering by Queen
Marie, who persuaded the victorious powers that a
strong Romania would provide a secure barrier
against Bolshevism. This expansion realized long-
standing ambitions for a “Greater Romania”
(România Mare). But it also brought new ethnic
groups into the nation—Hungarian, German, Slavic,
Turkic, Roma, and Jewish—that aroused xenophobic
resentment and seriously destabilized national
politics. Further, as a condition of these territorial
grants, the victorious allies obliged Romania to
confer full rights of citizenship on its Jews. Article VII
of the country’s postwar constitution (adopted March
1923) fulfilled that commitment but was resented
and resisted by a great many ethnic Romanians.
Those involved in several potent right-wing parties
accused the country’s political class of having
surrendered to foreign pressure or, worse yet, having
been corrupted by Jewish money.1
FIGURE 2.1 Territorial expansion of Romania after World War I

Ever since the revolutions of 1848, Romanians had

been divided on whether to modernize and
westernize or, alternatively, to defend and
emphatically reassert key features of their distinctive
national identity.2 In the postwar period, this long-
standing conflict acquired new urgency, and passions
became more heated.
Political debate on virtually all issues, including
urbanization, industrialization, rationalism,
cosmopolitanism, banking, the press, education,
culture, and parliamentary democracy, consistently
broke down along this same line. Over the course of
the 1920s, however, the ultranationalist Right
increasingly saw Jewish interests, conspiracies, and
corrupting power as the source of all the nation’s
problems.3
It was during this period that Mircea Eliade, the
son of an army officer, was schooled at the elite
Spiru Haret Lycée along with a group of talented
youths who would remain his friends and colleagues
for many years.4 While still in lycée, he began
publishing short articles, drafting novels, and keeping
a journal, some entries from which register his
political opinions—strong at times, but also in
adolescent flux. On January 31, 1923, he wrote:
“Like all the boys, I’m anti-Semitic out of intellectual
conviction and I tremble that the anti-Semitic
demonstrations aren’t succeeding.”5 Within a year,
however, he was reading Marx, Engels, and Kautsky,
while toying with leftist ideas under the influence of
a close Jewish friend, Mircea Mărculescu.6 After
lycée, he advanced to study at the University of
Bucharest, where his copious writings included
fiction, literary criticism, topical commentary,
semischolarly articles, and polemic pieces. During
these years, he mostly affected a stance above
“politics,” construing the latter as the dirty business
of parties, elections, and government offices. In
complementary fashion, he understood “culture”—
the realm of philosophy, religion, literature, the arts,
journalism, and all spheres of the imagination—as
the most potent means to reshape society.
Many of the values he championed in his early
publications, particularly those voicing his sense of
Romania’s unique national character and destiny,
were consonant with those of the indigenist Right, an
affinity that grew stronger over time. Like these
rightists, he considered “modernity” a disaster
imported from the West by political elites and
misguided cosmopolitan intellectuals. Being foreign—
both literally and figuratively—“modern” fashions and
institutions threatened to undermine the unique
spiritual values that were core to Romania’s
greatness. As he saw it, modernity’s characteristic
disregard for the sacred had distanced humanity
from the wellsprings of its creativity, an error that
could be reversed in some measure through such
premodern (and antimodern) technologies of the
sacred as mysticism, asceticism, and magic.7
Consistent with this critique, Eliade celebrated the
“primacy of the spirit” (a phrase taken from Catholic
philosopher Jacques Maritain) and felt that the task
of restoring his nation’s endangered spiritual values
fell to himself and others in the “Young Generation.”
Most broadly, this included those who experienced
the Great War at a critical remove—having been too
young for combat—and could thus perceive how
modernity’s trust in science, progress, and secular
reason helped produce the war’s dehumanizing
horrors. In contrast to the older generation, who
fought the war and realized historic ambitions for a
Greater Romania, he understood his own
generation’s mission to be cultural, not military,
economic, or political.
Although he used the term “Young Generation” as
a slogan and branding mechanism, Eliade
acknowledged he was speaking more narrowly about
(and on behalf of) a relatively small group of
intellectuals who styled themselves an elite (Figures
2.2 and 2.3).8 Central to this group were a few dozen
students of Nae Ionescu, the charismatic, influential,
and well-connected professor of philosophy and logic
at the University of Bucharest.
FIGURE 2.2 Some members of the “Young Generation” circa 1933.
Eliade is the figure in glasses seated at the head of the table. On the
left are Floria Capsali, Mihail Sebastian, Mihail Polihroniade, and Mary
Polihroniade. On the right, Marietta Sadova and Haig Acterian.
Photo courtesy of the Archives of the National Museum of
Romanian Literature.
FIGURE 2.3 Some members of the “Young Generation” circa 1934.
Eliade is the seated figure in glasses. Seated next to him is Haig
Acterian. Standing, from left to right, are Mihail Sebastian, an
unidentified woman, Mary Polihroniade, Floria Capsali, Mihail
Polihroniade, Marietta Sadova, and Prince Alexandru Cantacuzino.
Photo courtesy of the Archives of the National Museum of
Romanian Literature.

Reacting against the positivistic strains of

philosophy previously dominant in the Romanian
academy, Ionescu (Figure 2.4) introduced discussions
of faith, salvation, authenticity, and experience into
his classes. Here, as in his public lectures and
journalistic salvos, he maintained that the Orthodox
faith—particularly its mystical aspects—was central to
Romanian identity. As such, it provided the best
antidote to the shallow rationalism and selfish
materialism he identified with western Europe, other
forms of Christianity (which he considered defective),
and parliamentary democracy, a form of governance
that produced partisanship, corruption, and
fragmentation, undermining any nation’s unity and
spirit.9
FIGURE 2.4 Nae Ionescu, circa 1934
Photo courtesy of the National Library of Romania—Special
Collections.

Ionescu made a point of recruiting his best and

most loyal students to write for Cuvântul (“The
Word”), the popular right-wing newspaper he edited
from 1926 until its suppression in March 1934.
Among the first and most important of those to do so
was Eliade, who published a manifesto of sorts under
the title “Spiritual Itinerary,” which appeared across
twelve issues of Cuvântul during the autumn of
1927.10 Here and in numerous subsequent articles,
Eliade argued that the political goal of creating a
Greater Romania having been accomplished by their
predecessors, the mission falling to his generation
was to establish Romania’s cultural greatness by
producing literary and artistic works of extraordinary
spiritual depth in which they would synthesize
tradition and innovation in ways informed by their
daring experimentation with myriad forms of
religious experience: mystical, ecstatic, meditative,
magical, alchemical, ascetic, erotic, and so on.11
Writing with an extraordinary mix of zeal, passion,
erudition, impatience, and swagger, he rapidly gained
an enthusiastic following and was widely acclaimed
as the leader (Romanian şef, literally “chief”) of the
Young Generation.
 For nearly a decade, Eliade continued to regard
politics and the political class with disdain while
urging his contemporaries toward the spiritual
endeavors and cultural accomplishments he
considered vitally important. Implicit in many of his
publications from this period is the ambition he
shared with others in his group who wished to
elevate Romania to the status of a “major” culture.
Thus, in an article titled “Romania in Eternity,” he
argued that the true goal of nationalism is to raise a
country from the transient plane of history to that of
the eternal. This is something that can be done only
when a country’s creative geniuses express their
people’s distinctive values in such novel, compelling
ways that the whole world is brought to recognize,
celebrate, and remember them forever. Aeschylus
and Plato accomplished that for Greece in antiquity,
as did Leonardo, Michelangelo, and Dante for Italy
during the Renaissance, but Eliade believed a single
genius could accomplish the same miracle, as
Kierkegaard had more recently done for the Danes.
The implication, of course, was that he—and perhaps
others of his generation—would do the same for
Romania.12
Despite the grandiosity manifest in this text, a
certain insecurity creeps into its closing passages,
where Eliade acknowledged the anxieties underlying
his ambitions. It is not just that he aspired to
immortalize Romanian culture: more poignantly, he
hoped to rescue his country from a situation in which
it was ignored—or worse yet, ridiculed.
I think with horror that another kind of “eternity” awaits us
Romanians: the proverb. We enter into the proverbs of other
nations, just as the Scots, Irish, Jews, and in the Balkans, the
Gypsies have done. We are stereotyped, and until we are known
beyond our borders through our masterpieces and our
Romanianism, we are known through our politics and inner
shamelessness. I don’t know if any of you has recognized how
seriously we are compromised. Only a few steps and we will
enter an irremediable state, from which no one will ever extract
us. The proverb will become our lord; and just as it is said,
rightly or wrongly, that Bulgarians are stupid, Poles are vain,
and Spaniards exceptional lovers, just so it will be said that
Romanians are thieves. It has begun to be said, not only in
newspapers and European political circles, but also through
proverbs. Listen to one of them, collected by Knickerbocker:
“When someone steals, it’s kleptomania. When many people
steal, it’s mania. When a whole people steal, it’s Romania!”
Doesn’t that make you blush with shame? This is the eternity
that is being prepared for us. This is all that politics, the
administration, and our official national culture have done for us
since the end of the war.13

What emerges from this unintentionally revealing

article is a portrait of its author as a young,
ambitious intellectual who feels burdened by the fact
of his birth in a relative backwater, who dreams of
international fame but fears becoming the butt of
jokes. By way of defensive reflex, he lashes out at
those he blames for putting him and his country at
such risk: Romania’s politics and political class. By
the mid-1930s, he had identified democracy as a
significant part of the problem.
We must choose between a slow, larval, humiliating evolution—
meanwhile being ridiculed by our neighbors—and a violent,
heroic, risk-filled revolution, a revolution that will make people
speak about Romania as they have never done before. The
former—the larval and humiliating evolution—is the ideal of
Romanian democracy. The other—revolution, chauvinism,
inexhaustible faith in the destiny of Romania—is the ideal of the
rest of the Romanian populace. Little do I care whether what
will come will be dictatorship or not, whether it will be tyranny,
antidemocracy, or who knows what. Only one thing matters to
me: whether the problem of Romania will be the dominant
problem—whether, in the name of this Romania, which began
several thousand years ago and will end only in the Apocalypse,
social reform will be achieved with sufficient severity, whether
the corners of the provinces overrun with foreigners will be
recolonized, whether all traitors will be punished, whether the
myth of our state will be spread everywhere within our borders
and the news of our country will be carried across our borders. .
. . To me, then, it is entirely immaterial what will happen in
Romania after the liquidation of democracy. If, by leaving
democracy behind, Romania becomes a strong national state,
armed, conscious of its power and destiny—history will take
account of this deed. It would be ridiculous for us to place any
hope in formulas, to say to ourselves: “We know that democracy
hasn’t done anything much for us, we know we’re deluged with
lackeys and traitors, we know that politicianism has paralyzed us
—but we can’t give up a modern and civilized formula to go
back to tyranny.” In fact, it is not a return to tyranny, but rather
a great national revolution. Obviously, such national revolutions
don’t suit anyone but the nations that make them. Neither our
neighbors nor the great powers will like it if we become a
powerful state. And that is why they encourage us, gently or
with force, to maintain the most blessed sociopolitical system,
democracy, which classes us, fatally, with Afghanistan, Albania,
and Lithuania.14
 II
In the same year that Eliade published his “Spiritual
Itinerary,” Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, who also
yearned for Romanian greatness of a spiritual sort,
led a small splinter group out of A. C. Cuza’s National
Christian Defense League, then the most important
party of the ultranationalist Right.15 While Codreanu
(Figure 2.5)—who styled himself “the Captain”
(Căpitanul)—shared Cuza’s ideology and fierce anti-
Semitism, he found the older man’s tactics too
restrained.16
Codreanu chose to name his new group the Legion
of the Archangel Michael, drawing on the Orthodox
tradition’s understanding of this dragon-slaying
archangel as commander of the heavenly forces,
defender of the faith, and protector of Christian
nations. By defining themselves in this fashion, its
members consciously constructed themselves not as
a political party, but a martial religious order sworn
to protect the faithful, an orientation that helps
explain the appeal it came to have for Eliade.
FIGURE 2.5A AND B (a) Corneliu Zelea Codreanu in traditional
costume and (b) leading a demonstration, 1925

Recent studies of fascism have devoted

considerable attention to the legionary movement as
historians and political scientists have come to
recognize that fascist regimes did not rely on force,
intimidation, and indoctrination alone, but also
cultivated—and enjoyed—broad popular support for
much of their duration. As scholars began exploring
the ways fascist culture, aesthetics, myth, and ritual
helped produce such support, Romania provided a
telling example.17
Two related themes emerge from what has been
termed the “new consensus” in fascist studies: the
sacralization of politics and a mythology embodying
the conviction that a nation must return to its
original, authentic nature in order to achieve its
destined greatness.18 Fascist movements that fit this
mold regard their nation (including its ethnic identity,
bodily substance, unique culture, landscape, and
spirit) as having fallen into decadence, corruption,
and humiliation at the hands of sinister forces
(foreign enemies, internal traitors), in response to
which they promise to produce a national rebirth
through their struggles and sacrifices.
Codreanu’s Legion offers a telling example. On the
one hand, it took the Romanian nation (neam) and
homeland (ţară) to be a sacred entity, whose
spiritual identity was grounded in and defined by its
Orthodox faith.19 On the other, it demonized those it
defined as the nation’s enemies: Ottomans,
Hapsburgs, Muslims, Phanariots, Catholics, and
Protestants in the past; Russians, Hungarians,
communists, liberals, corrupt politicians, lying
journalists, and Jews (above all) in the present.20
Against such forces, legionaries construed
themselves as a mystic order of soldiers and would-
be martyrs, bound to one another and their leaders
by sacred oaths and solemn rituals designed to
transform dispirited, confused youths into bold, virile
“new men” who would accomplish not just a reform
of the Romanian nation, but its resurrection.21
The Legion’s distinctive blend of religion and
nationalism included a mystic bond to the land itself,
eagerness to sacrifice oneself for the nation, a sense
of ongoing communion with heroic ancestors, and
militance in the salvific mission of rescuing an
afflicted people from religio-ethnic others. As a
convenient example, consider Codreanu’s account of
the proceedings through which the first legionaries
constituted—and consecrated—themselves as a
group.
 The ceremony began with the mixture of earth taken from the
tomb of Michael the Brave in Turda, the earth of Moldavia from
the battlefield where Stefan the Great fought his most serious
battles, and from all those places where the blood of our
ancestors was mixed with the soil in the course of cruel battles.
. . . When this earth had been mixed, many small sacks were
filled and given to everyone who had taken the vow, to be worn
on their chest. This vow consisted of five questions and
responses, to wit:
1. Do you commit yourself, for the Justice of the endangered
Fatherland, to overcome all your personal interests and
desires? Response: Yes!
2. Recognizing that domination by Yids (jidani) leads us to
spiritual and national destruction, do you commit yourself as a
brother with us to struggle for the defense, cleansing, and
emancipation of the ancestral land? Response: Yes!
3. In this struggle, will you support the Legion of the Archangel
Michael? Response: Yes!
4. Will you carry this earth on your breast with devotion?
Response: Yes!
5. And will you leave us? Response: I will not leave.22

III
If the Legion’s induction ceremonies reflected—and
reproduced—its self-understanding, so, too, did the
story of its origins, as recounted by Codreanu. His
small band of militants originally called themselves
Văcăreşteni, with reference to their October 1923
incarceration in the Văcăreşti Prison, where they took
solace in religious devotions.
 Every morning at seven, we would go to the church in the
prison’s courtyard in order to pray. We gathered, all on our
knees before the altar and recited “Our Father,” and Tudose
Popescu sang “Holy Mother of God.” Here we found consolation
for our sad life in prison and hope for tomorrow. . . . On
November 8, the day of the archangels Michael and Gabriel, we
discussed what name we should give to the organization of the
youth we were planning to form. I said, “The Archangel
Michael.” My father said, “There is an icon of St. Michael in the
church, by the door to the left of the altar.” I went, along with
the others. We looked and were truly amazed. The icon
exhibited to us an incomparable beauty. I had never been
attracted by the beauty of any icon. Here, however, I felt
connected to this one with all my soul, and it gave me the
impression that the Sainted Archangel is alive. From here, I
began to love that icon. Whenever we found the church open,
we entered and prayed at that icon. Our souls were filled with
peace and joy.23

The aura of sanctity and tranquility is hard to

reconcile, however, with Codreanu’s earlier account
of how the Văcăreşteni (Figure 2.6) came to be
imprisoned. Apparently, one of their group informed
authorities of his comrades’ plan to transform earlier
student protests into a campaign of assassinations.24
Here again is Codreanu’s description.
FIGURE 2.6 The Văcăreşteni, 1924. Back row, left to right: Corneliu
Georgescu, Tudose Popescu, Ion Moţa. Front row: Radu Mironovici,
Corneliu Codreanu, Ilie Gârneaţă.
Photo courtesy of the National Library of Romania—Special
Collections.
 The first problem that presented itself to us is this: to whom
must one respond first? Who are more responsible for the
disastrous state in which the country is floundering: Romanians
or Yids? Unanimously, we fell into agreement that the guiltiest
are those Romanian scoundrels who betrayed the country for
Jewish silver. The Yids are our enemies, and in this capacity
they hate us, they poison us, they exterminate us. Romanian
leaders who align themselves with them, however, are worse
than enemies: they are traitors. The harshest punishment is
deserved by traitors in the first place, enemies in the second. If
I have only one bullet and an enemy and a traitor are in front of
me, I would send the bullet into the traitor.25

Ultimately, the group decided to execute six

cabinet ministers in the liberal government, starting
with Gheorghe Mârzescu, the minister of justice, who
was responsible for the laws that secured citizenship
rights for Jews and outlawed “extremist” political
parties. Had they succeeded in killing Mârzescu and
his fellow “traitors,” the group planned to dispatch
those Jews they identified as the nation’s foremost
“enemies”: rabbis first, then bankers, publishers, and
journalists.26
Chilling though the passage is, it fits neatly into
Codreanu’s writings, which seethe with rants against
Jews and the political class, along with calls to
violence and a commitment to “propaganda of the
deed.” In October 1924, Codreanu himself shot and
killed a police chief, then defended himself as having
taken proper vengeance on an enemy of the people,
winning acquittal on all charges.27 Later
assassinations were carried out by legionary
“punishment squads,” who were trained to await the
police after dispatching a victim, thereby offering
themselves as a sacrifice on behalf of the nation.
Their victims included three prime ministers, two
heads of the secret service, two leaders of opposition
parties, and apostates from the legionary movement,
along with scores of others.28
Singular in its brutality was the murder of Mihail
Stelescu, a former legionary commander and
member of parliament who had broken with
Codreanu to lead his own movement. A punishment
squad of ten members (accordingly mythologized as
the “Decemviri”) entered the hospital room where
Stelescu was recovering from surgery, shot him more
than a hundred times, dismembered his body with an
ax, then sang and danced around his mangled
corpse while waiting for the police.29 This and other
less grisly acts figured prominently in legionary
propaganda and in legal defenses that, in several
well-publicized cases, led to acquittal. Treatment of
“enemies” (i.e., Jews) was equally self-confident in
its violence, and the Legion’s brief period of state
power (September 1940–January 1941) featured
pogroms of obscene brutality, in which seven
synagogues were sacked, several hundred victims
killed, and many more robbed, beaten, and tortured.
Most grisly of all was the fate of thirteen Jews killed
in the Bucharest slaughterhouse, who were
suspended on meathooks and fitted with a placard
identifying them as “Kosher meat.”30

IV
In the years when the Legion first took shape, Eliade
was absorbed in other pursuits (Figure 2.7). From
1925 to 1928 he studied at the University of
Bucharest in the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters,
taking his degree under Nae Ionescu with a thesis on
the Neoplatonists of Renaissance Italy, who—as both
teacher and student saw it—offered a mystic
alternative to rationality at the dawn of the modern
era.31 During the same years, he served on
Cuvântul’s editorial board, where he published a
great number of cultural, literary, and philosophical
articles, building on the success of his “Spiritual
Itinerary.” Then, having become interested in Indian
philosophy for some of the same reasons that
inspired his thesis, he traveled to India in 1928,
where he spent the next three years studying,
traveling, learning languages, engaging in ill-fated
love affairs, and gathering material for subsequent
publications.
Another random document with
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He bit into tins and boxes until scarcely an article remained intact,
while Stimbol crouched in the tree and watched the destruction of his
provisions, utterly helpless to interfere.
A dozen times he cursed himself for having thrown away his rifle and
even more frequently he vowed vengeance. He consoled himself,
however, with the realization that Blake could not be far away and
that with Blake there were ample provisions which could be
augmented by trading and hunting. When the lion left he would
descend and follow Blake's trail.
Numa, tired of the contents of the pack, resumed his way toward the
long grass, but again his attention was distracted—this time by the
thunder stick of the Tarmangani. The lion smelled of the discarded
rifle, pawed it and finally picked it up between his jaws. Stimbol
looked on, horrified. What if the beast damaged the weapon? He
would be left without means of defense or for obtaining food!
"Drop it!" shouted Stimbol. "Drop it!"
Numa, ignoring the ravings of the despised man-thing, strode into his
lair, carrying the rifle with him.
That afternoon and night spelled an eternity of terror for Wilbur
Stimbol. While daylight lasted the lion remained in the nearby patch
of grass effectually deterring the unhappy man from continuing his
search for Blake's camp, and after night fell no urge whatever could
have induced Stimbol to descend to the paralyzing terrors of the
jungle night even had he known that the lion had departed and no
sounds had apprised him of the near presence of danger; but
sounds did apprise him. From shortly after dark until nearly dawn a
perfect bedlam of howls and growls and coughs and grunts and
barks arose from directly beneath him as there had been held a
convention of all the horrid beasts of the jungle at the foot of the tree
that seemed at best an extremely insecure sanctuary.
When morning came the jungle lay silent and peaceful about him
and only torn canvas and empty cans bore mute evidence to the
feast of the hyenas that had passed into jungle history. Numa had
departed leaving the remains of the kill upon which he had lain as
the piece de resistance of the hyenian banquet for which Stimbol
had furnished the hors d'oeuvres.
Stimbol, trembling, descended. Through the jungle, wild-eyed,
startled by every sound, scurried a pitiful figure of broken, terror
stricken old age. Few could have recognized in it Wilbur Stimbol of
Stimbol & Company, brokers, New York.

CHAPTER VII

The Cross
The storm that had overtaken Stimbol's safari wrought even greater
havoc with the plans of Jim Blake, altering in the instant of a single
blinding flash of lightning the course of his entire life.
Accompanied by a single black, who carried his camera and an extra
rifle, Blake had struck out from the direct route of his safari in search
of lion pictures, there being every indication that the great carnivores
might be found in abundance in the district through which they were
passing.
It was his intention to parallel the route of his main body and rejoin it
in camp in the afternoon. The boy who accompanied him was
intelligent and resourceful, the direction and speed of the marching
safari were mutually agreed upon and the responsibility for bringing
Blake into camp safely was left entirely to the negro. Having every
confidence in the boy, Blake gave no heed to either time or direction,
devoting all his energies to the fascinating occupation of searching
for photographic studies.
Shortly after leaving the safari Blake and his companion encountered
a herd of seven or eight lions which included a magnificent old male,
an old lioness and five or six young, ranging from half to full grown.
At sight of Blake and his companion the lions took off leisurely
through rather open forest and the men followed, awaiting patiently
the happy coincidence of time, light and grouping that would give the
white man such a picture as he desired.
In the mind of the black man was pictured the route of the safari and
its relation to the meanderings of the quarry. He knew how far and in
what directions he and his companion were being led from their
destination. To have returned to the trail of the safari would have
been a simple matter to him, but Blake, depending entirely upon the
black, gave no heed either to time or direction.
For two hours they clung doggedly to the spoor, encouraged by
occasional glimpses of now one, now several members of the regal
group, but never was the opportunity afforded for a successful shot.
Then the sky became rapidly overcast by black clouds and a few
moments later the storm broke in all the terrific fury that only an
Equatorial storm can achieve, and an instant later amidst the
deafening roar of thunder and a blinding flash of lightning utter
disaster engulfed James Hunter Blake.
How long he lay, stunned by the shock of the bolt that had struck but
a few feet from him, he did not know. When he opened his eyes the
storm had passed and the sun was shining brightly through the leafy
canopy of the forest. Still dazed, uncomprehending the cause or
extent of the catastrophe, he raised himself slowly upon an elbow
and looked about him.
One of the first sights that met his eyes aided materially in the rapid
recovery of his senses. Less than a hundred feet from him stood a
group of lions, seven of them, solemnly regarding him. The
characteristics of individual lions differ as greatly from those of their
fellows as do the characteristics of individuals of the human race
and, even as a human being, a lion may have his moods as well as
his personal idiosyncrasies.
These lions that gravely inspected the man-thing had been spared
any considerable experience with the human species; they had seen
but few men; they had never been hunted; they were well fed; Blake
had done nothing greatly to upset their easily irritated nervous
systems. Fortunately for him they were merely curious.
But Blake did not know all this. He knew only that seven lions were
standing within a hundred feet of him, that they were not in a cage
and that while he had pursued them to obtain photographs, the thing
that he most desired at the moment was not his camera but his rifle.
Stealthily, that he might not annoy them, he looked about him for the
weapon. To his consternation it was nowhere in sight, nor was his
gun bearer with the extra rifle. Where could the boy be? Doubtless,
frightened by the lions, he had decamped. Twenty feet away was a
most inviting tree. Blake wondered if the lions would charge the
moment that he rose to his feet. He tried to remember all that he had
heard about lions and he did recall one fact that applies with almost
axiomatic verity to all dangerous animals—if you run from them they
will pursue you. To reach the tree it would be necessary to walk
almost directly toward the lions.
Blake was in a quandary, and then one of the younger lions moved a
few steps nearer! That settled the matter as far as Blake was
concerned, for the closer the lions came the shorter his chance of
gaining the tree ahead of them in the event that they elected to
prevent.
In the midst of a tremendous forest, entirely surrounded by trees,
Nature had chosen to strike him down almost in the center of a
natural clearing. There was a good tree a hundred feet away and on
the opposite side of the clearing from the lions. Blake stole a longing
glance at it and then achieved some rapid mental calculations. If he
ran for the farther tree the lions would have to cover two hundred
feet while he was covering one hundred, while if he chose the nearer
tree, they must come eighty feet while he was going twenty. There
seemed, therefore, no doubt as to the greater desirability of the
nearer tree which ruled favorite by odds of two to one. Against it,
however, loomed the mental hazard that running straight into the
face of seven lions involved.
Jim Blake was sincerely, genuinely and honestly scared; but unless
the lions were psychoanalysts they would never have dreamed the
truth as he started nonchalantly and slowly toward them—and the
tree. The most difficult feat that he had ever accomplished lay in
making his legs behave themselves. They wanted to run. So did his
feet and his heart and his brain. Only his will held them in leash.
Those were tense moments for Jim Blake—the first half dozen steps
he took with seven great lions watching his approach. He saw that
they were becoming nervous. The lioness moved uneasily. The old
male growled. A younger male, he who had started forward, lashed
his sides with his tail, flattened his head, bared his fangs and
stealthily approached.
Blake was almost at the tree when something happened—he never
knew what the cause, but inexplicably the lioness turned and
bounded away, voicing a low whine, and after her went the other six.
The man leaned against the bole of the tree and fanned himself with
his helmet. "Whew!" he breathed, "I hope the next lion I see is in the
Central Park Zoo."
But even lions were forgotten in the developments that the next few
moments revealed after repeated shouts for the black boy had
brought no response and Blake had determined that he must set out
in search of him. Nor did he have far to go. On the back track, just
inside the clearing, Blake found a few remnants of charred flesh and
a blackened and half molten rifle barrel. Of the camera not a vestige
remained. The bolt that had bowled Blake over must have squarely
struck his gun bearer, killing him instantly, exploding all the
ammunition, destroying the camera and ruining the rifle that he had
carried.
But what had become of the rifle that had been in Blake's hands?
The man searched in all directions, but could not find it and was
finally forced to the conclusion that its disappearance could be
attributed only to one of those freakish tricks which severe electrical
storms so often play upon helpless and futile humanity.
Frankly aware that he was lost and had not the faintest conception of
the direction in which lay the proposed camp of his safari, Blake
started blindly off on what he devoutly hoped would prove the right
route. It was not. His safari was moving northeast. Blake headed
north.
For two days he trudged on through dense forest, sleeping at night
among the branches of trees. Once his fitful slumbers were disturbed
by the swaying of a branch against which he was braced. As he
awoke he felt it sag as to the weight of some large animal. He looked
and saw two fiery eyes gleaming in the dark. Blake knew it to be a
leopard as he drew his automatic and fired point blank. With a
hideous scream the great cat sprang or fell to the ground. Blake
never knew if he hit it. It did not return and there were no signs of it
in the morning.
He found food and water in abundance, and upon the morning of the
third day he emerged from the forest at the foot of a range of lofty
mountains and for the first time in weeks reveled in an unobstructed
view of the blue sky and saw the horizon again and all that lay
between himself and it. He had not realized that he had been
depressed by the darkness and the crowding pressure of the trees,
but now he experienced all the spiritual buoyancy of a released
convict long immured from freedom and the light of day. Rescue was
no longer problematical, merely a matter of time. He wanted to sing
and shout; but he conserved his energies and started toward the
mountains. There had been no native villages in the forest and so,
he reasoned, as there must be native villages in a well-watered
country stocked with game, he would find them upon the mountain
slopes.
Topping a rise he saw below him the mouth of a canyon in the bed of
which ran a small stream. A village would be built on water.
If he followed the water he would come to the village. Quite easy! He
descended to the stream where he was deeply gratified to find that a
well-worn path paralleled it. Encouraged by the belief that he would
soon encounter natives and believing that he would have no difficulty
in enlisting their services in aiding him to relocate his safari, Blake
followed the path upward into the canyon.
He had covered something like three miles without having
discovered any sign of habitation when, at a turn in the path, he
found himself at the foot of a great white cross of enormous
proportions. Hewn from limestone, it stood directly in the center of
the trail and towered above him fully sixty feet. Checked and
weatherworn, it gave an impression of great antiquity, which was
further borne out by the remains of an almost obliterated inscription
upon the face of its massive base.
Blake examined the carved letters, but could not decipher their
message. The characters appeared of early English origin, but he
dismissed such a possibility as too ridiculous to entertain. He knew
that he could not be far from the southern boundary of Abyssinia and
that the Abyssinians are Christians. Thus he explained the presence
of the cross; but he could not explain the suggestion of sinister
menace that this lonely, ancient symbol of the crucifix held for him.
Why was it? What was it?
Standing there, tongueless, hoary with age, it seemed to call upon
him to stop, to venture not beyond it into the unknown; it warned him
back, but not, seemingly, out of a spirit of kindliness and protection,
but rather with arrogance and hate.
With a laugh Blake threw off the mood that had seized him and went
on; but as he passed the great white monolith he crossed himself,
though he was not a Catholic. He wondered what had impelled him
to the unfamiliar act, but he could no more explain it than he could
the strange and uncanny suggestion of power and personality that
seemed to surround the crumbling cross.
Another turn in the path and the trail narrowed where it passed
between two huge boulders that might have fallen from the cliff top
towering far above. Cliffs closed in closely now in front and upon two
sides. Apparently he was close to the canyon's head and yet there
was no slightest indication of a village. Yet where did the trail lead? It
had an end and a purpose. He would discover the former and, if
possible, the latter.
Still under the depressing influence of the cross, Blake passed
between the two boulders; and the instant that he had passed them
a man stepped out behind him and another in front. They were
negroes, stalwart, fine-featured fellows, and in themselves nothing to
arouse wonder or surprise. Blake had expected to meet negroes in
Africa; but not negroes wearing elaborately decorated leathern
jerkins upon the breasts of which red crosses were emblazoned,
close fitting nether garments and sandals held by doeskin thongs,
cross gartered half way to their knees; not negroes wearing close
fitting bassinets of leopard skin that fitted their heads closely and
reached to below their ears; not negroes armed with two handed
broad swords and elaborately tipped pikes.
Blake was acutely aware of the pike tips as there was one pressing
against his belly and another in the small of his back.
"Who be ye?" demanded the negro that faced Blake.
Had the man addressed him in Greek Blake would have been no
more surprised than he was by the incongruity of this archaic form of
speech falling from the lips of a twentieth century central African
black. He was too dumbfounded for an instant to reply.
"Doubtless the fellow be a Saracen, Paul!" said the black behind
Blake, "and understands not what thou sayest—a spy, perchance."
"Nay, Peter Wiggs, as my name be Paul Bodkin he be no infidel—
that I know of mine own good eyes."
"Whatsoe'er he be it is for ye to fetch him before the captain of the
gate who will question him, Paul Bodkin."
"Natheless there be no hurt in questioning him first, an he will
answer."
"Stop thy tongue and take him to the captain," said Peter. "I will
abide here and guard the way until thou returnest."
Paul stepped aside and motioned for Blake to precede him. Then he
fell in behind and the American did not need to glance back to know
that the ornate tip of the pike was ever threateningly ready.
The way lay plain before him and Blake followed the trail toward the
cliffs where there presently appeared the black mouth of a tunnel
leading straight into the rocky escarpment. Leaning against the sides
of a niche just within the entrance were several torches made of
reeds or twigs bound tightly together and dipped in pitch. One of
these Paul Bodkin selected, took some tinder from a metal box he
carried in a pouch at his side, struck a spark to it with flint and steel;
and having thus ignited the tinder and lighted the torch he pushed
Blake on again with the tip of his pike and the two entered the tunnel,
which the American found to be narrow and winding, well suited to
defense. Its floor was worn smooth until the stones of which it was
composed shone polished in the flaring of the torch. The sides and
roof were black with the soot of countless thousands, perhaps, of
torch-lighted passages along this strange way that led to—what?

CHAPTER VIII

The Snake Strikes

Unversed in jungle craft, overwhelmed by the enormity of the
catastrophe that had engulfed him, his reasoning faculties numbed
by terror, Wilbur Stimbol slunk through the jungle, the fleeing quarry
of every terror that imagination could conjure. Matted filth caked the
tattered remnants of his clothing that scarce covered the filth of his
emaciated body. His once graying hair had turned to white, matching
the white stubble of a four days' beard.
He followed a broad and well marked trail along which men and
horses, sheep and goats had passed within the week, and with the
blindness and ignorance of the city dweller he thought that he was
on the spoor of Blake's safari. Thus it came that he stumbled,
exhausted, into the menzil of the slow moving Ibn Jad.
Fejjuan, the Galla slave, discovered him and took him at once to the
sheik's beyt where Ibn Jad, with his brother, Tollog, and several
others were squatting in the mukaad sipping coffee.
"By Ullah! What strange creature hast thou captured now, Fejjuan?"
demanded the sheik.
"Perhaps a holy man," replied the black, "for he is very poor and
without weapons and very dirty—yes, surely he must be a very holy
man."
"Who art thou?" demanded Ibn Jad.
"I am lost and starving. Give me food," begged Stimbol.
But neither understood the language of the other.
"Another Nasrany," said Fahd, contemptuously. "A Frenjy, perhaps."
"He looks more like one of el-Engleys," remarked Tollog.
"Perhaps he is from Fransa," suggested Ibn Jad. "Speak to him that
vile tongue, Fahd, which thou didst come by among the soldiers in
Algeria."
"Who are you, stranger?" demanded Fahd, in French.
"I am an American," replied Stimbol, relieved and delighted to have
discovered a medium of communication with the Arabs. "I have been
lost in the jungle and I am starving."
"He is from the New World and he has been lost and is starving,"
translated Fahd.
Ibn Jad directed that food be brought, and as the stranger ate they
carried on a conversation through Fahd. Stimbol explained that his
men had deserted him and that he would pay well to be taken to the
coast. The Beduin had no desire to be further hampered by the
presence of a weak old man and was inclined to have Stimbol's
throat slit as the easiest solution of the problem, but Fahd, who was
impressed by the man's boastings of his great wealth, saw the
possibilities of a large reward or ransom and prevailed upon the
sheik to permit Stimbol to remain among them for a time at least,
promising to take him into his own beyt and be responsible for him.
"Ibn Jad would have slain you, Nasrany," said Fahd to Stimbol later,
"but Fahd saved you. Remember that when the time comes for
distributing the reward and remember, too, that Ibn Jad will be as
ready to kill you tomorrow as he was today and that always your life
is in the hands of Fahd. What is it worth?"
"I will make you rich," replied Stimbol.
During the days that followed, Fahd and Stimbol became much
better acquainted and with returning strength and a feeling of
security Stimbol's old boastfulness returned. He succeeded in
impressing the young Beduin with his vast wealth and importance,
and so lavish were his promises that Fahd soon commenced to see
before him a life of luxury, ease and power; but with growing cupidity
and ambition developed an increasing fear that someone might
wrest his good fortune from him. Ibn Jad being the most logical and
powerful competitor for the favors of the Nasrany, Fahd lost no
opportunity to impress upon Stimbol that the sheik was still thirsting
for his blood; though, as a matter of fact, Ibn Jad was so little
concerned over the affairs of Wilbur Stimbol that he would have
forgotten his presence entirely were he not occasionally reminded of
it by seeing the man upon the march or about the camps.
One thing, however, that Fahd accomplished was to acquaint
Stimbol with the fact that there was dissension and treachery in the
ranks of the Beduins and this he determined to use to his own
advantage should necessity demand.
And ever, though slowly, the 'Aarab drew closer to the fabled
Leopard City of Nimmr, and as they marched Zeyd found opportunity
to forward his suit for the hand of Ateja the daughter of Sheik Ibn
Jad, while Tollog sought by insinuation to advance the claims of
Fahd in the eyes of the sheik. This he did always and only when
Fahd might hear as, in reality, his only wish was to impress upon the
young traitor the depth of the latter's obligation to him. When Tollog
should become sheik he would not care who won the hand of Ateja.
But Fahd was not satisfied with the progress that was being made.
Jealousy rode him to distraction until he could not look upon Zeyd
without thoughts of murder seizing his mind; at last they obsessed
him. He schemed continually to rid himself and the world of his more
successful rival. He spied upon him and upon Ateja, and at last a
plan unfolded itself with opportunity treading upon its heels.
Fahd had noticed that nightly Zeyd absented himself from the
gatherings of the men in the mukaad of the sheik's tent and that
when the simple household duties were performed Ateja slipped out
into the night. Fahd followed and confirmed what was really too
apparent to be dignified by the name of suspicion—Zeyd and Ateja
met.
And then one night, Fahd was not at the meeting in the sheik's beyt.
Instead he hid near the tent of Zeyd, and when the latter had left to
keep his tryst Fahd crept in and seized the matchlock of his rival. It
was already loaded and he had but to prime it with powder. Stealthily
he crept by back ways through the camp to where Zeyd awaited his
light of love and sneaked up behind him.
At a little distance, sitting in his mukaad with his friends beneath the
light of paper lanterns, Ibn Jad the sheik was plainly visible to the
two young men standing in the outer darkness. Ateja was still in the
women's quarters.
Fahd, standing behind Zeyd, raised the ancient matchlock to his
shoulder and aimed—very carefully he aimed, but not at Zeyd. No,
for the cunning of Fahd was as the cunning of the fox. Had Zeyd
been murdered naught could ever convince Ateja that Fahd was not
the murderer. Fahd knew that, and he was equally sure that Ateja
would have naught of the slayer of her lover.
Beyond Zeyd was Ibn Jad, but Fahd was not aiming at Ibn Jad
either. At whom was he aiming? No one. Not yet was the time ripe to
slay the sheik. First must they have their hands upon the treasure,
the secret of which he alone was supposed to hold.
Fahd aimed at one of the am'dan of the sheik's tent. He aimed with
great care and then he pulled the trigger. The prop splintered and
broke a foot above the level of Ibn Jad's head, and simultaneously
Fahd threw down the musket and leaped upon the startled Zeyd, at
the same time crying loudly for help.
Startled by the shot and the cries, men ran from all directions and
with them was the sheik. He found Zeyd being held tightly from
behind by Fahd.
"What is the meaning of this?" demanded Ibn Jad.
"By Ullah, Ibn Jad, he would have slain thee!" cried Fahd. "I came
upon him just in time, and as he fired I leaped upon his back, else he
would have killed you."
"He lies!" cried Zeyd. "The shot came from behind me. If any fired
upon Ibn Jad it was Fahd himself."
Ateja, wide-eyed, ran to her lover. "Thou didst not do it, Zeyd; tell me
that thou didst not do it."
"As Allah is my God and Mohammed his prophet I did not do it,"
swore Zeyd.
"I would not have thought it of him," said Ibn Jad.
Cunning, Fahd did not mention the matchlock. Shrewdly he guessed
that its evidence would be more potent if discovered by another than
he, and that it would be discovered he was sure. Nor was he wrong.
Tollog found it.
"Here," he exclaimed, "is the weapon."
"Let us examine it beneath the light," said Ibn Jad. "It should dispel
our doubts more surely than any lying tongue."
As the party moved in the direction of the sheik's beyt Zeyd
experienced the relief of one reprieved from death, for he knew that
the testimony of the matchlock would exonerate him. It could not be
his. He pressed the hand of Ateja, walking at his side.
Beneath the light of the paper lanterns in the mukaad Ibn Jad held
the weapon beneath his gaze as, with craning necks, the others
pressed about him. A single glance sufficed. With stern visage the
sheik raised his eyes.
"It is Zeyd's," he said.
Ateja gasped and drew away from her lover.
"I did not do it! It is some trick," cried Zeyd.
"Take him away!" commanded Ibn Jad. "See that he is tightly
bound."
Ateja rushed to her father and fell upon her knees. "Do not slay him!"
she cried. "It could not have been he. I know it was not he."
"Silence, girl!" commanded the sheik sternly. "Go to thy quarters and
remain there!"
They took Zeyd to his own beyt and bound him securely, and in the
mukaad of the sheik the elders sat in judgment while from behind the
curtains of the women's quarters, Ateja listened.
"At dawn, then, he shall be shot!" This was the sentence that Ateja
heard passed upon her lover.
Behind his greasy thorrib Fahd smiled a crooked smile. In his black
house of hair Zeyd struggled with the bonds that held him, for though
he had not heard the sentence he was aware of what his fate would
be. In the quarters of the hareem of the Sheik Ibn Jad the sheik's
daughter lay sleepless and suffering. Her long lashes were wet with
tears but her grief was silent. Wide-eyed she waited, listening, and
presently her patience was rewarded by the sounds of the deep,
regular breathing of Ibn Jad and his wife, Hirfa. They slept.
Ateja stirred. Stealthily she raised the lower edge of the tent cloth
beside which lay her sleeping mat and rolled quietly beneath it into
the mukaad, now deserted. Groping, she found the matchlock of
Zeyd where Ibn Jad had left it. She carried also a bundle wrapped in
an old thorrib, the contents of which she had gathered earlier in the
evening when Hirfa, occupied with her duties, had been temporarily
absent from the women's quarters.
Ateja emerged from the tent of her father and crept cautiously along
the single, irregular street formed by the pitched tents of the 'Aarab
until she came to the beyt of Zeyd. For a moment she paused at the
opening, listening, then she entered softly on sandalled feet.
But Zeyd, sleepless, struggling with his bonds, heard her. "Who
comes?" he demanded.
"S-s-sh!" cautioned the girl. "It is I, Ateja." She crept to his side.
"Beloved!" he murmured.
Deftly the girl cut the bonds that held his wrists and ankles. "I have
brought thee food and thy musket," she told him. "These and
freedom I give thee—the rest thou must do thyself. Thy mare stands
tethered with the others. Far is the beled el-Guad, beset with
dangers is the way, but night and day will Ateja pray to Allah to guide
thee safely. Haste, my loved one!"
Zeyd pressed her tightly to his breast, kissed her and was gone into
the night.

CHAPTER IX

Sir Richard
The floor of the tunnel along which Paul Bodkin conducted Blake
inclined ever upwards, and again and again it was broken by flights
of steps which carried them always to higher levels. To Blake the
way seemed interminable. Even the haunting mystery of the long
tunnel failed to overcome the monotony of its unchanging walls that
slipped silently into the torch's dim ken for a brief instant and as
silently back into the Cimmerian oblivion behind to make place for
more wall unvaryingly identical.
But, as there ever is to all things, there was an end to the tunnel.
Blake first glimpsed it in a little patch of distant daylight ahead, and
presently he stepped out into the sunlight and looked out across a
wide valley that was tree-dotted and beautiful. He found himself
standing upon a wide ledge, or shelf, some hundred feet above the
base of the mountain through which the tunnel had been cut. There
was a sheer drop before him, and to his right the ledge terminated
abruptly at a distance of a hundred feet or less. Then he glanced to
the left and his eyes went wide in astonishment.
Across the shelf stood a solid wall of masonry flanked at either side
by great, round towers pierced by long, narrow embrasures. In the
center of the wall was a lofty gateway which was closed by a
massive and handsomely wrought portcullis behind which Blake saw
two negroes standing guard. They were clothed precisely as his
captors, but held great battle-axes, the butts of which rested upon
the ground.
"What ho, the gate!" shouted Paul Bodkin. "Open to the outer guard
and a prisoner!"
Slowly the portcullis rose and Blake and his captor passed beneath.
Directly inside the gateway and at the left, built into the hillside, was
what was evidently a guardhouse. Before it loitered a score or so of
soldiers, uniformed like Paul Bodkin, upon the breast of each the red
cross. To a heavy wooden rail gaily caparisoned horses were
tethered, their handsome trappings recalling to Blake's memory
paintings he had seen of mounted knights of medieval England.
There was so much of unreality in the strangely garbed blacks, the
massive barbican that guarded the way, the trappings of the horses,
that Blake was no longer capable of surprise when one of the two
doors in the guardhouse opened and there stepped out a handsome
young man clad in a hauberk of chain mail over which was a light
surcoat of rough stuff, dyed purple. Upon the youth's head fitted a
leopard skin bassinet from the lower edge of which depended a
camail or gorget of chain mail that entirely surrounded and protected
his throat and neck. He was armed only with a heavy sword and a
dagger, but against the side of the guardhouse, near the doorway
where he paused to look at Blake, leaned a long lance, and near it
was a shield with a red cross emblazoned upon its boss.
"Od zounds!" exclaimed the young man. "What hast thou there,
varlet?"
"A prisoner, an' it pleases thee, noble lord," replied Paul Bodkin,
deferentially.
"A Saracen, of a surety," stated the young man.
"Nay, an I may make so bold, Sir Richard," replied Paul—"but
methinks he be no Saracen."
"And why?"
"With mine own eyes I didst see him make the sign before the
Cross."
"Fetch him hither, lout!"
Bodkin prodded Blake in the rear with his pike, but the American
scarce noticed the offense so occupied was his mind by the light of
truth that had so suddenly illuminated it. In the instant he had
grasped the solution. He laughed inwardly at himself for his
denseness. Now he understood everything—and these fellows
thought they could put it over on him, did they? Well, they had come
near to doing it, all right.
He stepped quickly toward the young man and halted, upon his lips a
faintly sarcastic smile. The other eyed him with haughty arrogance.
"Whence comest thou," he asked, "and what doest thou in the Valley
of the Sepulcher, varlet?"
Blake's smile faded—too much was too much. "Cut the comedy,
young fellow," he drawled in his slow way. "Where's the director?"
"Director? Forsooth, I know not what thou meanest."
"Yes you don't!" snapped Blake, with fine sarcasm. "But let me tell
you right off the bat that no seven-fifty a day extra can pull anything
like that with me!"
"Od's blud, fellow! I ken not the meaning of all the words, but I
mislike thy tone. It savors o'er much of insult to fall sweetly upon the
ears of Richard Montmorency."
"Be yourself," advised Blake. "If the director isn't handy send for the
assistant director, or the camera man—even the continuity writer
may have more sense than you seem to have."
"Be myself? And who thinkest thee I would be other than Richard
Montmorency, a noble knight of Nimmr."
Blake shook his head in despair, then he turned to the soldiers who
were standing about listening to the conversation. He thought some
of them would be grinning at the joke that was being played on him,
but he saw only solemn, serious faces.
"Look here," he said, addressing Paul Bodkin, "don't any of you
know where the director is?"
"'Director'?" repeated Bodkin, shaking his head. "There be none in
Nimmr thus y-clept, nay, nor in all the Valley of the Sepulcher that I
wot."
"I'm sorry," said Blake, "the mistake is mine; but if there is no director
there must be a keeper. May I see him?"
"Ah, keeper!" cried Bodkin, his face lighting with understanding. "Sir
Richard is the keeper."
"My gawd!" exclaimed Blake, turning to the young man. "I beg your
pardon, I thought that you were one of the inmates."
"Inmates? Indeed thou speakest a strange tongue and yet withall it
hath the flavor of England," replied the young man gravely. "But yon
varlet be right—I am indeed this day the Keeper of the Gate."
Blake was commencing to doubt his own sanity, or at least his
judgment. Neither the young white man nor any of the negroes had
any of the facial characteristics of mad men. He looked up suddenly
at the keeper of the gate.
"I am sorry," he said, flashing one of the frank smiles that was
famous amongst his acquaintances. "I have acted like a boor, but
I've been under considerable of a nervous strain for a long time, and
on top of that I've been lost in the jungle for days without proper or
sufficient food.
"I thought that you were trying to play some sort of a joke on me and,
well, I wasn't in any mood for jokes when I expected friendship and
hospitality instead.
"Tell me, where am I? What country is this?"
"Thou art close upon the city of Nimmr," replied the young man.
"I suppose this is something of a national holiday or something?"
suggested Blake.
"I do not understand thee," replied the young man.
"Why, you're all in a pageant or something, aren't you?"
"Od's bodikins! the fellow speaks an outlandish tongue! Pageant?"
"Yes, those costumes."
"What be amiss with this apparel? True, 'tis not of any wondrous
newness, but methinks it be at least more fair than thine. At least it
well suffices the daily service of a knight."
"You don't mean that you dress like this every day?" demanded
Blake.
"And why not? But enough of this. I have no wish to further bandy
words with thee. Fetch him within, two of thee. And thou, Bodkin,
return to the outer guard!" The young man turned and reentered the
building, while two of the soldiers seized Blake, none too gently, and
hustled him within.
He found himself in a high-ceiled room with walls of cut stone and
great, hand-hewn beams and rafters blackened with age. Upon the
stone floor stood a table behind which, upon a bench, the young
man seated himself while Blake was placed facing him with a guard
on either hand.
"Thy name," demanded the young man.
"Blake."
"That be all—just Blake?"
"James Hunter Blake."
"What title bearest thou in thine own country?"
"I have no title."
"Ah, thou art not a gentleman, then?"
"I am called one."
"What is thy country?"
"America."
"America! There is no such country, fellow."
"And why not?"
"I never heard of it. What doest thou near the Valley of the
Sepulcher? Didst not know 'tis forbidden?"
"I told you I was lost. I didn't know where I was. All I want is to get
back to my safari or to the coast."
"That be impossible. We be surrounded by Saracens. For seven
hundred and thirty-five years we have been invested by their armies.
How come you through the enemies' lines? How passed you through
his vast army?"
"There isn't any army."
"Givest thou the lie to Richard Montmorency, varlet? An' thou wert of
gentle blood thou shouldst account to me that insult upon the field of
honor. Methink'st thou beest some lowborn spy sent hither by the
Saracen sultan. 'Twould be well an thou confessed all to me, for if I
take thee before the Prince he will wrest the truth from thee in ways
that are far from pleasant. What say?"
"I have nothing to confess. Take me before the Prince, or whoever
your boss is; perhaps he will at least give me food."
"Thou shalt have food here. Never shall it be said that Richard
Montmorency turned a hungry man from his doorway. Hey! Michel!
Michel! Where is the lazy brat? Michel!"
A door opened from an inner apartment to admit a boy, sleepy eyed,
digging a grimy fist into one eye. He was clothed in a short tunic, his
legs encased in green tights. In his cap was a feather.
"Sleeping again, eh?" demanded Sir Richard. "Thou lazy knave!
Fetch bread and meat for this poor wayfarer and be not until the
morrow at it!"
Wide-eyed and rather stupidly, the boy stared at Blake. "A Saracen,
master?" he asked.
"What boots it?" snapped Sir Richard. "Did not our Lord Jesus feed
the multitude, nor ask if there were unbelievers among them? Haste,
churl! The stranger be of great hunger."