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 SEXUALITY IN GREEK AND ROMAN
SOCIETY AND LITERATURE

This second edition includes an updated review of sexuality in Greece and Rome,
an expanded bibliography and numerous new passages with original translations.
This book provides readers with detailed information, notes and the original
translated passages on the fascinating and multi-­faceted theme of ancient sexuality.
The sources range from the era of Homer and Hesiod through to the Graeco-­
Roman world of the Fourth Century ce and explore the diversity of approaches to
sexuality and sexual expression, as well as how these issues relate to the rest of
ancient society and culture.
Sexuality in Greek and Roman Society and Literature is an invaluable resource
to students and academics alike, providing a detailed series of chapters on all
major facets of sexuality in ancient Greece and Rome. It will particularly appeal
to those interested in sexuality and gender in antiquity, as well as ancient literature
and social studies.

Marguerite Johnson is Professor of Classics at The University of Newcastle,

Australia. She specialises in histories of sexualities and gender, and Classical
Reception Studies.
 ROUTLEDGE SOURCEBOOKS FOR THE
ANCIENT WORLD

Recent titles include:

POMPEII AND HERCULANEUM

A Sourcebook, 2nd edition
Alison E. Cooley and M.G.L. Cooley

ANCIENT ROME
SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE EARLY
REPUBLIC TO THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS, 2ND EDITION
Matthew Dillon and Lynda Garland

PAGANS AND CHRISTIANS IN LATE ANTIQUITY

A SOURCEBOOK, 2ND EDITION
A.D. Lee

GREEK AND ROMAN TECHNOLOGY

A SOURCEBOOK OF TRANSLATED GREEK AND ROMAN TEXTS,
2ND EDITION
Andrew N. Sherwood, Milorad Nikolic, John W. Humphrey, and John P. Oleson

ITALY BEFORE ROME

A SOURCEBOOK
Katherine McDonald

SEXUALITY IN GREEK AND ROMAN SOCIETY AND LITERATURE

A SOURCEBOOK, 2ND EDITION
Marguerite Johnson

For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com/Routledge-­

Sourcebooks-­for-­the-­Ancient-­World/book-­series/RSAW
SEXUALITY IN GREEK
AND ROMAN SOCIETY
AND LITERATURE
A Sourcebook
Second edition

Marguerite Johnson
Second edition published 2022
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2022 Marguerite Johnson
The right of Marguerite Johnson to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2004
British Library Cataloguing-­in-­Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data
Names: Johnson, Marguerite, 1965 – author.
Title: Sexuality in Greek and Roman society and literature: a sourcebook /
Marguerite Johnson.
Description: Second edition. | New York, NY: Routledge Taylor & Francis
Ltd, 2022. | Series: Routledge sourcebooks for the ancient world |
Revised edition of Sexuality in Greek and Roman society and literature,
2005. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021036153 (print) | LCCN 2021036154 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Classical literature – History and criticism. | Sex in
literature. | Sex customs – Greece – History – To 500. |
Sex – Greece – History – To 500. | Sex customs in literature. | Sex
customs – Rome. | Sex – Rome.
Classification: LCC PA3014.S47 J64 2022 (print) | LCC PA3014.S47
(ebook) | DDC 880/.09 – dc22
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021036153
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021036154
ISBN: 978-­1-­138-­20040-­1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-­1-­138-­20041-­8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-­1-­003-­24204-­8 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003242048
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
To the seventh child of the seventh child, and the girls from the Hunter
Valley coalfields.
 CONTENTS

Index of passagesix
List of figuresxix
Prefacexx
Note to the second editionxxii
Acknowledgements from the first editionxxiv
List of abbreviationsxxv

Introduction: a socio-­sexual background to Greece

and Rome 1

I The divine sphere 23

II Beauty 56

III Marriage 89

IV Sexual labour 135

V Same-­sex attraction 166

VI Sex aids, didactic literature and handbooks 202

VII Sex and violence 227

VIII Anxiety and repulsion 251

IX Taboos, alterity and marginal activities 271

vii
 C ontents

X Celebrity sex 316

A final word 353

Glossary of authors, inscriptions and papyri 355

Glossary of terms 362
Alphabetical index of authors, inscriptions and papyri 370
Bibliography 376
Index410

viii
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

I THE DIVINE SPHERE

Setting the scene
1 Homer Iliad Book 14 extracts Deception of Zeus
2 Ovid Metamorphoses 6.103–28 Divine lusts
Aphrodite and Venus
3 Hesiod Theogony 188–206 Birth of Aphrodite
4 Sappho Poem 1 Hymn to Aphrodite
5 Theognidea 1386–89 Powerful Aphrodite
6 Euripides Hippolytus 1–50 Pitiless Aphrodite
7 Nossis Greek Anthology 5.170 Sweet love
8 Lucretius On the Nature of Things Book 1 Invocation of Venus
extracts
9 Tibullus Elegy 1.2.15–32 Helpful Venus
Eros and Amor
10 Hesiod Theogony 116–22 Birth of Eros
11 Alcman Fragment 59a The impact of Eros
12 Sappho Fragment 130 The impact of Eros
13 Ibycus Fragment 287 The impact of Eros
14 Anacreon Fragment 413 The impact of Eros
15 Catullus Poem 85 The torture of loving
16 Propertius Elegy 2.12 Depiction of Amor
Cult activities
17 Sappho Fragment 2 Aphrodite
18 Euripides Bacchae 677–703 Maenads
19 Livy Book 39.10.1–9 The Bacchanalian cult
20 Ovid Fasti 4.133–60 Fortuna Virilis and Venus
Verticordia
21 Plutarch Roman Questions (268d–e) Bona Dea
22 Lucian On the Syrian Goddess 50–1 The Galli

ix
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

II BEAUTY
The creation of women
23 Hesiod Works and Days 59–89 Pandora
Natural beauty
24 Sappho Fragment 16.1–20 Beauty defined
25 Philodemus Greek Anthology 5.132 Beauty inspires desire
26 Ovid Amores 1.5 Corinna
27 Apuleius Metamorphoses 4.28.1–4 Psyche
28 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.15 Melite
29 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.60 A girl bathing
Youth and beauty
30 Homer Odyssey 6.149–63 Nausicaa
31 Sappho Fragment 132.1–2 Flowerlike Cleis
32 Martial Epigram 5.37 Erotion
33 Straton Greek Anthology 12.5 Preferences
Age and beauty
34 Mimnermus Poem 5 Youth is fleeting, old age
looms
35 Sappho Fragment 58 On old age
36 Philodemus Greek Anthology 5.13 Charito
37 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.48 An ageing beauty
Male beauty
38 Tyrtaeus Fragments 10.1–2, 27–30 Bravery
39 Aristophanes Clouds 1010–19 Sexy good looks
40 Apuleius Metamorphoses 5.22.4–7 The beauty of Cupid
41 Straton Greek Anthology 12.192 Unadorned beauty
42 Statius Silvae 4.2.38–44 Beauty and power
43 Juvenal Satire 6.103–12 A gladiator’s charms
The powerful effects of beauty
44 Homer Iliad 3.154–60 Reaction to Helen
45 Sappho Fragment 31.1–16 The sight of the beloved
46 Catullus Poem 51 The sight of Lesbia
Beyond the physical
47 Sappho Fragment 50 Beauty and goodness
48 Pseudo- Erotic Essay 30 The ideal erōmenos
Demosthenes
61
49 Anonymous Greek Anthology 12.96 Good Pyrrhus
50 Catullus Poem 86 Quintia and Lesbia
compared
Beauty contests
51 Euripides Trojan Women 924–44 The judgement of
Paris

x
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

52 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.35 The back view

53 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.36 The front view
54 Athenaeus 565f–566a Male contests
55 Athenaeus 609e–610b More competitions

III MARRIAGE
Wives
56 Hesiod Theogony 585–612 Irresistible ‘evils’
57 Hesiod Works and Days 695–705 Choosing a wife
58 Semonides Poem 7 Varieties of wives
59 Cato the Elder On Agriculture 143.1–2 Expectations of a wife
60 Honestus Greek Anthology 5.20 The right age
Marriage songs
61 Sappho Fragments 103b–116 Epithalamia –marriage
hymns
62 Theocritus Idyll 18 Helen and Menelaus
63 Catullus Poem 61 extracts Junia and Manlius
Traditions and customs
64 Euripides Iphigeneia at Aulis extracts Marriage traditions
65 Plutarch Advice to the Bride and Groom Marriage customs
138b
66 Athenaeus 602d–e A Spartan custom
Pre-marital anxiety
67 Antiphanes Greek Anthology 9.245 The tragedy of Petale
68 Seneca the Controversies 1.2.22 The bride
Elder
69 Martial Epigram 11.78 The groom
Conjugal sex
70 Aristophanes Lysistrata extracts A sexy sex strike
71 Martial Epigram 11.71 Leda’s frustration
72 Martial Epigram 11.104 A husband’s demands
Happy marriages
73 Homer Iliad 6.482–93 Hector and Andromache
74 Theognis 1225–26 A good wife
75 Plutarch Life of Pompey extracts Pompey and his wives
76 Martial Epigram 10.38 To Calenus, on Sulpicia
The pain of separation
77 EG 44.2–3 Epitaph for Chaerestrate
78 CIL I2 1211 Epitaph for Claudia
79 ILS 7472 Funerary stele of Aurelius
and his wife Aurelia
Philematium

xi
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

80 Ovid Tristia 1.6 extracts To his wife from exile

81 Pliny Epistle 7.5 To his third wife
Documents relating to marriage: the Oxyrhynchus Papyri
82 POxy 524 and 927 Wedding invitations
83 POxy 267 Agreement of marriage
84 POxy 266 Divorce contract
85 POxy 281 Complaint against a
husband
86 POxy 282 Complaint against a wife

IV SEXUAL LABOUR
The archaic age
87 Archilochus Fragments Pornē
88 Anacreon Fragments Hetaira
The multi-faceted hetaira
89 Apollodorus Against Neaera extracts 59.18–19: Training little
[Ps-Dem. 59] girls
59.30: Used goods
Females and their clients
90 Plutarch Life of Pericles 24.3–7 Aspasia
91 Plautus Pseudolus extracts A comic pimp
92 Gallus Greek Anthology 5.49 Lyde’s services
93 Nicarchus Greek Anthology 11.328 The body of the female
worker
94 Horace Satire 1.2.28–36 Endorsement from Cato
95 Martial Epigram 9.32 The ideal girl
96 Athenaeus 568a–d Maid-to-order
97 Athenaeus 569a–d Brothel life
The ageing woman
98 Martial Epigram 10.75 Galla
99 Athenaeus 570b–d Lais
Sacred sex
100 Strabo Geography 6.2.6 At Eryx
101 Strabo Geography 8.6.20 At Corinth
Pompeian graffiti: females
102 CIL IV 794; 1830; 9847 Advice and observations
103 CIL IV 2273; 4185; 10004 Praise and abuse
104 CIL IV 7089; 2310b; 5048; 5372; Advertisements
1751
Males and their clients
105 Aeschines Against Timarchus 21 The law

xii
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

106 Plautus Pseudolus 767–88 A pimp’s slave-boy

107 Martial Epigram 4.28 Chloe and her toy-boy
108 Petronius Satyricon 126 Encolpius for sale
109 POxy 3070 Proposition by mail
Pompeian graffiti: males
110 CIL IV 1825a; 1882; 2048; 2319b; Sexual acts with men
5408
111 CIL IV 8940 Sexual acts with women

V SAME-SEX ATTRACTION
Origins
112 Plato Symposium 189d–192b Same-sex attraction
113 Pseudo- Problems 879a–880a Causes of male passivity
Aristotle
114 Phaedrus Fables 4.16 A Titanic error
115 Athenaeus 602f–603a Origins of pederasty
Males compared to females
116 Ovid Ars Amatoria 2.683–84 Love of boys is unequal
117 Plutarch Dialogue on Love 751a–b Love of boys is genuine
118 Straton Greek Anthology 12.7 Girls and boys
119 Pseudo-Lucian Erotes 25–8 Women and boys
120 Achilles Tatius Leucippe and Cleitophon 2.35–8 the merits of boy-love
Male beauty and eroticism
121 Straton Greek Anthology 12.4 Ideal ages for boys
122 Catullus Poem 48 Kissing Juventius
Same-sex love in militaristic societies
123 Aelian Miscellany Book 3 extracts Pederasty at Sparta
124 Athenaeus 561e–f Love honoured
Women in love
125 Sappho Fragments 49, 94, 96 Love and friendship
126 Erinna Distaff 13–55 Baucis
127 CIL IV.5296 Entreaty to a girl
Magical women
128 PGM 32.1–19 Herais entreats Sarapias
129 SM 1.42 Side A extract Sophia entreats Gorgonia
Representations of women
130 Anacreon Fragment 358 Girl gazes on . . . girl
131 Asclepiades Greek Anthology 5.207 Two women of Samos
132 Martial Epigram 7.67 Philaenis the tribad
133 Lucian Fifth Dialogue of the Hetairai Clonarium and Leaena

xiii
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

Celtic practices
134 Aristotle Politics 1269b Celts and Spartans
135 Diodorus 5.32.7 Celtic sexual practices
Siculus
136 Athenaeus 603a Celtic preferences

VI SEX AIDS, DIDACTIC LITERATURE AND HANDBOOKS

Sex aids
137 Aristophanes Lysistrata 107–9 Dildos
138 Herodas Mime 6 extracts Girl talk
139 Propertius Elegies 2.6.27–34 Visual erotica
140 Suetonius Life of Horace Extract Reflections
Sex manuals
141 POxy 2891 Philaenis’ erotic handbook
142 Athenaeus 220e–f Writers of erotic handbooks
143 Priapea 3 Elephantis
144 Martial Epigram 12.43 The wanton verses of
Sabellus
145 Martial Epigram 12.95 A girl to hand
146 Martial Epigram 10.35 Sulpicia – erotica for the
respectable
Sex and science
147 Lucretius On the Nature of Things 4.1101– Lust – never enough
20
148 Lucretius On the Nature of Things 4.1153– Lust is blind
76
Grooming and the natural look
149 Propertius Elegies 1.2.1–8 Talent needs no
adornment
150 Ovid Treatments for the Female Face Importance of cultus
extracts
The art of love
151 Ovid Ars Amatoria 1.35–8 The task
152 Ovid Ars Amatoria Book 1 extracts The hunt
153 Ovid Ars Amatoria Book 1 extracts Flatter her
154 Ovid Ars Amatoria 1.753–4 Trust no one
155 Ovid Ars Amatoria 2.657–66 Don’t mention her flaws
156 Ovid Ars Amatoria Book 3 extracts Tips for the unfortunate
157 Ovid Ars Amatoria 3.769–808 Best positions for sex
Cures for love
158 Ovid Remedia Amoris extracts Healing the disease

xiv
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

VII SEX AND VIOLENCE

Rape in myth and legend
159 Alcaeus Fragment 298.4–24 Times of war – Ajax and
Cassandra
160 Ovid Metamorphoses Book 6 extracts Tereus and Philomela
Adultery, rape and the law
161 Plutarch Life of Solon 23.1–2 Solon on adultery and
rape
162 Lysias 1 On the Murder of Eratosthenes Rape and seduction in
32–3 Athenian law
163 Demosthenes Against Aristocrates 53 Athenian law on adultery
23
164 Valerius Nine Books of Memorable Deeds Lucretia and early
Maximus and Sayings 6.1.1 responses to rape
165 Horace Satire 1.2.37–46 Punishments for adultery
Rape as punishment
166 Aristophanes Acharnians 271–6 Punishment of a slave-
girl
167 Priapea 13 and 28 Punitive rape
168 Catullus Poem 56 Master punishes a slave-
boy
Rape in war
169 Herodotus The Histories 8.33.1 Death by gang rape
170 Xenophon Anabasis 4.1.13–4 Male and female captives
171 Tacitus Histories 3.33 Rape and the sack of
Cremona
172 Tacitus Annals 14.31 Rape and expansion of
empire
173 Pausanias 10.22.3–4 The Galatians in Aetolia
174 Athenaeus 522d–e Mass rape at Carbina
Turning ‘no’ into ‘yes’
175 Archilochus Fragment 196a An ‘erotic’ encounter
176 Ovid Ars Amatoria 1.663–80 Girls like it rough
Sexual violence as sport and spectacle
177 Aristophanes Peace 894–904 Sporting metaphors for
rough sex
178 Martial On the Spectacles 5 Pasiphae and the bull

VIII ANXIETY AND REPULSION

Impotence
179 Philodemus Greek Anthology 11.30 Partial impotence
180 Ovid Amores 3.7 Equipment failure

xv
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

181 Petronius Satyricon 138 Treatment for impotence

The repellent woman
182 Lucilius Fragment 1182 Menstrual defilement
183 Horace Epode 12.1–20 Old whore
184 Martial Epigram 3.93 Vetustilla
185 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.76 Ravages of old age
186 Priapea Vergilian Appendix 83.26–37 A filthy old woman
Odours
187 Catullus Poem 97 Aemilius smells at both
ends
188 Nicarchus Greek Anthology 11.241 Theodorus stinks
189 Lucillius Greek Anthology 11.239 Telesilla’s classically foul
breath
190 Martial Epigram 6.93 Thais stinks
Contamination and staining
191 Aristophanes Knights 1284–7 Ariphrades’ tastes
192 Aristophanes Wasps 1280–3 Ariphrades’ talent
193 CIL IV.1391 A liquid diet
194 CIL IV.1516 Female muck
195 Martial Epigram 9.69 Unforeseen consequences
Passivity and effeminacy
196 Anonymous Greek Anthology 11.272 The kinaidos
197 Catullus Poem 80 Tell-tale signs of fellatio
198 Martial Epigram 11.61 Nanneius’ tongue
199 Juvenal Satire 2.65–83 Haute couture in the
courts

IX TABOOS, ALTERITY AND MARGINAL ACTIVITIES

Setting the scene
200 Artemidorus On Dreams Book 1 extracts Unnatural acts
Unholy unions/incest
201 Sophocles Oedipus Rex extracts Oedipus and Jocasta
202 Catullus Poem 90 Gellius
203 Parthenius Erotic Misfortunes 31 Incestuous desire and
necrophilia
204 Ovid Metamorphoses Book 9 extracts Byblis and her brother
Sadomasochism
205 Hipponax Fragment 92 A sound thrashing
Cross-dressing and transgenderism
206 Euripides Bacchae extracts Pentheus’ cross-dressing

xvi
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

207 Aristophanes Women at the Thesmophoria Agathon’s cross-dressing

130–45
208 Seneca the Epistles 122.7 Cross-dressing is
Younger unnatural
209 Juvenal Satire 2.115–42 Male brides
210 Ausonius Epigram 76 Fluid forms
Autoeroticism
211 Martial Epigram 9.41 Autoeroticism and
infertility
212 Martial Epigram 11.22 Masturbation of a partner
Paraphilia
213 Seneca the Natural Questions 1.16 Katoptronophilia
Younger
214 Pseudo-Lucian Erotes 15–16 extracts Agalmatophilia
Scopophilia
215 Petronius Satyricon 26 An onlooker
216 Petronius Satyricon 140 An education in vice
Interspecies sex and desire
217 Herodotus The Histories 2.46.4 The Mendesian cult of the
ram god
218 Ovid Ars Amatoria 1.289–326 Pasiphae and the bull
219 Hyginus Fables 40.1–2 Pasiphae and the bull
220 Martial Epigram 1.83 Manneia’s puppy
221 Juvenal Satire 6.327–34 An arse for an ass
222 Apuleius Metamorphoses 10.19–22 Lust for an ass
223 Antoninus Metamorphoses 21 Extract Polyphonte and the bear
Liberalis
224 Athenaeus 606b–c Animals in love with
humans

X CELEBRITY SEX
Semiramis
225 Justin Epitome 1.2.1–10 A woman in man’s
clothing
226 Orosius Seven Books of History Against A savage queen
the Pagans 1.4.4–8
Classical greece
227 Athenaeus 533d; 576c–d Themistocles’ lady
chariot
228 Plutarch Life of Alcibiades 16.1–2 Alcibiades: a man
without restraint

xvii
 I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S

Macedonian kings
229 Quintus History of Alexander 6.5.22–3 Alexander and Bagoas
Curtius
Rufus
230 Quintus History of Alexander 10.1.25–7 Bagoas and Orxines
Curtius
Rufus
231 Plutarch Life of Demetrius 24.1 ‘Brother’ of Athena
232 Plutarch Life of Demetrius 14.3 A busy sex life
233 Athenaeus 577c; 479a Two ditties for Demetrius
Republican Rome
234 Sallust War with Catiline 5.1–5; 14.3–15 Catiline’s depravity
235 Cicero Speech Against Catiline 2.22–4 An ‘army’ of perverts
236 Sallust War with Catiline 24.3–25.5 Sempronia
237 Catullus Poem 57 Caesar and his bête noir
238 Suetonius Life of Caesar 49.1–4 Caesar and Nicomedes
239 Suetonius Life of Caesar 52.1; 52.3 Caesar’s relations with
foreign queens
240 Cicero Second Philippic 18.44–5 Antony, the male whore
241 Horace Epode 9.11–20; 27–32 The shame and defeat of
Antony
242 Horace Ode 1.37 The fall of Cleopatra
Imperial Rome
243 Tacitus Annals 6.51.5–6 The phases in the life of
Tiberius
244 Tacitus Annals 6.1–5 The lusts of Tiberius
245 Suetonius Life of Tiberius extracts The pleasure dome
246 Suetonius Life of Caligula extracts Brother and sisters
247 Suetonius Life of Nero 28 Sporus
248 Suetonius Life of Nero 29 Nero the groom (and the
bride!)
249 Tacitus Annals 14.2.1–3 Nero and Agrippina

A FINAL WORD
250 Lucretius On the Nature of Things 4.1278– Long-lasting love
87

xviii
 FIGURES

1.1 Cupid with bow against travertine wall; Roman copy of a Greek
original by Lysippus. Capitoline Museum. 46
3.1 Wedding scene, red-­figure loutrophoros, c. 400 bce.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 90
3.2 Bride with attendants, terracotta lebes gamikos, attributed
to the Washing Painter, c. 430–420 bce. Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York. 91
3.3 Marble sarcophagus lid with reclining couple. Roman Severan
period, c. 220 ce. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 125
4.1 Symposium scene, red-­figure kylix, Byrgos Painter, c. 490–480
bce. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. 146
4.2 Symposium scene, red-­figure kylix, Byrgos Painter, c. 490–480
bce. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. 146
4.3 Symposium scene with musician playing aulos (double flute),
red-­figure drinking cup, Colmar Painter, c. 490 bce, Athens.
Louvre Museum. 147
5.1 Male with youth. The Warren Cup, c. 30 bce–30 ce. The British
Museum.177
5.2 Male with youth (and onlooker). The Warren Cup, c. 30 bce–30
ce. The British Museum. 178

xix
 P R E FA C E

The focuses of this sourcebook are the sexual practices, mores, ideals and realities
of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The most abundant and informative sources
are to be found in literature and these provide the majority of the selections.
Inscriptions, especially graffiti, and some visual material are also included. Each
source has been chosen on the basis of its capacity to contribute to the diversity
of approaches to matters of sexuality and sexual expression and to illustrate the
integral relationships between these issues and key components of ancient society
and culture. The selections range from the era of Homer and Hesiod through to the
Graeco-­Roman world of the Second Century ce. This timeframe, from the poetic
output of the early Greek world through to an era still relatively free of Christian
influence, establishes socio-­historical parameters within which to work. Within
each segment, an effort has been made to establish a sense of authorial chronol-
ogy in the development of literary and societal attitudes towards any given aspect
of sexuality.
Each chapter begins with a short introduction. The sources are dealt with the-
matically and chronologically under appropriate sub-­headings and commentar-
ies are provided on individual passages. The chapter introductions set the scene
for the treatment of respective themes, literary and personal insights, as well as
cultural and historical considerations. In view of the overlapping nature of the
subject matter, there is a significant amount of cross-­referencing between and
within chapters. The pieces chosen within each chapter reflect a process that aims
to ensure that, given the breadth of the topic in general, the major elements of
ancient sexuality are introduced. The substantial scholarship available on many
of the areas treated in this book provides a valuable adjunct to the sources and
interpretative material contained herein.

How to use the sourcebook

The intention is to provide documents that illustrate specific aspects of sexual life
in Greece and Rome. In addition to the passages, the introductory material and
the notes are designed to augment the reader’s understanding of a given topic.

xx
 P reface

The bibliographical references in most of the notes are to direct readers to under-
take independent research.
For effective results, readers should keep the following in mind when using the
sourcebook:

• The historical and social environment that provides the context for a particu-
lar passage.
• The author’s cultural heritage, style and tone.
• The genre within which the author is working.
• The author’s use of certain words or phrases and the need for an awareness
of the importance of terminology. The Glossary of authors and the Glossary
of Greek and Roman terms are, therefore, an integral part of the book (while
proper names in Greek are usually Latinised – Neaera rather than Neaira –
Greek technical terms – hetaira rather than hetaera – are not).
• Areas of cultural similarity and difference in relation to the attitudes, mores
and practices of the Greeks and Romans.
• The use made of mythology: the extent to which stories, myths and fables are
informative in regard to the sexual attitudes of the ancients.
• The relevance of academic material available to stimulate interpretations of
a given author and passage and the importance of the divergence of scholarly
opinion.

There is a focus on the use of Greek and Latin words throughout this source-
book, particularly in the notes, which is intended to provide an understanding
of concepts that cannot be fully appreciated within the context of a translation.
For easy reference of repeat words, see the Glossary of terms at the end of the
sourcebook.

xxi
 N O T E TO T H E S E C O N D E D I T I O N

I am grateful for the continued interest in Sexuality in Greek and Roman Soci-
ety and Literature: A Sourcebook and thankful to Amy Davis-­Poynter and Eliza-
beth Risch from Routledge for their support during the production of this second
edition. Thank you to Michael Ewans for support and scholarly advice during
the writing of the second edition. Thank you to Lindsay Watson for advice on
the Introduction. Thank you to Leah O’Hearn for reading the manuscript with a
close eye. And thank you as always to my partner, Leni, and our children, Jack
and Kate.
The second edition has a revised Introduction that addresses the substantial
increase in scholarly analysis of ancient sexuality both in respect of individual
writers and specific themes. This increase is reflected in the new Bibliography,
which is over twice the number of pages of the original one. The scholarly envi-
ronment of additions, new research and new insights are discussed at the end of
the Introduction.
The second edition also has two new chapters, IX: Taboos, alterity and mar-
ginal activities, and X: Celebrity sex. The original eight chapters have been edited
throughout and the original translations have been revised. Some additional
source material has also been added to the original chapters. The original Chapter
VIII has been moved and is now Chapter VI in order to signpost the distinction
between its content and the more extreme (or, in many instances, less socially
normative) content of the chapters that follow. This chapter, as with Chapter IV,
has been renamed in order to better reflect the content of the former and to better
align the material with more appropriate terminology in the case of the latter.
The notes to each passage and the Bibliography have been extensively aug-
mented owing to the growth in research on the topic since the publication of the
first edition. Introductions to sections and passages have also been developed to
better contextualise the ancient source material (sometimes resulting in introduc-
tions exceeding the length of passage per se).
The selection of sources to illustrate chapters and sub-­sections is a some-
what subjective process. Often a source in one chapter could have been placed
in another. This should not be regarded as a problem, however, but rather as an
example of the multi-­faceted content of many of the sources. Ideally, readers will

xxii
 N ote to the second edition

question some choices and advocate for the addition of others as part of an active
reading process.
The Abbreviation list has also been edited where appropriate to indicate com-
mon English titles for ancient works. This is to assist readers without Greek and
Latin. The Abbreviation list is based on the 4th edition of the Oxford Classical
Dictionary (OCD).
Finally, readers familiar with the first edition may detect some changes in the
illustrations. Where new images have been used, they are comparable to the origi-
nal images they have replaced.

xxiii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS FROM
THE FIRST EDITION

We offer our sincerest thanks to our former colleague, Dr Rhona Beare,† for her
lively and invaluable advice and insights especially in the realm of Greek poetry.
Professor Harold Tarrant of The University of Newcastle offered much assistance,
in particular his discussions of Greek literature and philosophy. Thanks also must
go to Professor Brian Bosworth† and Associate Professor John Penwill† for their
constructive comments on the Introduction. Colleagues from The University of
Newcastle provided invaluable assistance with teaching relief and their constant
encouragement; special note should be made of the research assistance provided
by Kay Hayes and proofreading by Letitia Waller. Without the tangible and gen-
erous support of the (then) Department of Classics and the Schools of Liberal
Arts and Humanities at this university, we could not have completed the project.
Finally, an immense debt is owed to our students, who have proved a deep well
of inspiration. From these delightful teaching experiences, this book was born.

xxiv
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

General
adj. adjective
adv. adverb
Anon., anon. Anonymous, anonymous
approx. approximately
c. circa
Cent., cent. Century, century
cf. compare
Ch., ch. Chapter, chapter
comp. comparative
Cos., cos. Consul, consul
d. death
dim. diminutive
et al. et alia (and others)
fem. feminine
ff. following pages
fl. flourished
Fr., Frr. Fragment, Fragments
lit. literally
masc. masculine
ms., mss. manuscript, manuscripts
n. endnote or footnote
neut. neuter
part. participle
pl. plural
Pref. Preface
Ps. Pseudo
sing. singular
superl. superlative
§ references to individually numbered passages

xxv
 A bbreviations

Collections
AP Anthologia Palatina = Greek Anthology. Palatine Anthology,
W. R. Paton (ed), (Cambridge, Mass., 1916–1918).
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum: Consilio et Auctoritate
Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae Editum, (Berlin,
1863–1974).
EG Epigrammata Graeca = Greek Epigrams. Epigrammata Graeca,
Vol. 1, G. Kaibel (ed), (Berlin, 1878).
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols., H. Dessau (ed), (Berlin,
1892–1916).
L&S C. T. Lewis and C. S. Short (eds), A Latin Dictionary (Oxford,
1879).
LSJ H. G. Liddell and R. Scott (eds), A Greek – English Lexicon, 9th
ed. (Oxford, 1940).
OLD P. G. W. Glare (ed), The Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1982).
ORF Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta = Fragments of Roman
Orators. Oratorum Romanorum fragmenta liberae rei
publicae, 2nd ed., E. Malcovati (ed), (Turin, 1955).
PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae = The Greek Magical Papyri. The
Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic
Spells, H. D. Betz (ed), (Chicago, 1986).
POxy The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds),
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part II (London, 1899); Part III
(London, 1903); Part VI (London, 1908); H. G. Ioannidou (ed),
Part LIX (London, 1992); E. Lobel (ed), Part XXXIX (London,
1972); P. J. Parsons (ed), Part XLII (London, 1974).
SM Supplementum Magicum = Supplement to the Magical Papyri.
Supplementum Magicum, Vol. 1, R. W. Daniel and F.
Maltomini (eds), (Opladen, 1990).

Ancient authors and works

Ach. Tat. Achilles Tatius
Ael. Aelian
Misc: Miscellany
NA: Natura Animalium (The Nature of Animals)
Aeschin. Aeschines
Tim: Against Timarchus
Alc. Alcaeus
Alcm. Alcman
Anacr. Anacreon
Anton. Lib. Antoninus Liberalis
M: Metamorphoses
Apollod. Apollodorus (of Acharnae)
Ps-Dem. 59 [Neaer: Against Neaera]

xxvi
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

Apollod. Epit: Epitome

Lib: Library
App. Appian
B Civ: Bella civilia (Civil War)
A.R. Apollonius of Rhodes
Argon: Argonautica
Apul. Apuleius
M: Metamorphoses
Archil. Archilochus
Ar. Aristophanes
Ach: Acharnians
Cl: Clouds
Ec: Ecclesiazusae (Assembly Women)
Kn: Knights
Lys: Lysistrata
Thes: Thesmophoriazusae (Women at the Thesmophoria)
Arist. Aristotle
Pol: Politics
Prob: Problems (Ps-Arist.)
Rh: Rhetoric
Artem. Artemidorus
Asclep. Asclepiades
Ath. Athenaeus
Cass. Dio Cassius Dio
Cato the Elder Agr: On Agriculture
Catull. Catullus
Cic. Cicero
Ad Att: Epistulae ad Atticum (Letters to Atticus)
Cael: In Defence of Caelius
Cat: Against Catiline
De Fin: De finibus bonorum et malorum (On the Ends of Good
and Evil)
Har. Resp: De haruspicum responso (On the Response of the
Soothsayers)
Leg: De legibus (On the Laws)
Phil: Philippics
Rep: On the Republic
CT Theodocian Code
Curt. Quintus Curtius Rufus
Cyran. Cyranides
Dem. Demosthenes
Diod. Sic. Diodorus Siculus
Dig. Digest
Din. Dinarchus
Dion. Hal. Dionysius of Halicarnassus
Ant. Rom: Antiquitates Romanae

xxvii
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

E. Euripides
Ba: Bacchae
Hipp: Hippolytus
Iph. Aul: Iphigeneia at Aulis
Phoen: Phoenician Women
Tr: Troades (Trojan Women)
Herod. Herodas
Hdt. Herodotus
Hes. Hesiod
Th: Theogony
WD: Works and Days
HH Homeric Hymns
Homer Il: Iliad
Od: Odyssey
Hor. Horace
E: Epodes
O: Odes
Sat: Satires
Hyg. Hyginus
F: Fables
Ibyc. Ibycus
Just. Justin
Epit: Epitome (of Trogus)
Juv. Juvenal
Sat: Satires
Liv. Livy
Per: Periochae
Luc. Lucian
Philops: Philopseudes (Lover of Lies)
Er: Erotes (Ps-Luc.)
Syr.D: De Syria dea (On the Syrian Goddess)
Lucil. Lucilius
Lucill. Lucillius
Lucr. Lucretius
Lys. Lysias
1: On the Murder of Eratosthenes
12: Against Eratosthenes
Mart. Martial
De Spec: de Spectaculis (On the Spectacles)
Ep: Epigrams
Max. Tyr. Maximus of Tyre
Mimn. Mimnermus
Nic. Nicarchus
Oros. Orosius
Hist: Seven Books of History Against the Pagans

xxviii
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

Ov. Ovid
AA: Ars Amatoria (The Art of Love)
Am: Amores
Fast: Fasti
Med. Fac: Medicamina Faciei Femineae (Treatments for the
Female Face)
Met: Metamorphoses
Pont: Epistulae ex Ponto (Letters from Pontus)
Rem Am: Remedia Amoris (Cures for Love)
Tr: Tristia
Parth. Parthenius
Paus. Pausanias
Petr. Petronius
Sat: Satyricon
Phaedrus Fab: Fables
Phld. Philodemus
Pl. Plato
Lg: Leges (Laws)
Parm: Parmenides
Ph: Phaedrus
Symp: Symposium
Plaut. Plautus
Ps: Pseudolus
Plb. Polybius
Plin. Pliny the Elder
NH: Natural History
Plin. Pliny the Younger
Ep: Epistles
Plut. Plutarch
Alc: Life of Alcibiades
Amat: Amatorius (Dialogue on Love)
Ant: Life of Antonius
Caes: Life of Caesar
Cat. Ma: Life of Cato the Elder
Cic: Life of Cicero
Dem: Life of Demetrius
De mul. vir: De mulierum virtutibus (On the Virtues of Women)
Lyc: Life of Lycurgus
Mor: Moralia
Pel: Life of Pelopidas
Per: Life of Pericles
Pomp: Life of Pompey
Quaest. Rom: Quaestiones Romanae (Roman Questions)
Sol: Life of Solon
Them: Life of Themistocles
Thes: Life of Theseus
Prop. Propertius

xxix
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

Ps-Luc. Pseudo-Lucian
Er: Erotes
Quint. Quintilian
Rufin. Rufinus
Sall. Sallust
Cat: War with Catiline
Jug: Jugurthine War
Sapph. Sappho
Semon. Semonides
Sen. Seneca
Con: Controversies
Sen. Seneca the Younger
Ep: Epistles
QNat: Natural Questions
Sol. Solon
Soph. Sophocles
El: Electra
OT: Oedipus Tyrannus (Oedipus Rex)
Str. Strabo
Geog: Geography
Strat. Straton
Suet. Suetonius
Caes: Life of Julius Caesar
Cal: Life of Caligula
Hor: Life of Horace
Nero: Life of Nero
Tib: Life of Tiberius
Tac. Tacitus
Ann: Annals
Hist: Histories
Theoc. Theocritus
Id: Idylls
Thgn. Theognis and Theognidea
Thuc. Thucydides
Tib. Tibullus
Tyrt. Tyrtaeus
Val. Max. Valerius Maximus
Varr. Varro
RR: De res rusticate (On Agriculture)
Verg. Vergil
Aen: Aeneid
Ecl: Eclogues
Geor: Georgics

xxx
 A bbreviations

X. Xenophon
An: Anabasis
HG: Historia Graeca (Hellenica)
Hier: Hiero
Lac: Constitution of the Lacedaemonians
Mem: Memorabilia
Oec: Oeconomicus
S: Symposium

xxxi
 INTRODUCTION
A socio-­sexual background to Greece and Rome

Greece
The ancient Greeks participated in a variety of sexual practices. To them, erōs
was a primal force that permeated all life in the cosmos, from gods to mortals, to
the animal world. They found the topics of love and lust in their varying forms
suitable for discussion and inquiry in works that ranged from epic to drama, from
love poetry to philosophical discourse. In devoting so much attention to erōs these
writers provided detailed information about their attitudes towards sexuality and
its importance within their respective communities.
While it is true that some artwork and literature taken in isolation can give the
impression that the Greeks lived in an uninhibited sexual environment, there were
strict social and ethical codes in operation, with variations depending on histori-
cal context and the mores of the individual community or polis.1 An important
consideration about the cultural traditions and representations of sexuality in the
ancient world is that, with very rare exceptions, they are conveyed to us by the
thoughts and viewpoints of elite men.
From Homer onwards, the primary focus of Greek literature is the world of the
male. A man was expected to be successful, to contribute to the life of his commu-
nity and to protect his household and all its dependents. Only men could be active
citizens, only men could provide leadership within, and protection of, the com-
munity. In regard to sexuality, being a man was equated with taking the active part
in any relationship. While marital fidelity was essential for the female and ideally
expected of the male, examples taken from source materials consistently highlight
the sexual freedom of men. From the world of religion and mythology, Zeus and
Odysseus could and did take lovers at will, while in the real world a married man
could seek commercial sexual liaisons.2 The hiring of a hetaira3 was acceptable
for the satisfaction of the male’s need for sexual gratification as well as compan-
ionship and even intellectual discourse. Apollodorus (Ps-­Dem. 59.122)4 writes:
‘We have companions [hetairai] for delectation, courtesans [pallakai] to see to
our daily sexual needs, and wives [gynaikes] to bear legitimate offspring and to be
faithful protectors of the households.’ As Skinner 2013 observes: ‘Although this
claim is tendentious, since it implies that each function is exclusive of the other

DOI: 10.4324/9781003242048-1 1
 I ntroduction

two, it indicates that men did form exclusive, lasting unions with women who
were not brides conferred by contractual arrangement with their kyrios [guard-
ian]’ (119). Furthermore, this social reality explains why many of the ancient
sources deal with sexual activity, lust, and love between a male and an individual
involved in commercial sex rather than between a husband and wife. The major
deterrent to seduction of girls or adultery with women was the risk of reprisal
from an aggrieved male party. Male same-­sex relations have generated contro-
versy (among ancient as well as modern writers), but there is universal agreement
concerning the opprobrium incurred as a result of sexual relations between two
adult males. Rape is occasionally alluded to in non-­bellicose circumstances, and
in literature, there are frequent representations of the vulnerable girl who becomes
the target of rape or attempted rape. The unprotected girl was regularly regarded
as fair game, and in mores and legislation, the primary response to rape was pre-
sented in terms of the damage to the husband, father or guardian.
Women in Greece from the Archaic age (c. 800–480 bce) through to the Clas-
sical age (c. 480–323 bce)5 could not participate directly in politics and rarely
owned land or controlled inheritance.6 Marriages among the aristocracy were
usually arranged to ensure that familial, political and economic ties were main-
tained and promoted. The main functions of married women were to be dutiful
wives, bearers of legitimate heirs and effective managers of households (cf. X.
Oec. 7–10, cf. Pomeroy 1995). Such a clear definition of the female’s role was not
restricted to the aristocracy. Even though the sources largely reflect the lifestyles
and values of the upper class, Hesiod (Th. 603–12), for example, makes it clear
that a wife was a necessity for the production of male offspring within lower
socio-­economic groups and warns would-­be bachelors that they will face old age
without a son to care for them and inherit their property. Not surprisingly, there-
fore, in a society that placed such importance on legitimacy, women’s lives were
restricted in regard to what they could and could not do outside the oikos. One
example of the social and political importance of legitimacy is the issue of citizen-
ship in Periclean Athens. Likewise, in Sparta, the rigid three-­tiered social system
meant that the proven legitimacy of Spartiate children was of paramount impor-
tance to the survival of the culture. Similarly, contact with men other than one’s
husband or immediate kin was limited to the greatest extent possible.7 The care
a husband took in ensuring his wife’s good behaviour reflected the basic premise
that women needed to be supervised as much as possible. But this is not to argue
that women lived unhappy, entirely secluded lives. The ancient sources, while
specifying what women were not permitted to do in Athens, also indicate a range
of permitted activities. These activities included the daily tasks of women from
the lower socio-­economic groups meeting to draw water from public wells, which
could have augmented social discourse (but also sexual harassment). Women also
participated in religious rites as well as familial activities such as weddings and
funeral processions. Furthermore, as Foxhall notes: ‘Men faded out of politics
when they were no longer militarily active, but women’s influence over their
younger kin increased as they grew older’ (125).

2
 I ntroduction

The sexual dichotomy that stressed a woman’s need to be chaste and maternal8
while a husband could have sex with a variety of partners is not to suggest that all
Greek marriages were devoid of love and desire. Homer’s depictions of Hector
and Andromache and Odysseus and Penelope illustrate intense and loving rela-
tionships within marriage, albeit the Archaic epic tradition regularly presents ide-
alised marriages.9 The wedding hymns of Sappho, with their images of the beauty
and desirability of the bride and groom, while reflecting a similar romanticism,
also indicate the importance of desire within wedlock. It is necessary, however,
to note the impact of cultural, social and generic issues on such representations.
While it was socially acceptable in Archaic and Classical Greece to depict
sexual congress with sex labourers in works of art and literature, this was not the
case when it came to the respectable relationship between husband and wife.10 For
the ancient Greeks marriage represented duty to one’s oikos principally through
the provision of heirs. This in turn ensured that the family unit served the needs
of the polis in the provision of citizens, soldiers, politicians and religious lead-
ers. It should be pointed out, however, that in some non-­personal literature there
is evidence of sexual attraction within marriage: the Lysistrata, for example, is
structured primarily around the theme of conjugal desire, but the conventions of
the comic, with emphasis on irony and parody, must be considered.11
The Greeks recognised a clear division between one’s private sex life and one’s
duties to the oikos and polis. One of the standard views of the state of being in
love or desiring someone, denoted by the term erōs, was the possible danger of
its destabilising consequences.12 An obvious example of this is the story of the
Trojan War. The attraction Paris had for Helen, inspired by the goddess Aphro-
dite, led to the abduction of another man’s wife and a ten-­year siege in which
thousands of men died. Greek literature depicts the forces of erōs as frighten-
ing, socially destructive and physically, emotionally and mentally debilitating (cf.
Faraone 1999: 43–69). In this sense, the separation of the wife and children from
the sexual activities of the slave-­quarters, the brothels and the male drinking par-
ties or symposia13 ensured that the oikos and its dependents were protected from
the potentially damaging forces of uninhibited sexual expression. The fear that
a woman, if left unsupervised, would fall victim to the powers of erōs is further
reason to maintain this social and familial system. Here, etymology is insightful;
for example a Greek word for ‘wife’, damar is from the verb damazō, denot-
ing the act of ‘breaking in’ to wifely duties; to ‘subdue’ or ‘tame’ a supposedly
biologically-­determined tendency on the female’s part to indulge in sexual excess
(cf. Carson 1990). In contrast, men were able to enjoy a variety of sexual activi-
ties within a range of culturally ordained environments and with socially specified
partners, but women were regarded as more wanton. Aristophanes’ comedies pro-
vide images of the sex-­addicted female,14 while the myth of Tiresias gives an aeti-
ological justification for the belief that women enjoyed sex far more than men.15
As a result of expansion during and after the foundation of Alexander’s empire,
families sometimes experienced dislocation and the polis began to change in com-
position and structure.16 In view of the social changes of this age, it has been

3
 I ntroduction

argued that in comparison to the women of the Archaic and Classical eras, those
from the Hellenistic era (323–30 bce) enjoyed more freedom in the areas of poli-
tics, law, property and sexuality (cf. Theoc. Id. 15, and Herod. 6 and 7).17 How-
ever, one should be wary of interpreting such advancements as indicative of a
widespread change in attitude towards women and a movement away from the
negative stereotypes that dominated the literature of the Classical age.
Male same-­sex relationships were widespread in antiquity. There is an abun-
dance of evidence taken from sources as diverse as Late Archaic and Early Clas-
sical poetry, Attic comedy, Plato, Aeschines’ oratory and the Greek Anthology.18
These sources depict a variety of attitudes and approaches towards the theme,
ranging from intensely personal admissions to comic mockery, to philosophical
examination.
Relationships between males were structured around socially ordained behav-
ioural patterns. Of key importance were the related issues of age and the sexual
dynamics of the active and passive partner. These relationships usually occurred
between an older youth or mature citizen and a pais19 between 12 and 17. The
older male assumed the active role, designated by the term erastēs or lover, while
the pais was passive and was called the erōmenos or beloved.20 Such a relation-
ship is referred to as paiderastia, and the customs and laws associated with this
varied throughout the Greek world.21 The sexual boundaries and etiquette asso-
ciated with the active and passive partner also applied to male–female relation-
ships as is widely attested in artwork, with the male dominant and the female
subordinate (for extreme scenarios in symposia scenes, cf. Figures 4.1 and 4.2).
This does not mean, however, that the pais was necessarily regarded as a female
substitute in terms of sexual activity. What was important was the maintenance of
the active and passive roles. The Greeks made sure to depict, particularly in their
artwork, the social differentiation between a pais – as potential citizen – and an
inferior object of sexual gratification. Because of his future role in the polis, the
pais is depicted with respect in art.22 In Athenian red-­figure pottery, for example,
there are no conclusive examples of the erōmenos as the recipient of anal or oral
penetration,23 for such demeaning roles are reserved in artwork and literature for
commercial providers of sex, and slaves.24
Erotic relations between males were part of the educational process in many
Greek societies, including Sparta25 and Athens. Idealised depictions from Athens,
literary and artistic, portray a careful courtship, in which the pais proved himself
appropriately chaste and somewhat cautious before the relationship progressed
along spiritual and intellectual lines. In such an idealised context, the erastēs
would then proceed to instructing the youth in matters ranging from philosophy
to the citizen’s role in serving the state. The relationship between erastēs and
erōmenos may thus be interpreted as part of the process of transforming a boy into
a man. Although the relationship could sometimes entail a physical dimension,
when the pais became a man, that side of the bond was expected to end, while
the emotional attachment, ideally speaking, endured.26 Following marriage, if he
chose, he could continue to pursue and love young men.

4
 I ntroduction

There is a paucity of source material about same-­sex relations between females.

Sappho’s poetry is an intense and insightful presentation of love among women,
her lyrics strengthened by the fact that we hear a female voice expressing female
emotions. It has been posited that she was part of a female group or thiasos at
Mytilene on Lesbos.27 As part of such a circle, Sappho is sometimes envisaged as
an educator who taught certain skills relating to married life, religious observance
and literary and musical accomplishment. Indeed, some of Sappho’s songs28
address the young women in the language of an erastēs to an erōmenos. Hence, in
the Second Century ce, Maximus of Tyre (18.9) compares her relationships with
girls to those between Socrates and his paides. There is, however, no conclusive
evidence within the context of her poetry to sustain the theories concerning Sap-
pho’s role either as a member of a thiasos or as a formal educator as one would
identify it in a modern sense.29
In the Classical age, we have few female sources that deal with intense or
erotic love for other females. While Plato presents a positive glimpse of such
female relationships in the Symposium 191e, he seemingly reneges in the Laws
636, where he disapproves of sexual relations between two men as well as two
women.30 Asclepiades in the Third Century bce and Lucian in the Second Cen-
tury ce continue to represent sexual relations between women as something either
abominable or exotic and therefore intriguing, perverted and titillating.31
Finally, by way of background to the issues explored in Chapters III, V and
VII, the importance of legislation on matters pertaining to sex, choice of partners
and related issues need to be addressed.32 As previously noted, the Greeks were
wary of erōs and the possible negative side effects it could unleash, particularly
if its pleasures were over-­indulged. For this reason, certain regulations, often in
line with non-­statutory moral traditions as well as law, were enforced to ensure
that men and women acted with restraint and thereby were productive and helpful
contributors to the wellbeing of the polis.
Greek laws were particularly harsh when it came to moicheia.33 In Classical Ath-
ens (the source of most evidence) a husband could kill an adulterer caught in the act
or, alternatively, he could take him before the appropriate magistrates; if the adul-
terer admitted to the crime, he could be put to death, and if he denied the charge,
he would be subject to a trial.34 The woman involved would be punished through
divorce and debarment from public religious activity.35 The act was regarded by the
Athenians as a crime, not on moral grounds explicitly, but because it was a poten-
tial source of public disorder and violence.36 The importance the Greeks placed on
hubris, the meanings of which range from an outrage in the eyes of gods and men,
to the infliction of shame or humiliation upon an individual, is therefore often con-
nected to laws dealing with rape and adultery.37 In the case of the latter crime, it is
the cuckolded husband who is the victim of hubris. Also, of importance, however,
are the sentiments contained in ‘Xenophon’s comment in the Hiero that the moi-
chos destroys the philia between husband and wife’ (Patterson: 124).38
The legal interest protected by moicheia laws, besides the certainty of paternity,
was family honour (timē), closely linked – as in other ancient and contemporary

5
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cultures – to the sexual integrity of the women of the group, including hetairai
and pallakai, who were socially and effectively a member of the group, if not
entirely legally. As late as the Fourth Century bce, in the speech written by Lysias
in defence of Euphiletus, accused of having murdered Eratosthenes, lover of his
wife, Euphiletus maintains that he killed the man who ‘committed moicheia on
my wife, corrupted her [diephtheire] and dishonoured me and my children, enter-
ing my house’ (Lys. 12.4). The act of moicheia was still regarded as an offence
against the husband of the adulteress, or, if the woman were unmarried or wid-
owed, the man who had the right to control her sexual life.39 The gravity of this
offence is confirmed by the fact that moicheia – when it was not committed in
circumstances that justified killing the adulterer with impunity (that is to say sur-
prising him in the act inside the oikos) – could be prosecuted with a public action
(graphe moicheias) proposed by any Athenian citizen (Ps-­Arist. Ath. Pol. 59.3),
which could also end with the death penalty. Moreover, the husband who did not
repudiate his wife who was surprised with an adulterer was punished with the loss
of civil and political rights (atimia) (Apollod. [Ps-­Dem. 59.87]), and the adulter-
ess was prohibited from participating in ceremonies of public devotion and, if
she attended, was punished with a penalty chosen by the person who surprised
her (excluding death).40 Needless to say, the importance of moicheia as a key to
understanding the ideology and dynamics of family in Athenian law and society
cannot be overestimated.
It has been argued that rape might not have been regarded as a serious offence
in comparison with adultery: the degree of hubris that the husband of the victim
suffered was not as great as that endured by the man whose wife had allowed
herself to be seduced by an adulterer (cf. Cole and also Harris 1990). Keuls, for
example, argues that the act was ‘committed not for pleasure or procreation, but
in order to enact the principle of domination by means of sex’ (47), and further
that there was ‘an unusual moral and legal tolerance of this offence’ (54).41 How-
ever, rape could fall under the purview of the law of hubris and could also be
punished as per a statute attributed to Solon (Plut. Sol. 23), whereby the guardian
or kyrios of the victim could charge the alleged rapist with assault (see passage
161). On the situation in the post-­Archaic age, Ogden 1997 writes: ‘Rape was
actionable, should one choose, under the “public prosecution for hybris” (graphē
hybreōs), which was similarly an agōn timētos, and so the prosecutor could pro-
pose any penalty he thought he could get away with, including death’ (30). Ogden
cites Dinarchus’ Against Demosthenes 1.23, which references capital punishment
in the case of ‘Themistius of Aphidne, because he committed hubris [hubrizein]
on the Rhodian lyre-­player at the Eleusinian festival’. An important addendum to
the topic is noted by Skinner 2013: ‘Note, however, that this entire set of legal
procedures takes no cognizance of marital rape; the concept did not exist. Indeed,
female consent to sex, within or outside of marriage, was not recognized in law
and did not form the basis for determining a sexual crime’ (168).
To illustrate contrasts in sexual behaviour, underlining an obvious choice is
to consider the case of Sparta. According to Xenophon (Lac. 1.8), it was legal in

6
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Sparta for a man who decided not to cohabit with his wife but wanted offspring to
choose a woman of good family and high birth and, if permitted by her husband,
to have children by her. Xenophon claims this was instituted by Lycurgus in
Archaic times, and he presents it as surviving as a feature of Spartan practice
in the Classical era. He further notes the importance of the husband’s permission
in such an instance. The complexities of this particular community, with its focus
on military discipline and preparedness, male leadership, and the pressure to bear
children to maintain cultural and social traditions, provide a context in which to
assess wife exchange. The unique circumstance of the Spartans illustrates the per-
ceived differences and overt tensions in the moral and associated cultural systems
of various poleis.
Laws also governed same-­sex male relationships and, as with all other legisla-
tion in Classical Athens, it applied to members of citizen families. Slaves could
not court paides (Aeschin. 1.138–39; Plut. Sol. 1.3); teachers and athletic trainers
could not attempt the seduction of their students (Aeschin. 1.9–12); citizens could
not seduce a pais under the age of 12 without incurring social opprobrium and,
possibly, legal action (Aeschin. 1.15–16);42 freeborn males of all ages who sold
themselves were liable to be subjected to severe penalties.43

Rome
Roman attitudes, customs and institutions relating to matters sexual have many
similarities to those of the Greeks, but there are marked differences. Much Roman
literary source material was generated by the upper class (or their Italian and
provincial counterparts), representing aristocratic and well-­to-­do values and life-
styles, although the voices of the lower classes can still be heard. As in Classical
and Hellenistic Athens, in Rome it is the comic playwright who comes the closest
to capturing the world of ordinary citizens and their families.
The ideals of the matrona (a married woman, usually with children) and the
univira (she who has known only one man, her husband) were held up for Roman
wives to emulate, although, as in Greece, it was often an impossible image to
attain and sustain.44 Women from the aristocratic circles were expected to marry
young, sometimes to an older partner chosen for political, social, financial and
family reasons (cf. Plut. Pomp. 48, 53, 55) and to produce heirs to continue the
family or gens.45 They were expected to remain chaste and behave in a way that
would not draw attention to themselves or bring disrepute to their husbands.46 In
the Early and Middle Republican eras, the power of the husband and father as
head of the household (domus) was total. The pater familias had ultimate author-
ity (patria potestas) that extended to the power of life and death over the entire
household, including his wife, children and slaves. The influential and power-
ful position men had in relation to their wives in the Middle Roman Republic is
illustrated by the words of Cato: ‘If you had apprehended your wife in the act of
adultery [adulterium], with impunity you could take her life without a trial; she,
if you were committing adultery or if you were being adulterated, would not dare

7
 I ntroduction

so much as touch you’ (ORF: Fr. 222M). However, it should be noted that such
extreme familial power on behalf of the pater familias was, in reality, largely a
symbolic power not regularly enacted, but rather restrained by social, familial and
cultural precepts.47
Roman women did have more freedom compared to their counterparts in Clas-
sical Athens. While levels of independence depended on individual households
and their heads, it appears that, among the aristocracy, matronae were allowed to
socialise at mixed gatherings, exert control over their children’s upbringing and,
occasionally, but indirectly, influence politics. This autonomy was particularly
characteristic of the matronae from the Second Century bce onwards and was
essentially a consequence of Rome’s expansion into Greece and the East. With
husbands away on military and diplomatic service for extensive periods, women
from all levels of the citizen classes had to take control of the domus, albeit tem-
porarily in the majority of instances, thereby contributing to the erosion of the life
and death authority of the pater familias.48
During this time, contact with Hellenistic culture had an impact upon Rome’s
social and cultural traditions, affecting the lives of men and women. Wealth poured
into the city and along with it an increase in luxury items, slaves and a general
love of things Greek. As the leading families acquired more wealth through their
involvement in military campaigns, the dowries that went with the women of
these families ensured that they continued to live lives of luxury in their husbands’
homes. They also enjoyed a social and financial independence that in turn ensured
the continuation of a new trend towards quasi-­personal autonomy.49
Instability caused by civil and foreign conflict from 90–30 bce had an impact
on social as well as political and economic life. Many marriages were formed then
broken on the basis of short-­and long-­term political allegiances. There are few
cases cited of enduring marriages among the upper classes in this era. Some of the
distinguished families of previous generations had died out or were in danger of
extinction in this period. Heavy loss of life in aristocratic and equestrian ranks in
the Sullan Civil War (88–82 bce), the aftermath of Caesar crossing the Rubicon
(49–44 bce), and the bloody purges following his assassination (44 bce) and the
Triumviral regime (43–31 bce) had a devastating effect upon the great families. It
is an era in which the names of elite women are mentioned frequently by the writ-
ers. While some are mentioned simply as marriage partners, others are presented
as strong-­minded and liberated women who appear not to have been dictated to by
the will of husbands or guardians.
Poets, as well as legal and historical writers, describe extra-­marital relation-
ships across the class divide.50 In the case of women, this sexual freedom was
not recorded in a positive vein. At the core of Catullus’ poetry is a relationship
between a freeborn male and a freeborn married woman: the poet himself and his
beloved Lesbia. Although still a subject of scholarly controversy, there is evidence
within the corpus (especially Poem 79) that suggests that Lesbia is a sister of the
controversial political figure, Publius Clodius Pulcher. The strongest candidate
of his three sisters is the woman known as Clodia Metelli,51 wife of the Consular,

8
 I ntroduction

Metellus Celer. This woman was the subject of a virulent attack on her charac-
ter and sexual morality in a speech delivered by Cicero, the Defence of Cae-
lius Rufus, in 56 bce. This oration reveals a world of freethinking, free moving
and independent upper-­class women who took lovers at will and who frequented
pleasure resorts such as Baiae in Campania. In Lesbia we have the representation
of a woman possessing the status of an aristocrat along with the sensuality of a
female object of desire; in Cicero’s Clodia Metelli we have the representation of
aristocratic woman as slut.
Other writers provide further examples of the type. Sallust’s portrait of Sem-
pronia depicts a sexually liberated woman of high birth who ‘had often com-
mitted many crimes of masculine audacity’ (passage 236) and while references
to Julius Caesar’s list of affairs (passage 239) are designed to impugn his repu-
tation, they are further testimony to female sexual freedom (cf. Schulz 2006;
Milnor 2005). But we must remember that these are male views of a perceived
increased female freedom and it is highly unlikely that women such as Clodia,
Sempronia, let alone Fulvia (wife of Clodius Pulcher, then Curio, and later the
Consular and Triumvir, Antony), are representatives of the majority of matronae
at this time.52
Such representations and anecdotes reveal male anxiety at any increased free-
dom for women. This apprehension is persistently depicted in Roman literature
as dangerous and monstrous. The rhetorical style that regularly characterises
accounts of such women reflects the fear or at least partial confusion that existed in
the minds of some men when confronted with an exceptionally powerful woman.
The moral reforms initiated during the Augustan Principate (28/7 bce –14 ce) also
reflect increased trepidation about feminine sexual license as well as concern for
the general movement away from the austere values that typified pre-­Hellenised
Rome. In an attempt to restore the traditions of the past and to promote senatorial
and equestrian eugenics, Augustus initiated moral and marital legislation that, in
part, was designed to affect the private lives of men, women and the family in
general.53 These reforms also had an impact upon the literary expression of unac-
ceptable amor in the form of censorship.54
The most significant legislation in terms of Roman sexuality and its expression
in the Augustan age was the Lex Julia de adulteriis introduced in 18 bce. Under
this law adulterium was a punishable crime, which incorporated stuprum; this
entailed disgrace or defilement in connection with sexual activity.55 The Lex Julia
was not a novel development in Roman moral legislation. The Second Century
bce had witnessed a succession of laws and edicts that attempted to address the
growing moral turpitude overwhelming the Republic, culminating in the legisla-
tion of Sulla in 80 bce. Such legislation, by the very fact that it was imposed from
above, was doomed to failure. The Lex Scantinia, dating from the Republican
age,56 was designed to regulate sexual contact between men. The two main activi-
ties thought to be punishable were: (i) stuprum with a boy57 and/or (ii) adult pas-
sivity.58 Punishment of the active partner in an adult relationship may have also
been part of the legislation.

9
 I ntroduction

These laws clearly forbade certain sexual acts and strictly regulated choice of
partner: a married woman could only have sexual contact with her husband and
an adult male could not ‘have sex with another adult male’ (Richlin 1993a: 571).
Domitian revived the laws around 85 ce, indicative of the fact that they had been
openly unobserved. Even during the reign of Augustus, the laws were flouted, as
evidenced by the activities of his own daughter, Julia. Under the Julio-­Claudians,
sexual activity outside marriage by women of the aristocracy could and did lead to
formal criminal trials at which the offences drew the additional charge of treason
(maiestas). The celebrated trial of Aemilia Lepida in 36 ce involved one of the
most powerful (and disliked) female members of the regime being arraigned on
charges of sexual relations with slaves, based on reports by informers (delatores),
as recorded by Tacitus (Ann. 6.40.4).
Male citizens could visit brothels and have sex with slaves without breaking
either the Lex Julia or the Lex Scantinia. Roman laws on morality only applied to
relations between freeborn men, women and children. Even so, husbands could
seek either immediate sexual relief or a long-­term sexual relationship outside mar-
riage.59 As for a specific legal position on rape, it is important to note that it was
only deemed a crime against a freeborn man or woman (Richlin 1992a: 224). As
with many crimes of a sexual nature, rape in the Republic was considered to be
a violation of natural law (Cic. Leg. 2.10; Rep. 2.46). However, it could also be
treated as a public crime because it was labelled stuprum per vim (fornication
by violence) and therefore counted as vis publica (public violence) and, as such,
under the Lex Julia there were penalties, including capital punishment, for those
who violated another’s chastity (Dig. 48.6.3.4).
There are important differences between the male same-­sex cultures of Greece
and Rome. There was no initiatory or educational aspect in Rome compared to
what existed in some parts of Greece. It was not legal for a Roman citizen to
engage in a relationship with a freeborn youth. Under the Lex Scantinia, it was
most likely illegal for a freeborn male to engage in a relationship or act with
another freeborn male despite his assumption of either the active or passive role.60
What was legally tolerable was the Roman citizen seeking gratification as the
active partner with males involved in commercial sexual activities, slaves (in
brothels, or in the household) or foreign youths.
There is sporadic information about female same-­sex relationships and practice
in Rome and, apart from the scandalous episode of the Bacchanalian crisis of
the 180s bce, there is no close female equivalent of the Greek thiasos. While we
do not possess any eroticism penned by a Roman Sappho, there is inscriptional
evidence that may indicate same-­sex female contact. Male views generally reflect
contempt or voyeuristic interest in this aspect of female sexuality.61

Modern theories and approaches to ancient sexuality

An introductory discussion of the various forms of modern research on ancient
sexuality and interpretative methodology is almost as daunting as outlining

10
 I ntroduction

certain historical and cultural developments in antiquity. It is necessary, however,

not only to better understand the scholarly analyses themselves but also to gain
further insight into specific aspects of Greek and Roman sexuality. Two theoreti-
cal schools of interpretation have been selected on the basis of their incomparable
contribution to the field: feminist and Foucauldian theory.
To define feminist theory can be a difficult task because of its ever-­expanding
sub-­groups. In 1973 a special issue of the journal Arethusa was devoted to
studies of women in Greece and Rome. Pomeroy’s Goddesses, Whores, Wives,
and Slaves, first published in 1975, also motivated feminist scholarship in the
Classics to a significant degree, although the work was not overtly political in
either approach or agenda.62 Others soon followed and continued to elaborate on
Pomeroy’s work by furthering our understanding of women’s lives in antiquity.
The early feminist scholarship of Pomeroy, and also Lefkowitz was augmented
by more candid applications of feminist critique and theories to ancient texts dur-
ing the 1980s and 1990s by scholars including Hallett, Keuls, Skinner, duBois,
Richlin and Loraux.63
Richlin writes of revisionist and activist feminist scholarship. The first con-
tinues to make women in antiquity ‘visible’ in as truthful and rigorous a way as
possible.64 The second utilises information about women and the representation
of them in antiquity to challenge accepted canons of historical belief65 and to
promote such research in the teaching of Classics.66 Both approaches have had
an impact on related fields, most notably Gender Studies, which, in relation to
Classical Studies, examines ‘ways in which the nature of women and men was
imagined, constrained, and to a degree determined in ancient Greek and Roman
culture’ (Konstan 1992: 5).67 The digital age has seen the arrival of scholarly and
accessible internet sites that focus on gender in antiquity: by way of example,
Diotima: Materials for the Study of Women and Gender in the Ancient World,
launched in 1995.68
To better understand the hesitation some scholars exhibit towards feminist
research in the field of Classical Studies, note the cautionary advice of Nikolaidis,
who suggests that feminist readings ‘sometimes seem to distort the historic reali-
ties by retrojecting . . . conditions and understandings of our own era more spe-
cifically of the western societies of our own era – to an ancient culture more than
two millennia back’ (27).69 While such ahistorical slippages are not the exclusive
domain of feminist scholars (as Keuls 1993: 9–11 has demonstrated with exam-
ples of those who could not be regarded as feminists), it calls to mind the works
of those researching such volatile topics as matriarchy who have at times pro-
duced distorted views of ancient societies.70 As Pomeroy 1975: 9 has observed,
one must be careful about reaching conclusions about women’s lives in antiquity
based on the presence of goddesses in belief systems and the various ritualistic
roles of women in worship. Culham adds that ‘it has recently been noted that
the depiction of goddesses and similar figures might be evidence for contempo-
rary fantasy and nothing else’ (14). Despite the cautions of Pomeroy and Cul-
ham, these more unruly approaches (sometimes of a populist nature) may have

11
 I ntroduction

contributed (in part) to reactions described by Richlin 1992a as ‘ranging from

bemused to hostile’ (xxxi).
Such works, and those that assume overly idealistic or negative positions in
regard to facets of Greek and Roman culture, and which do not address cultural
and historical specificities, have at times marred acknowledgement of the aca-
demic rigour of (the best) Feminist and Gender Studies. The latter include works
that have placed significant emphasis on (particularly) women’s experiences in
antiquity, be they of a literary or mythological nature, such as stories of rape and
violence, or sociological and legal documents. Feminist research in the discipline
of Classics has changed the way both scholars and undergraduates now approach
the representations of women, establishing (and urging) readings that do more
than explicate philological concerns in order to lay emphasis on the realities of
ancient woman’s ‘lived’ experience.
The theories of sexuality espoused by the French poststructuralist71 Foucault
(1926–84) require attention. Foucault’s three-­volume work, The History of Sex-
uality (1978, 1985, 1986) has had a profound and controversial impact on the
Humanities, especially in his native France and, in the English-­speaking world,
most notably in the United States. His second volume, The Use of Pleasure, deals
with the ancient world and further explores the theory postulated in the first vol-
ume that ‘sexuality’ is a modern construct that had no social or cultural reality
before the beginning of the Nineteenth Century. ‘Homosexuality’, ‘heterosexual-
ity’ and ‘bisexuality’ are equally as modern and equally meaningless when applied
to the sexual experiences of ancient Greece and Rome. A culturally created sexu-
ality (the constructionist theory) is one removed from nature, from the individual
and his/her inner self (the essentialist theory). Attraction, courtship and the physi-
cal expression of desire in Classical Athens were, according to the constructionist
theory, motivated and conditioned by the cultural, political and social institutions
in place. Halperin 1990, a leading exponent of Foucauldian theory, writes:

Sex in classical Athens . . . was not . . . simply a collaboration in some

private quest for mutual pleasure that absorbed or obscured, if only tem-
porarily, the social identities of its participants. On the contrary, sex was
a manifestation of personal status, a declaration of social identity; sexual
behaviour did not so much express inward dispositions or inclinations
(although, of course, it did also do that) as it served to position social
actors in the places assigned to them, by virtue of their political standing,
in the hierarchical structure of the Athenian polity.
(32)

Other Classicists who have utilised Foucauldian theory include Zeitlin and Win-
kler,72 and criticism has been directed against their varying schools of (Fou-
cauldian) thought, with Richlin (perhaps) the strongest opponent in terms of
Classical Studies.73 Richlin is of the opinion that Foucauldian scholars, while
inspired by feminist research in the formulation of ideas and arguments, have

12
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wound, it obviously became necessary to take the greatest pains in
securing identification. Two of his tribe, who had been brought from
Greytown in April in anticipation of difficulty in connection with matters
of identification, happened to be still at Empandhleni. These were
conducted on the 13th to the spot where the body was lying, namely,
at the very bottom of the gorge, within half a dozen yards of the right
bank of the Mome, and just where the Dobo or 'pear-shaped' forest
abuts on the stream. Although the inspection took place five days
after death, the features, by reason of the extreme cold in the gorge
at that time of year—mid-winter—were remarkably well preserved.
The two Native informants, who were intimately acquainted with
Bambata, had no difficulty in recognizing the body as that of their
Chief. Such peculiarities as had been described beforehand by these
and other relatives and acquaintances as characteristic of Bambata,
were found about the body—tallying exactly. Among them were: a
gap between the two middle upper teeth; slight beard, rather under,
than on the front of, the chin; a scar immediately below one eye, and
another on the cheek opposite; a high instep. As, however, the officer
in charge wished to put the matter beyond all doubt, and as to carry a
corpse already five days old up the sides of a gorge, about whose
steepness so much has already been written, was out of the
question, he directed the head to be removed and brought instead.
As a result of this, decisive corroborative evidence was secured. This
must have been wanting had timidity been permitted to usurp the
ordinary dictates of common sense. It was, of course, of the utmost
importance to prove that the principal ringleader in a serious
rebellion, a man then still believed by many of his followers to
possess supernatural powers, was really dead. Care was taken to
keep the head in a decent manner until the plain and necessary
object, solely on account of which it had been removed, was served.
At no time whilst it was in charge of the troops, was there the slightest
act of disrespect towards it or the deceased's memory. It was not
exposed to public view, but kept by one of the medical officers in a
manner the most proper under the circumstances. It was, moreover,
impossible for anyone to see it without permission, which, again, was
withheld, except for the necessary purpose of identification. In
addition to the two Natives referred to, three others, viz. a prisoner
who had come from Natal with Bambata, and two men of Sigananda's
tribe who knew Bambata well, were sent by the Acting Magistrate to
see the head; this they at once recognized as Bambata's.
As soon as identification had been completed, the head was taken
back to the gorge and there buried along with the body.[253]
After the finding of Bambata's body and the surrender of Sigananda,
General Stephenson, who had witnessed the operations at Nkandhla
for nearly three weeks, left with his staff for the Transvaal, viâ
Pietermaritzburg.
Before proceeding with his chief staff officer and bodyguard to
Empandhleni on the 16th, McKenzie, convinced that the Rebellion
was then practically over, allowed the levies to return to their homes
for three days. During this period, he gave out, all operations would
be suspended, to afford those in hiding an opportunity of
surrendering. The levies were accordingly told to try and induce
rebels of their respective tribes to come in. Sigananda was, at the
same time, directed to send messengers to members of his and
Ndube's tribes who had rebelled, by way of bringing about speedy
and general surrenders. Among those who were successful in this
connection was Sergt. E. Titlestad, of the Intelligence Department,
and for long a storekeeper at Ntingwe. Proceeding to Qudeni forest
he, in a couple of days, managed to induce 284 men to return with
him to camp. McKenzie's column, then taken command of by
Royston, moved to Ndikwe stream, north-east of and below
Ensingabantu store.
With the Rebellion in Zululand at an end, nothing remained but to
clear the country in the direction of Qudeni, Mfongozi and towards
Nqutu, that is, to receive surrenders or make arrests where rebels,
generally the most culpable, were unwilling to come in. Woolls-
Sampson, having returned from his visit to Pietermaritzburg,[254] was,
on the 20th, given command of a column.[255] He was instructed to
form a depôt at Ensingabantu and to operate in that part of the
country.
It was at this stage that news of the outbreak at Mapumulo on the
19th was received. In addition to instructing Leuchars to push forward
the U.F.F. to the scene of disturbance, Mansel was ordered by the
O.C. Troops to camp at Middle Drift, from which place patrols were to
be thrown out in all directions, particularly up and down Tugela valley,
so as to intercept movements towards Zululand of rebels then stated
to be collecting on the right bank of the Tugela, between Middle Drift
and Bond's Drift.
Mackay and Royston proceeded, in the meantime, to clear country in
the vicinity of their respective camps. On the 22nd, two squadrons
N.C., with the mounted section, L and Y, and a Native levy, left on a
patrol in the direction of the Buffalo river. Very difficult country was
traversed. A remarkable gorge, known as Emlola-mazembe (where
axes are ground), was come upon in a small and peculiarly-secluded
valley, through which the Gubazi stream passes. At the lower end of
the valley, the stream runs through a huge cleft, the stone walls of
which are about 150 feet high and only about 12 feet apart at the top.
The cleft extends some 100 or so yards before the water flows from a
large dark pool at this uncanny spot into another valley beyond. No
wonder that such place had, until that very day, been occupied by
rebels.
A notable arrest was made about this time near Empandhleni, viz.
Bekuzulu, brother of the late Mehlokazulu. This man, who was a
rebel, was being harboured at a kraal. The head of the kraal was, of
course, also arrested.
At Empangeni on the coast, a Chief Bejana had recently failed to
comply with the orders of the local Magistrate. Without informing
Colonel McKenzie of what was taking place, a small party of N.P.
proceeded to Empangeni to effect the man's arrest, but, feeling later
on they were not strong enough, applied for reinforcements. The idea
of sending a small party on such a mission appeared more likely to
provoke than suppress rebellious tendencies, consequently Barker
was directed to assume command and make the arrest. Owing,
however, to instructions received from headquarters, the expedition
did not take place, although Barker's orders were not definitely
cancelled until he had got as far as Entumeni.
The Government, as stated in Chapter IX., felt it necessary for
Dinuzulu "to take some action to show his loyalty." It was thought he
and Meiteki should visit Pietermaritzburg and advise as to the state of
affairs in Zululand. The proposal, however, was allowed to drop for
the time being. On the 29th May, the Governor again strongly urged
it. Mr. Saunders then acquiesced. An invitation was conveyed to
Dinuzulu, who replied (2nd June) that he was in bad health, and that
he wished to discuss the matter with his headmen. The headmen
were summoned, but, owing to the alleged death of one of the Chief's
children just at that moment, his meeting with them was delayed. The
headmen saw the necessity for making the visit, but remarked that "in
Dinuzulu's present state of health, they feared he would never reach,
but die on the road." Permission was sought to send a large
deputation of indunas instead. In acceding to the request, the
Governor suggested that the Chief should himself go to the telephone
at Nongoma and be there to refer to whilst the interview lasted. About
twenty indunas, headed by Mankulumana, accordingly proceeded to
Pietermaritzburg, accompanied by the Commissioner and the local
Magistrate. They had three interviews with Sir Henry McCallum on
the 20th, 21st and 22nd. The latter reported that the men had replied
in a straight-forward and satisfactory manner to questions put to
them, so much so that he and the Minister for Native Affairs were
persuaded "that Dinuzulu's name had been used as a 'stalking-horse'
by different malcontents to incite their neighbours to rebellion." It was
in this way, they believed, that many of the false rumours of which the
Chief complained had arisen. It transpired from the interviews that
messengers had reached Dinuzulu from three Natal Chiefs, whose
coming he had failed to report in accordance with instructions
previously given him by the Governor. The indunas were told to
inform Dinuzulu that he had disobeyed orders, and that he was to be
more careful in future.
On account of ill-health, Dinuzulu did not proceed to the telephone
office at Nongoma, as desired by the Governor.
The situation at Mapumulo now began to grow more serious. It
developed with the same remarkable rapidity that had been
witnessed at Nkandhla. At such a time, given a few weeks of
incubation, a Zulu is nothing if not swift and vigorous in his
movements. To organize is, with him, instinctive. To-day the country
may be still and deserted, to-morrow it is overrun by great 'swarms,'
called impis, sprung from nobody knows where.
McKenzie made up his mind to withdraw from Zululand all troops that
could be spared and proceed with them towards Mapumulo, so as to
confine the Rebellion as much as possible to the vicinity of the fresh
outbreak.[256] Royston's brigade remained at Ndikwe, with orders to
operate through Mehlokazulu's ward towards Nqutu, clearing up
generally and receiving as many surrenders as possible. The
Commissioner for Native Affairs was at first of opinion the latter action
might be misunderstood by loyal Zulus, but, after further
consideration, concurred in it.
Woolls-Sampson left Empandhleni on the 23rd June,[257] and,
marching viâ Fort Yolland, took up a position on the northern side of
the Tugela at or near the precipice known as Isiwasamanqe, with the
object of preventing Natal rebels from breaking into Zululand. The
loyal tribes of that part, including that of Mtonga,[258] assisted with
levies. Strict orders were, at the same time, given to Woolls-Sampson
to take every precaution to prevent looting of property, or damage to
crops, kraals, etc., of friendly Natives.
As, at this juncture, everything pointed to a peaceful state of affairs in
Zululand, the O.C. Troops left Empandhleni on the morning of the
25th. By this date, the majority of rebels in Nkandhla district had
surrendered. The garrisons at Empandhleni and Ensingabantu were,
nevertheless, allowed to remain, owing to the inadvisability of entirely
and suddenly denuding the country of troops. Just before he left, the
indunas and Native messengers at the magistracy asked to see
Colonel McKenzie, when they expressed their gratitude for the
Rebellion having been so rapidly suppressed and peace restored
once more. They, at the same time, warned him "just to glance back
occasionally, as a grass fire, when put out, often starts again in rear."
This McKenzie took to mean that Dinuzulu was still in his rear and
might have to be dealt with.
These facts are sufficient to show that, to the action at Mome, must
be attributed the complete and almost immediate collapse of the
Rebellion in Zululand. After that fight, there was no further opposition
in any direction in Zululand. Throughout Nkandhla and Nqutu districts
peace and good order were restored almost at a single stroke. A
decisive blow, and all was over. That was what McKenzie constantly
aimed at, that was what the Government desired him to aim at,
because the more summary the punishment, the sooner would peace
be restored and destruction of life put an end to. War is not a pastime,
as some people seem to think, but a reality, as stern in operation as
any law of nature. At any rate, that is how it is viewed by Zulus, and
the sooner Europeans look at it in the same way when at war with
these tribes, the better for them and the tribes.
Although, for a few days, many rebels remained in hiding, none
ventured to take refuge in the stronghold which, having become a
place of bad omen, was entirely deserted. It had become the home of
the dead. Nor did the few more prominent rebels like Cakijana,
Mangati and Magadise, fearing the consequences of their misdeeds,
make further use of it during the many weeks they roamed about from
one place of hiding to another.

It will be remembered that Mapumulo district was visited by a column

(under Leuchars) during March, when a large cattle fine was levied
on Ngobizembe and members of his tribe for defiant conduct towards
the Magistrate.
As part of the general plan for coping with the Rebellion, the
Commandant of Militia decided at the end of April to establish a
garrison at Mapumulo. This took place simultaneously with the Z.F.F.
leaving Dundee for Nkandhla, and the garrisoning of such other
places as Helpmakaar, Krantzkop, and Greytown in Natal, and
Empandhleni, Fort Yolland, and Eshowe in Zululand.
It was known that the Natives at Mapumulo were liable to rise at any
moment, hence the question as to how the outbreak could be delayed
at once occurred to the Commandant, for he had not sufficient troops
to operate in that part as well as at Nkandhla and other places.
Calling to mind what he had read and studied of Cape and other
Native wars as to how Natives, setting no value on time, had often
been prevented from precipitating a conflict through troops being
frequently moved about in such a way as not to run risks of being
ambushed, he decided to garrison the place with a small force which,
strongly entrenched behind wire entanglements, would be adequate
in case of a rush, though not strong enough should the O.C., losing
his head, feel inclined to act on the aggressive. Lieut.-Col. H. Sparks,
V.D., was the officer selected for the post, firstly, because he was
intimately acquainted with the district, and secondly, because of his
being a cautious leader. He was instructed to have the district well
patrolled, but on no account to come into collision with the enemy
unless his lager was attacked. Stores, etc., were to be drawn from
Stanger, but, unless a strong escort accompanied the waggons,
drivers and voorloopers were to have no escort at all.
The force, consisting of 120 N.M.R. and 50 D.L.I., arrived at
Mapumulo on the 2nd May. Sparks found the Natives, barely fifty
miles from Nkandhla as the crow flies, with the Tugela between, in a
very disturbed state, notably the tribes of Ndhlovu, Meseni, and
Ngobizembe. They were all palpably in sympathy with Bambata. A
lager of wire entanglements was erected about the gaol and court-
house. Patrols were sent out daily to Balcomb's and Allan's stores,
i.e. north and north-west, as well as to Thring's Post and Umvoti Drift,
in Meseni's ward. On the 15th May, a large one went into the latter
ward, where armed Natives were observed on the hills. These were
said to be awaiting an opportunity of joining Bambata at Nkandhla.
Reports were continually brought in by scouts that Natives of certain
tribes were being doctored for war, after which they proceeded to
Nkandhla. One of the Chiefs concerned helped to ascertain the kraals
of those who had so gone off. Sparks adopted the ingenious
expedient of distraining all cattle belonging to these kraals until the
rebels who ordinarily lived there had been surrendered, and, in
several instances, with every success. The O.C., moreover, ably
assisted by the Magistrate (Colonel T. Maxwell),[259] got into touch
with a number of loyal Chiefs and headmen. In these and other ways,
these two officers succeeded in maintaining order until after the
decisive blow had been struck at Mome.
Of the Chiefs in Mapumulo, Lower Tugela and Ndwedwe[260]
divisions, two or three, apart from those already referred to, call for
special mention.
Meseni was head of the Qwabe tribe, one of the most ancient and
famous tribes in Natal and Zululand.[261] On the death of his father
Musi, some years before the Rebellion, a dispute arose as to the heir,
when the Governor, after inquiry, decided to divide the tribe. Meseni
was appointed Chief over the principal section, whilst his nephew,
Siziba (a minor), was awarded another section, as well as the
property left by Musi. This decision, however, caused considerable
dissatisfaction. The Magistrate of Lower Tugela (Mr. F.P. Shuter), was
shortly after made Chief over Siziba's section. This gave great
offence to Meseni. A fight took place between the two factions.
Although, in Meseni's view, one party was as guilty as the other, his
men were more severely punished than those presided over by the
Magistrate. This Meseni felt to be unjust. He became disrespectful to
Mr. Shuter. Such offence, as well as his assembling men with the
alleged intention of attacking another Chief, with whom some
difference had arisen, were reported, when nearly 1,000 huts of his
tribe (i.e. the section in Lower Tugela division), were detached and
put under other Chiefs.
When those of Meseni's tribe in Mapumulo division were called
together by the Magistrate for the purpose of the poll tax being
explained, they behaved in an insolent and defiant manner. This
occurred at Gaillard's store, Umvoti, whilst the Chief himself was at
Stanger in connection with the faction fight referred to. Such absence
did not, of course, prevent his being called on for an explanation by
Leuchars in March. He was ordered to arrest and hand over all such
as had misbehaved. This Meseni said it was impossible to do within
the three days allowed, especially as many weeks had elapsed since
the affair. He, however, brought in a number, who were punished. For
failing to hand over about 200, he was later on arrested and
imprisoned at Mapumulo. After being in gaol for about six weeks, he
was released by order of the Government, without, however, having
been brought to trial. When, with the fighting going on at Nkandhla,
the people at Mapumulo began to assume a rebellious attitude,
Meseni was ordered to come in but did not do so. In May and June,
when larger numbers of troops came to the district, he called up his
people, as he says, to protect himself. Action of that kind, of course,
at once gave the impression that he was in rebellion.
Ndhlovu ka Timuni, of the Zulu tribe, was a Chief with considerable
influence in Mapumulo division.[262] Owing to a mistake, he was
summoned to Stanger in April. On instructions from Mapumulo, he
was placed under arrest and subsequently removed to that place,
where he was detained for a time and then released.
The people of both these tribes broke into rebellion in June.
Associated with them were the Chiefs Matshwili and Mlungwana, also
portions of Ntshingumuzi's, Swaimana's and other tribes.
Ntshingumuzi himself did not rebel, though a relation of his, a young
man Mahlanga, vigorously coerced many to rise and join Matshwili.
But although, as in the cases of Meseni and Ndhlovu, there was
apparently some cause for complaint, purely Native influences of a
distinctly disloyal character were at work, and this prior to either of the
arrests referred to.
As far back as January and February, for instance, a large portion of
Ntshingumuzi's tribe had been doctored for war, whilst practically the
whole of those of Mlungwana and Matshwili had gone through the
same performance.[263] There is no act, passive in its nature, which a
Native can commit that betrays hostile intent more plainly than being
doctored for war. Once such ceremonies are held, all that remains is
to await the signal for a simultaneous rising.
Early in June, two messengers (one a headringed man) arrived from
Siteku, an uncle of Dinuzulu, living near Melmoth in Zululand. This
man (Siteku) incited the tribes of Ndhlovu, Matshwili and Meseni to
rebel and kill all the white people; "Bambata has not been killed," he
said, "but is in hiding in the Tugela valley." He threatened Ndhlovu
with violence if his people did not rise. Calling to mind an occasion on
which a relation of that Chief had, some seventy years before, failed
to assist the Zulus against the Boers, Ndhlovu was warned that
although his relation had escaped punishment at the hands of the
Zulus, he (Ndhlovu) was not to be too sure such luck would be his
own during the existing crisis. Ndhlovu states that a messenger from
the tribe of Mtonga (another uncle of Dinuzulu, living in Eshowe
district), also came and incited him to take up arms.
It was in these and other ways, too numerous to be noticed in detail,
that the majority of the Native population at Mapumulo decided to
rebel. Those who did, began by arming and organizing themselves
quietly in their respective wards. And the more they massed and
organized, the more confident they were of success. To such a pitch
did the excitement grow, that Ndhlovu resolved to step forth and give
the required signal.
It so happened that on Monday, the 18th June, a convoy of nine
waggons, drawn by oxen, left Stanger for Mapumulo. The waggons
outspanned for the night 200 yards from Oglesby's store, near the
Otimati stream, and some six miles from Mapumulo. On receipt of
news of the locality being in a greatly disturbed state, an early start
was made on the following day. The usual Native driver and
voorlooper (leader) accompanied each waggon, also a European
conductor (Q.-M.-Sergt. L.E. Knox, N.M.R.), Trooper Albert Powell, of
the same regiment (who was returning from sick leave), and a
Griqua. Just as the waggons had begun to descend a white cutting,
some fifty or sixty rebels of Ndhlovu's tribe, wearing tshokobezi
badges, sprang up on either side and made for the leading waggon.
Knox was struck with a knobstick, and stabbed in the right thigh (the
assegai penetrating to the stomach). He jumped from the waggons,
dashed through his assailants and made off for Mapumulo along the
road as hard as he could go. Being a good athlete, he quickly out-
distanced the rebels and arrived at the magistracy shortly before 9. In
the meantime, Powell, who was on the last waggon, ran to Oglesby's
store. The Oglesbys (father and son), did what they could. The former
was in the act of conducting Powell to a cave a few hundred yards
off, when the impi came in sight and overtook them. Powell, who, like
Knox, was in uniform, was immediately stabbed to death, but Oglesby
and his son, well known to the Natives of that part, were not touched.
The drivers and voorloopers ran off for a time as soon as the attack
began, although the rebels shouted that, being Natives and having
been commandeered for service, they would not be molested. The
oxen were not interfered with, nor were any contents of the waggons
worth referring to looted.
Early the same morning (19th), Corporal J. Koster, N.M.R., rode off
from Mapumulo towards Stanger on leave. After going about eight
miles, and at 7 a.m., when on a short-cut, he was suddenly attacked
from the lower side of the path by eight rebels of Ndhlovu's tribe. The
telegraph wire between Mapumulo and Stanger had just been cut. It
was possibly in anticipation of a despatch-rider going that way, that
the Natives lay there in ambush. Assegais were flung at Koster, who
narrowly escaped being killed as he rode past. One of them struck his
horse, piercing a kidney. After galloping about 300 yards, he
dismounted and fired several shots at the enemy, who at once
decamped. These shots were heard by the rebels then engaged with
Knox some three miles off, and to this may be due their not having
pursued Knox further than they did. Koster then passed on to Thring's
Post, where he was informed that a Norwegian storeman, Sangreid,
and Mr. W.C. Robbins (Stock Inspector), had been murdered during
the night in Mr. Thring's dwelling-house, some 400 yards from the
store. After obtaining a trap and pair at Bull's some miles nearer
Stanger, Koster returned to Thring's. He found Sangreid dead, but
Robbins living, though severely wounded.
The impi that attacked Sangreid and Robbins was also from
Ndhlovu's tribe, evidently the same men that subsequently attacked
Knox. Robbins' life was saved by one of the rebels, owing to his being
well known in the district. Sangreid was brutally murdered in his
bedroom, late at night, for no offence whatever.
The stores at Thring's Post and Oglesby's were looted, as also the
cattle belonging to the former place. Oglesby's store was not looted
until it had been vacated by the owners.
On Knox reaching Mapumulo, it so happened a patrol was about to
leave for Balcomb's, six miles north-west of the magistracy. A hurried
account of what had occurred was given to Lieut.-Col. J. Ritchie, V.D.,
who, after directing others to follow in support, left with Capt. W.H.
Smith and eleven N.M.R. at a gallop for the spot at which the convoy
had been attacked. On getting within a couple of hundred yards of
Oglesby's store, a large track, evidently of the impi, was come upon.
Following this, the men passed through a Mission Station
(Norwegian), about a thousand yards from the store. Near this
station, which was still being occupied by the missionary, four armed
Natives, evidently scouts, were seen on a hill on their left front. These
immediately disappeared into a large valley and towards a kraal
belonging to Chief Ndhlovu (Ezintandaneni). Ritchie galloped to a
high ridge overlooking the valley. A solitary horse was observed some
distance below tied to a tree, whilst a number of cattle, which
afterwards turned out to be those seized at Thring's Post, were seen
grazing within the immediate vicinity of the kraal. The men
dismounted and descended the rocky, steep slopes towards the
kraal. This, in respect of the position they then occupied, lay between
them and the magistracy. After proceeding about 120 yards, and
when about the same distance from the kraal, they were suddenly
surprised by an impi about 200 strong, up to that moment concealed
near a bed of reeds in one of the two forks at the head of a kloof or
small valley running past, and on the immediate north of, the kraal.
As soon as the enemy showed himself, he charged upwards at them,
shouting Dinuzulu's war-cry "Usutu!" The troops opened fire at once
at fifty yards. This had the effect of checking the advance for the time
being. "They attempted several times," says Ritchie, "to get round our
flanks and ... in fact had almost succeeded, when Knox and Campbell
came up with the supports.... The rebels had again to take shelter
under the cliff and behind the rocks. Shortly after this, they made one
more determined rush to get up over the rocks, where eight or ten of
us were standing. They came to within five yards, but, although all
had their assegais poised ready for throwing, only one was actually
thrown. The fire seemed to paralyse them. The assegai that was
thrown just grazed the head of one of the men."
 OTIMATI
Sketch Plan

Reference

A. Ndhlovu's Kraal.

C. Those of Enemy that escaped fled past B in this direction. Others

went down stream on left.

D. Bed of reeds

Enemy.
 Point where troops were attacked when moving towards A from X.

X Point from which sketch was made.

It was but a few minutes after Ritchie had gone off from Mapumulo,
that Capt. A.G. Knox, brother of the man already referred to, and
Capt. W.A. Campbell left with about fifty men in support of Ritchie as
directed. They arrived on the ridge referred to just before the charge.
Their appearance was most opportune as, having descended as far
as they had done, Ritchie and the others would probably have been
annihilated had the rebels not been checked as they were from the
ridge. Finding the supports too strong, the enemy retreated down the
valley up which they had come, many being shot as they ran. The
locality being 'thorn-country' afforded cover—even though it was
winter—of which full advantage was taken by the enemy. The troops
now combined and drove the valley from which the attack had come,
as well as a similar one 120 yards from the kraal on the south, in
which other rebels were found concealed. One or two of the ridges
were also driven.
During the drives, which extended over about a mile of country, many
armed Natives withdrew from their hiding-places and were shot as
they ran down the streams towards the still more rugged country
below. Lieut. R. Armstrong and another, who had become detached
from the main body, took up a position below Luhoho's kraal and
commanded the fugitives' main route at C (vide plan) with
considerable effect.
Towards the conclusion of the drives, intelligence was received that
Ngobizembe's men, under Sambela, about 600 strong, were
approaching from the direction in which the rebels had just fled.
Owing to accounts subsequently received from the fugitives, they
decided not to continue the advance.
The total strength of the N.M.R. engaged on this occasion was sixty-
six (made up of the Stanger and Greenwood Park troops, exclusive of
twelve men sent by Sparks to Nyamazana to expose themselves to
the enemy in Meseni's ward, and thereby prevent the latter from
joining the impi at Otimati). About 150 rebels were killed and four
prisoners captured during the operations, which lasted an hour and a
half. There were no casualties among the N.M.R. Powell's body was
found later the same day in a horribly mutilated and scarcely
recognizable condition, having been dragged by the rebels some 300
yards from where he had been killed to a place where it was
supposed it would not be found. It was then removed to Oglesby's
store.
The number of rebels killed in this action was greater, in proportion to
the number of troops engaged, than in any other action of the
campaign. From start to finish, the proceedings reflect the greatest
credit on Ritchie and his men, not the least remarkable feature being
the rapidity with which the men got into action. Only fifty minutes
elapsed between their leaving camp and firing the first shot, although
the distance travelled was fully seven and a half miles.
It afterwards transpired that the rebels, led by Ndhlovu himself, were
expecting Ritchie and the few with him to go to the kraal, when the
plan was to cut them off in rear. No doubt the horse and cattle had
been purposely left as baits. Before the arrival of the troops, the
enemy were in the cattle-kraal. They slipped into the valleys on either
side at the last moment.
After the action, Ritchie sent Smith with sixteen men to investigate
what had occurred at Thring's Post. As many of the enemy were still
lurking about the broken country in the vicinity of Oglesby's, the
reconnaissance caused both sections of the troops to run
considerable risks.
When Sparks ascertained that the wire between him and Stanger had
been cut, he sent telegrams asking for reinforcements to Kearsney,
for transmission to headquarters. The men who carried the
despatches were Sergts. A.J. Wadman and J.E. Sjöblom. Leaving at
10 a.m., they found the wire had been cut a few yards from the store
at Thring's Post. When proceeding along the short-cut on which
Koster had, unknown to them, been attacked the same morning, they
found some fifty or sixty of the enemy, who attempted to cut them off.
On reaching Thring's Post, they found the store upside down, a great
many goods having been looted and the rest scattered on the floor. "I
noticed," says Wadman, "about ten mice which I had previously seen
at the store had been let out of their cage and then stabbed with
assegais." After delivering the despatches, the men returned to
Mapumulo the same night.
On this same eventful day (19th), Sub-Inspector A.S. Clifton, of the
Natal Police, arrived at Thring's Post with about a dozen men, and
removed the deceased Mr. Sangreid, as well as Mr. Robbins, to
Stanger.
The troops ordered by Leuchars at this juncture to concentrate at
Mapumulo were N.M.R., under Murray-Smith; U.F.F., under Major
W.J.S. Newmarch; two squadrons B.M.R. mobilized on the 14th and
originally directed to proceed, with D squadron, N.C. (Capt. J.W.V.
Montgomery), to Helpmakaar;[264] and C.M.R. Maxim detachment
(Capt. M. Humphery). The first-named regiment, receiving orders at 2
p.m. on the 20th, left at 5 p.m. in light marching order, and, after off-
saddling for four hours at Balcomb's, reached Mapumulo before dawn
on the following day. A portion of the regiment made a
reconnaissance the same morning in the neighbourhood of Oglesby's
store. Powell's body was brought back and buried at the magistracy.
Further reconnaissances took place towards Otimati and
Isiwasezimbuzi, near the Tugela, on the 22nd and 23rd respectively.
A patrol under Knox proceeded on the 25th to Hlonono Mission
Station, when many of the enemy in the low country of Meseni's ward
were located.
Arnott's column reached Otimati drift on the 24th. As the camp was to
be a standing one, the waggons were formed into a lager,
strengthened with barbed-wire entanglements.
Leuchars, who reached Arnott on the morning of the 27th with the
greater portion of the Mapumulo force, now decided that a
reconnaissance in force should take place in the direction of the hill
Peyana, some three miles to the south-west of Thring's Post, and two
from Hlonono Mission Station. The troops, including a section of C
Battery, N.F.A. (Currie); four C.M.R. Maxims (Humphery), and two
Maxims and one Rexer, N.M.R., left camp at 9.30 a.m. under the
command of Lieut.-Col. Arnott.[265] The N.M.R., 350 (Murray-Smith),
were in advance, N.C., 100 (Montgomery), on the left, and B.M.R.,
100, supporting. The Carbineers, besides supporting on the left,
covered a convoy of waggons then on the way to Kearsney, escorted
by a troop B.M.R.
After branching off due west from the main road at Thring's Post,
some difficulty was experienced in getting the two field guns down a
rough incline. These guns, with a troop N.M.R. as escort, took up a
position and unlimbered at C (vide plan), which covered some 2,000
yards to right and left front; N.C. took high ground to the left at D,
from where a deep kloof to their front was commanded; N.M.R.
moved in extended order to neck A, and halted on the ridges to right
and left thereof, with B.M.R. supporting in immediate rear on the right.
These dispositions were made owing to the broken nature of the
ground, which favoured ambuscade, and had up till then been held
daily by the enemy's outposts. The track along which the column had
to advance skirted to the right of, and under, Peyana hill (B), by which
it was commanded.
When the troops were engaged occupying the ground referred to, the
time now being about noon, some half a dozen of the enemy's
decoys were observed on hill E to the west of Peyana, freely
exposing themselves. This was almost a certain indication that the
enemy was in ambush somewhere, most probably behind Peyana,
and overlooking the route along which the troops were moving.
After the ridges referred to had been properly held, two troops N.M.R.
were sent forward to scout before the column proceeded further
towards the decoys. One troop advanced to within 100 yards of the
crest of Peyana, the other halted in support, about 150 yards in rear.
Lieut. P. Addison, in command of the advanced troop, then went
forward alone mounted, accompanied by his dog. He rode to a neck
near the crest and to within thirty yards of the enemy, who were about
400 strong, lying concealed in a slight depression out of sight of the
troops at A. In the immediate rear of the enemy, was a bushy krantz.
On seeing the rebels, Addison shouted "Here they are," and, turning
immediately, rode back to rejoin his troop, and then on to the main
position at A. The troops supporting had already been ordered to
retire. As Addison was turning, the enemy rose en masse, then
crouched, only to rise again in an instant, crying "Usutu! Usutu!" as
they charged down the steep, grassy slopes in open order at the
retiring troops. N.M.R. at A, with three Maxims (C.M.R. and N.M.R.),
and the Rexer,[266] could not open fire because of the enemy being
masked by the retiring troops. In the meantime, however, the two 15-
pounders on higher ground opened with shrapnel at about 1,800
yards, over the troops at A, as well as those retiring. One of the two
or three shells fired struck right in the middle of the swiftly-moving
mass, but, failing to burst, did no harm. In a few seconds, heavy rifle
and machine fire broke from the N.M.R., who were reinforced at the
same moment by a squadron of their own regiment, up till then kept
in reserve, but which, on seeing the charge, was at once pushed
forward to assist on the left.
The combined fire had the effect of checking the rush and breaking
the rebels into three bodies. One of these (i.e. the larger portion) ran
into a valley immediately below the ridge south of the neck referred
to, where it hid in scrub and such other cover as could be found;
another fled to the left of N.M.R. position and disappeared into a
kloof, but, when making down the kloof, was met by a hot fire from
N.C. at D, when a number of casualties was sustained. The centre
portion continued the charge, and came within a few yards of A
before it was stopped; the rebels then turned and fled to the south-
west. At this particular moment, the N.M.R., as well as the ridge on
which they were, masked the fire of the field guns at C, which had, for
a few seconds, been directed at the charging rebels.[267]
After the rush had been broken, N.M.R. galloped in line of squadrons
up Peyana, accompanied by the machine guns. It so happened that a
large portion of the enemy (about 300), had taken no part whatever in
the charge. They preferred to lie in wait, that, no doubt, being part of
the plan. They were discovered a few yards from where the first lot
had started. For the most part, they turned right about and fled, under
rifle and shell fire, down the precipitous and bushy country in rear of
B.
When the position at the kop had been taken, Arnott ordered the
B.M.R. (by this time strengthened by C squadron, under Capt. J.L.
Gordon),[268] to descend on foot into the small valley of scrub, etc.,
on the right of, and below, A. This was thereupon driven from top to
bottom by C squadron at the point of the bayonet. Gordon sighted a
large impi in Mvoti valley that had not been engaged; he continued to
watch its movements until recalled to the column.
Arnott now marched in open order, with as broad a front as the
country would permit, until Hlonono Mission Station was reached.
Here the ridges overlooking low ground on the south-west were lined,
with a front of about half a mile. The main body of the rebels,
estimated at 3,000 to 4,000 strong, was presently seen about one
and a half miles off, and between the station and Meseni's principal
kraal, evidently trying to get round the column's right flank. As soon
as it came within artillery range, fire was opened from Itshelensimbi
hill. This, in a few minutes, succeeded in checking the advance.
The object of the reconnaissance having been achieved, viz. locating
the position and strength of the enemy, the column began to withdraw
to the camp at Otimati. During the retirement, which was carried out
in good order, the field guns shelled the impi whenever it appeared,
thereby preventing the rear-guard from being harassed in any way.
Some seventy Natives were killed during the engagement. The
casualties among the troops were of a minor description, no one
being killed.
Examination of the plan will show that the ambush was of a very
ingenious character, the locality selected being exactly suited for the
purpose. Troops less wary would probably have been trapped. The
plan evidently was to draw them towards E, when the two impis,
barely fifty yards from one another at B, would have pounced upon
them front and rear.
The rebels, who were under the command of a brother of Meseni,
Muziwenkosi, carried ordinary shields and assegais. One of them
used a rifle, whilst others had shot-guns. All wore the tshokobezi
badge.
The decoys, who were seen before the action began, openly
signalled to the two impis on Peyana, visible to them, but invisible to
the advancing column. This was done by sweeping the grass to right
and left with their shields. Such action, of course, immediately
aroused the suspicions of the troops.
On Addison galloping back to rejoin his men, the dog, a white pointer,
missed him and got in amongst the rebels. These he followed,
barking at them in the liveliest manner.