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Tabloid Journalism
and Press Freedom
in Africa
Brian Chama
Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa
Brian Chama
Tabloid Journalism
and Press Freedom
in Africa
Brian Chama
Sheridan College
Mississauga, ON, Canada
ISBN 978-3-030-48867-3 ISBN 978-3-030-48868-0 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48868-0
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
Cover illustration: Alex Linch shutterstock.com
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
This book could not have been written without the support of so many col-
leagues, friends, journalists, many tabloid newspapers owners and journalists
in Africa and former colleagues especially at the University of Zambia,
Roehampton University, Kingston University, London Metropolitan
University and the University of Lincoln. I am also grateful for the friendly
and painstaking assistance of many journalists I have had an opportunity to
meet in Africa and those living in diaspora with African connections, whose
insights and suggestions have been helpful in providing guidance for this book.
During the past few years, I have been fortunate enough to have met so
many wonderful people and for being given an opportunity to present
work in progress at various conferences. I have really and honestly come to
appreciate the participants’ informed insights and feedback. I am particu-
larly grateful for insights from the conference participants at the University
of Toronto and the University of Westminster. I would also like to more
precisely thank Professor Bruce Mutsvairo at Auburn University, Associate
Professor Musonda Kapatamoyo at Southern Illinois University
Edwardsville, Associate Professor Olatunji Ogunyemi at the University of
Lincoln and Associate Professor Shannon Dea at the University of Waterloo.
I would further like to thank two of my early mentors Professor Anita
Biressi and Professor Heather Nunn for their scholarly values to cultural
studies and tabloid journalism practice which have been an inspiration for
me and continue to inform my work. My other thanks go to Palgrave
Macmillan’s commissioning editor Lucy Batrouney and editorial assistants
Mala Sanghera-Warren and Heloise Harding who have all warmly sup-
ported this project.
v
Abstract
The understanding of press freedom and tabloid journalism practice in

Africa has received very limited attention in many scholarly debates. Brian
looks at how tabloid journalists negotiate this freedom and the impact of
laws on their sensation genre. He analyses the practice of tabloid journal-
ism stressing that even though there are no particular laws that target
tabloid journalists in Africa because of their practice and genre, there is
evidence in his book to show that these journalists are more vulnerable
than any other form of journalism. Brian explores English-, French-,
Portuguese- and Arabic-speaking African countries and concludes that
tabloid journalism practice experiences more challenges than any other
form of journalism in Africa. He argues that the major problem is due to
the sensational nature of reporting which attracts more attention than any
form of journalism and which forces authorities to react aggressively. Brian
in the conclusion of the textbook notes that there is need for media law
reform, more regulatory bodies to be formed around the continent, the
need for good journalism practice training able to improve the profes-
sional practice and more access to information laws that are able to compel
the government leaders to release information upon request, with legal
repercussion for failure to do so. Brian offers emerging patterns as well
challenges and successes across the continent.
vii
Contents
1 Introduction: Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in

Africa 1
2 Tabloids in Southern Africa and Emerging Cyberspace Laws 33
3 Public Order and National Security Laws Impact on

Tabloids in North Africa 55
4 The Impact of Defamation Law on Tabloids in Western

Africa 83
5 False News Laws Impact on Tabloids in East Africa111
6 Sedition and Treason Laws and Effect on Tabloids in

Central Africa133
7 The Final Word155
Author Index175
ix
x Contents
Subject Index181
African Countries Index183

CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Tabloid Journalism and Press

Freedom in Africa
Introduction
Tabloid journalism and press freedom is linked in this book because of the
emergence of tabloid genre in many African countries which also now
continue to embrace online platforms and operating as online tabloid
newspapers in the age of digital technologies. Indeed, there are now more
laws that this book explains which are emerging and intended to control
the cyberspace but seriously affecting online tabloids. This book threads
tabloid journalism and press freedom together while also looking at both
print and online tabloid newspapers in all the seven chapters. It discusses
tabloid journalism and press freedom looking at the regional countries
and also the emerging laws on cyberspace which are heavily discussed at
considerable length.
Even though there are currently many studies that explore press free-
dom in general in Africa, but few are currently discussing online journal-
ism and press freedom (Mabweazara, Mudhai, & Whittaker, 2014), and
none have been written on the link between tabloid journalism and press
freedom in Africa. Even the studies by Chama (2017, 2019) focus on
tabloid journalism in Africa and their professional practices, and on tabloid
journalism and corruption exposure. Moreover, it is also important to
acknowledge here that the Wasserman (2010) ground-breaking study
focuses mainly on tabloid journalism in South Africa. Therefore, this book
discusses this subject matter while looking at laws that currently hinder the
enjoyment of press freedom mainly by tabloid journalists focusing on
© The Author(s) 2020 1

B. Chama, Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48868-0_1
2 B. CHAMA
defamation, public order, national security, false news and the new laws
emerging in many African countries to control the cyberspace now target-
ing online tabloids, which is a new addition in the body of research when
one looks at journalism practice in Africa and press freedom in this age of
online journalism practice, social media and popular culture.
Therefore, this introductory chapter on ‘Tabloid Journalism and Press
Freedom in Africa’ discusses how tabloid newspapers are affected by the
media laws than any other form of journalism practice. It offers a critical
analysis of tabloid journalism and press freedom while making an effort to
situate press freedom in Africa and further discussing the concept of press
freedom. It makes a critical analysis of international and local organiza-
tions that measure press freedom in African. It further discusses the harass-
ment of the press in Africa and then offers a critical analysis of the press
professional practices and the political context in which the journalists
operate. It concludes that journalists in Africa face many challenges, but
the continuous existence of colonial draconian laws remains a serious
impediment to press freedom. It remains hopeful that there are some posi-
tive elements taking place across the continent but acknowledges the
shortcomings. It notes that the African journalism practice is in the pro-
cess of formation. It points out that what is needed are more media regu-
lations to make sure that the journalists are able to adhere to the
professional practice of journalism. It also calls for more media laws
reforms that are able to promote press freedom and contribute to
democracy.
Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom

Understanding press freedom in Africa requires careful analysis of litera-
ture sources from scholars in Africa, interactions and direct insights from
journalists as practitioners on the ground, ruling authorities’ views and
operations of government institutions; all these varies across the conti-
nent. Moreover, press freedom that is enjoyed in many African countries
cannot in many ways be compared to what is perceived to exist in many
Western democracies. This is largely because of a ‘colonial legacy and dra-
conian’ laws that continue to be used to silence critical and sometimes
objective voices in the excuse of public order. Almost all countries across
the continent have provisions in their constitutions that allow press free-
dom, but in practice, implementation of these legal provisions remains
chaotic, often vague and problematic to navigate. Moreover, the
1 INTRODUCTION: TABLOID JOURNALISM AND PRESS FREEDOM IN AFRICA 3
emergence of tabloid journalism with their sensational genre continues to

create more problems for government authorities, who tend to be usually
uncomfortable with tabloids screaming headlines, and generally usage of
sensational pictures. Indeed, this book is about ‘tabloid journalism and
press freedom in Africa,’ so, and perhaps, it is important to begin by
explaining what basically is tabloid journalism practice, which obviously, at
the best of times, remains a shadowy and dubious concept either as a jour-
nalism genre or as a journalism professional practice. In this book, it is
argued and understood that journalism practice generally exists in differ-
ent genres in Africa, and one genre which continues to become popular in
many countries is tabloid journalism. It involves sensational presentation
of news, screaming headlines, colourful pictures and graphic news con-
tent; it is a genre meant to attract readers to look at every content while
using brief stories with an emotive touch. This genre continues to divide
opinions in many countries and stretch the understanding of press free-
dom (Chama, 2017).
The major area of contention is whether tabloid journalism as a genre
should be taken seriously due to its tendency to play with the peoples’
emotions. For instance, Wasserman (2010) explains that a common criti-
cism against many tabloid newspapers is the peddling of sensationalism
instead of providing the information that is able to contribute to demo-
cratic citizenship. By effectively depoliticizing readers, tabloids prevent
them from being active citizens. However, an alternative perspective has
been offered by cultural studies scholars who often argue that tabloid
newspapers articulate the politics of the everyday lives for many African
readers whom formal politics are often far removed from their lived expe-
riences. Tabloid newspapers very often play a critical role in informing citi-
zens unable to understand the complex information, as their use of local
jargon and terminologies, crisp texts often accompanied by colourful pic-
tures and large fonts screaming headlines help many readers in compre-
hension of the content. It is this characteristic of tabloid genre that
continues to attract many readers across a wide range of demographics in
Africa. But still, tabloid newspapers and its genre have continued to expe-
rience resistance from a number of forces in Africa who now range from
religious groups to politicians and cultural conservatives, who accuse the
newspapers of ‘abusing press freedom.’ These critics also accuse the genre
as breaking down cultural norms by discussing issues traditionally consid-
ered private in the cultural fabric of the African life, such as publishing
pictures of brazen sexual content and infidelity stories. Other critics
4 B. CHAMA
further accuse tabloids as operating outside the boundaries of press free-

dom and lowering professional practice of journalism (Kasoma, 1997).
Situating Press Freedom

In 1991, various media representatives across the African continent
demanded press freedom by producing a statement in the Namibian capi-
tal of Windhoek on press freedom principles by African newspaper jour-
nalists. Despite the press freedom proclamation often referred to as the
Windhoek Declaration, the African press has continued to suffer many
serious setbacks in many countries with the suppression of press freedom.
The deteriorating press freedom enjoyment in many African countries has
continued to make the annual celebration of the World Press Freedom
Day every 3rd May, arguably a mockery in many countries (Ongowo, 2011).
Across the African continent, suppression of press freedom has become
a cause for concern. In many countries, there are regular reports of edito-
rial offices being searched on suspicion of betrayal by state agents. There
are allegations of journalists’ telephones being wiretapped especially those
that are critical of government. Many journalists continue to face arrests
for their critical coverage of important issues and their newspapers being
forced to close prematurely. Access to information remains a challenge and
continues to hamper the need to communicate freely without the threat of
being arrested and imprisoned. The most massive breaches of press free-
dom are in countries heavily engulfed in civil war and political conflicts
(Ocitti, 1999).
There are regular reports in many African countries covered in this
book’s coming chapters of tabloid journalists being arrested on suspicion
of spreading false news, abuse of media laws by ruling authorities, even
now emerging cyberlaws later covered in this book which all continue to
impact on press freedom. This is despite Article 19 of the United Nations
Universal Declaration of Human Rights providing the right to press free-
dom. Moreover, even the African Union and its New Partnership for
Africa’s Development all have mechanisms intended to improve press free-
dom in Africa, but all these declarations are rarely respected in practice in
many African countries covered in this book. Besides, even the adoption
of the declarations on press freedom in Africa by the African Commission
on Human and People’s Rights in Banjul, the capital city of the Gambia,
in West Africa, despite providing legally binding guidelines on the signa-
tories under the African Court of Justice, it has limited power even though
there exists statutory force to press freedom, challenges still remain in

practice across the continent (Moyo, 2005).
However, the demand for press freedom in Africa in the movement
towards democracy has been popular in recent years. It is also part of the
political demands being imposed by many Western donors as part of their
conditions for economic support. In fact, it is generally accepted that the
more press freedom a country enjoys, the greater the respect for human
rights and social justice. Furthermore, it is often argued by many Western
donors to African countries that in the countries with greater media free-
doms, the structures of democratic governance are likely to show stability.
Therefore, over the last 30 years, press outlets are growing, and citizens
are gaining access to a wider variety of news sources especially in this age
of online journalism and online newspapers. But this trend is not uniform
and not without setbacks. There are still Africa countries in which journal-
ists continue to face violent attacks and sometimes killed for criticizing the
government. Others are censored and intimidated into conformity
(Mudhai, 2011).
Even though many African countries have enduring publications that
goes back to the time of colonialism, it is evident that the suppression of
press freedom is linked to colonial laws that helped to foster the whims of
colonialists. Moreover, newspapers have historically been dominated by
political news and colonialists that owned the first newspapers in many
African countries such as Ghana, Zambia, South Africa, Senegal and Kenya
for example, and used them as tools for social and economic change while
rallying the masses. However, over the years, tensions between the ruling
politicians and the press have continued to exist due to mainly their critical
coverage, further leading to suppression of press freedom (Skjerdal, 2014).
On the other hand, many African leaders now find it increasingly diffi-
cult to hold on to power due to the now growing wide range of media
outlets especially online platforms and social media now popular across the
continent. Viewed from this perspective, the press is now arguably enjoy-
ing at least some level of unprecedented press freedom, and unparalleled
levels of economic growth. Indeed, this has given rise to the democratic
system of governance. Furthermore, the press is also at least able to enjoy
some level of freedom even though this pattern is not always reflective of
all countries. The overall trend generally is symptomatic of the political
situation in respective countries. Significantly, a large share of this is to do
with the nature of colonial rule in Africa which was essentially an authori-
tarian mode of governance whose nature was reflected negatively both on
6 B. CHAMA
African societies and the media. Therefore, the fact that political power
was associated with the press, these have since become to be seen as com-
plementary of each other, with many journalists eventually ending up as
politicians and politicians as journalists (Ocitti, 1999). Moreover, in recent
years, many politicians and journalists have also used their online presence
such as social media profile and positions to become the most vocal advo-
cates for press freedom and political resistance (Moyo, 2011).
Concept of Press Freedom

In many African countries, press freedom is not only enshrined in their
constitutions, but is also seen in theory as a logical extension of any per-
son’s natural desire to be free in terms of expression which is today with
the emergence of online platforms and particularly social media as a uni-
versal phenomenon. There are currently many people in Africa who are
now becoming aware of the importance of freedom of expression and
particularly press freedom because of the mechanisms being provided by
online forums such as social media. However, what is clear is that there is
a growing desire for many people to express themselves online than ever
before because of social media. But this is only possible because the gov-
ernment in many countries in Africa are now allowing a window of oppor-
tunity to their citizens to enjoy freedom of expression. However, there are
times when this window for press freedom and freedom of expression, is
often closed especially whenever the government becomes uncomfortable
with uncontrolled voices, as this book demonstrates in the coming chap-
ters. For instance, as media scholars such as Mudhai (2011) explains by
arguing that the African continent now because of being heavily net-
worked, is providing a platform for many divergent voices and opinions.
On contrary, even though press freedom is desired and encouraged in
many African countries, however many leaders generally provide it with
caution especially in fragile countries, and they often argue that this is
meant to maintain peace and public order. However, there are also coun-
tries in Africa which are heavily authoritarian, with political leaders that
have a very strong grip on power and who often argue that press freedom
in the Western concept, might lead to political revolution that can end up
overthrowing their government and result in anarchy. Indeed, they tend
to monitor voices carefully and cramp down those deemed a threat to
their authoritarian rule, and by so doing, they continue to reign supreme.
Therefore, in these authoritarian African countries, the understanding of
press freedom is tied to what ruling politicians think to be true, and the
press function from top down, and the political leaders use the press to
inform the masses of what they think the masses should know, and policies
they should support. The ruling government also tends to have absolute
power over the press ownership and the content that should be published
and made available to the public. Moreover, the criticism of the ruling
political officials and government operation through the press is mainly
forbidden and the legal and political repercussions are often serious.
Besides, in these African countries, the press and press freedom are largely
seen and understood by many as existing to support the government poli-
cies. Under the authoritarian style, the press freedom is not for the masses
to dictate, but for the few ruling politicians in the position of power, who
guide the masses, and it is thus around the centre of political power
(Oloyede, 2005).
Furthermore, Khamis and Vaughin (2014) while discussing online citi-
zen journalism and political transformation in the Tunisian and Egyptian
revolutions explain that it is the masses distaste with authoritarianism that
led to mass demonstrations that transformed these two countries and
brought about more press freedom and new leadership. In these two
countries, there has since been an understanding that authoritarianism
cannot provide press freedom as a political entity, and with it, the concept
of press freedom has evolved. Besides, the press has since come to be per-
ceived as not an instrument of government, but a platform for presenting
arguments and evidence for the masses to check on government and make
their own decisions. Moreover, with the emergence of social media plat-
forms in these countries, the notion is now that all ideals and arguments
should get a fair hearing in the court of public opinion. For instance, social
media in these two countries has led to the free market of ideas which is
now encouraged whether majority or minority views, strong or weak, and
the state control of the press is seen as inherently wrong and not helpful
for democracy (Khamis & Vaughin, 2014).
On the other hand, Banda (2010) while looking at citizen journalism
and democracy in Africa explains that even though many people in Africa
are now enjoying press freedom as citizen journalists, this is only limited
to those with accessibility which is out of reach for many people. The
author further explains that this is largely because of high levels of poverty
and illiteracy in many African countries. However, Oloyede (2005) points
out there is still a general understanding by many people in Africa espe-
cially in the journalism and media practice field and among many
8 B. CHAMA
government leaders that press freedom denote a fundamental human right

to gather and publish information and opinions without hindrance.
Furthermore, the interpretation of this right differs from one African
country to another, but it is based on the notion that individual human
being should be free to publish whatever they like without interference
(Oloyede, 2005).
In recent years, there is a recognition in many countries in Africa that
press freedom is becoming difficult to suppress especially with the rise of
online journalism and social media. There is also another realization that
over the past years, the government has used mechanisms such as depriv-
ing advertisement revenues and legal mechanisms to eliminate opposition
voices, something which is now becoming a challenge. Moreover, many
people are also realizing that the government-owned press have failed to
fulfil the promise to public expectations of being objective. Besides, the
technological and commercial development of the press in some countries
such as Kenya, South Africa and Nigeria, for example, has since led to
press monopolies with few single owners further diffusing government
grip on information dissemination. Furthermore, many people are now
taking it upon themselves as either citizen journalists or community influ-
encers using social media profiles to express their views. Addition, since
press freedom is often also associated with the need for responsible report-
ing in many countries, there are now calls from both the government
officials and other concerned groups, to monitor the behaviour with
regard to the abuse of press freedom by some individuals and groups
which has since emerged. There are further other calls which are largely
coming from the ruling political authorities and requesting the govern-
ment law enforcement agencies to contain these ‘uncontrollable voices,’
and often arguing and justifying their suppressive measures that they are
intended to prevent potential violence and civil disorder (Skjerdal, 2014).
Besides, Berger (2007) while looking at media legislation in Africa
through a comparative legal survey argues that press freedom is not easy
to realize especially in many African countries and largely because of the
many legal challenges. Furthermore, the author points out that press free-
dom understanding continues to differ and tends to follow the colonial
rulers’ laws. For example, many African countries’ constitutions do not
actually leave room for a free press as in the Western tradition and under-
standing and tend to often be vague and largely draconian. Moreover, to
make matters even worse for press freedom realization and enjoyment,
some ruling political leaders also continue to argue that because of the
need for economic development and national integration, the press should
promote social stability and development. The ruling politicians also
encourage the press to publish only content that contributes to develop-
ment in line with nationally established policy and to give priority to
development news. Moreover, many countries’ constitutions also provide
mechanisms that justify government intervention on the press, restriction
of press operations, censorship of publication that do not support govern-
ment interests, offering subsidies to the press that support only develop-
ment goals (Oloyede, 2005).
The understanding of press freedom in Africa even though continues to
attract mixed debates, the common view is that a free press is important in
the development of the African continent and its regions. There is also a
general perception in many scholarly debates covered in this book’s com-
ing chapters that it has the ability to expose mismanagement and lack of
accountability within the ruling class. Indeed, virtually, in every country’s
constitution in Africa covered in this book, there exists a direct theoretical
guarantee of press freedom, even though the term is interpreted differ-
ently according to the traditions and needs of each African country.
Moreover, even among the journalists themselves, there are differences on
perceived concepts of press freedom and the role of the African press. For
example, some argue that it is not a question of the right to dissent, but
the obligation to contribute as patriots. But others argue for the hardline
approach of watchdog tabloid journalism that hold authorities account-
able to the general public while regularly exposing mismanagement and
corruption. It is this mixed understanding of press freedom and the role
of the press in democracy and in the African society by journalists and poli-
ticians, that the prisons are crowded with both courageous journalists who
are not prepared to accept dictation as to what they may or may not print,
and also poorly informed and ill-educated reporters who are caught in a
web of difficulties to differentiate what is good for their countries to print,
and what their publication as private entities desires and dictates
(Kasoma, 1997).
Measuring Press Freedom

There are many organizations that measure journalism practice and press
freedom in Africa locally, regionally and internationally. However, often-
times, these organizations are criticized and regularly accused of using the
Western standard usually out of touch with local dynamics of African
10 B. CHAMA
politics and media platforms (Kasoma, 1997). This is despite the organiza-
tions’ regular claims that they use very sophisticated methods. However,
there are many examples in which their findings and ranking have major
discrepancies. For instance, the 2006 African Media Barometer survey
ranks Mali as the best-rated country in terms of press freedom enjoyment.
The same country is also ranked best in Africa in the same year by the
Freedom House as the country with the most liberal media system in the
continent. However, the Reporters Without Borders ranks Mali very
poorly at position 51 towards the bottom in the same year in Africa. This
shows that there are some differences which are worth looking at scientifi-
cally, particularly with regards to the development of an even better
research instrument (Behmer, 2009).
Furthermore, Fliess and Sandeen (2000) give an example of Freedom
House, which is a Washington-based non-government organization which
conducts annual rankings of journalism practice and press freedom in
Africa while arguing that its findings have a pro-American bias. The fact
that it gets more than three quarters of its funding from the federal grants
of the United States of America government, it becomes very difficult to
assess its objectivity. The reality is that very often its rankings are very sim-
plistic ranging between free and not free states. The findings are even
more alarming as they do not differentiate the number of inhabitants in
each country. Besides, the sources of information on which the findings
rely are from travellers, its research staff, expert inquiries, reports from aid
organizations, public agencies and local and international media. The data
collected is then sent to New York for evaluation in the procedure that is
not made public. Since 1980, it publishes its findings on press freedom in
all African countries every year on 3 May, a World Press Freedom Day,
when the media interest is guaranteed with results presented in form of
brief country reports (Fliess & Sandeen, 2000).
Similarly, Chama (2017) furthermore points out that the Reporters
Without Borders which provides ranking of journalism practice and press
freedom in Africa annually at the end of October in what it calls World
Press Freedom Index, which looks at the endangerment of journalists at
work in Africa by experts, it does not disclose who these experts are and
how they were chosen. Even though it is understandable that they might
not want to disclose them for fear of their safety, but at least there is need
to provide information on the selection process and the justification to
guarantee authenticity of the rankings and measurements. For example, it
ranks all examined African countries through a table drawn up by its
‘experts’ many of which are journalists, lawyers and scientists from each
African country. These experts answer a questionnaire which is then sent
to Paris in France to be combined in a ‘proper order’ and where necessary
researched further. In the questionnaire, the physical endangerment or
threatening of journalists is quite dominant. Other questions relate to how
many journalists in the previous year were murdered, put in jail, tortured,
threatened, attacked or had to flee, which are given points of the worst
possible score. The other questions relate to the application of certain
laws, dealing with censorship, state’s press influence and treatment of for-
eign journalists (Behmer, 2009).
Furthermore, Mathurine (2004) while discussing the media law in
Southern Africa and giving guidelines for media practitioners generally
notes that the Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung is another organization also
involved in measuring press freedom in Africa despites its ‘experts’ not
made public and its conclusion in the publications being brief and highly
lacking in detail. It also often makes weak correlation between the level of
press freedom and literacy levels in Africa. For instance, the organizations
believe in empowering the press as whistleblowers and watchdogs, when it
comes to reporting misdeeds of politicians and company executives who
do not live up to their duties. It uses a questionnaire of five indicators:
general conditions of the press, legal environment, political conditions,
economic pressures and non-state repression. Its data is collected by inter-
viewing local ‘experts’ in African countries (Mathurine, 2004).
Another organization whose rankings are often criticized by many
scholars when it comes to measuring journalism and press freedom is that
of Friedrich Ebert Foundation which is involved in measuring press free-
dom in Africa and which uses what it calls the African Media Barometer
that examines selected African countries and ranks them. The only prob-
lem is that even though it assigns a panel of ten experts from the civil
society, academics, trade unionists, clerics, jurists, journalists, publishers
and human rights activists, it doesn’t also reveal how these experts are
selected and the guidelines. It only notes that these experts meet for a
retreat over a long weekend and the moderator who is the only outsider
manages the discussion. It also explains that the assessment of press free-
dom is determined by the panel of participants who allocate fewer points
in the worst case of press freedom and more points in the best case.
However, the problem is that mutual interaction and manipulation of par-
ticipants cannot be ruled out (Behmer, 2009).
12 B. CHAMA
The Media Institute of Southern Africa is also another organization

that is involved in promoting and monitoring journalism and press free-
dom. It has regional member countries in Southern Africa and works with
the media organizations and other media workers to nurture democracy in
the continent while acting on press freedom violations. It also facilitates
news exchange to make sure the local news from the independent media
is made accessible to the whole region and the world. For example,
through its Media Law Reform Programme, the organization campaigns
for repealing repressive media laws and the need for access to information
laws. It also conducts research and produces publications on anti-media
freedom laws in the region. The major key problem is that it is funded by
entities many of which are not public which brings into question of its
objectivity and often criticized for being too critical and unrealistic
(Oloyede, 2005).
Furthermore, the Committee to Protect Journalists is another interna-
tional organization that is involved in measuring press freedom in African.
It uses its annual Global Impunity Index that provides rankings of the
African countries in which journalists are killed and where killers remain at
large and generally free. Its rankings are part of its global campaign against
journalists’ killings impunity. It calculates the number of unsolved mur-
ders of journalists within the period of ten years as a percentage of each
country’s population. It publishes the finding on 2 November to mark the
International to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists. However,
the only problem is that it rarely makes follow-up and doesn’t provide
detailed information on what actually transpired and the end result of the
incidents in follow-up reports (Karikari, 2004).
There are many other local and international organizations involved in
measuring journalism practice and press freedom in Africa mainly on
regional level which includes the Freedom Forum, which is an interna-
tional foundation dedicated to journalism practice and press freedom. It
focuses on newsroom diversity and press freedom. Furthermore, the
International Freedom of Expression Exchange also promotes press free-
dom. It is a global network of non-government organizations and moni-
tors press freedom in the African continent. Its Tunisia Monitoring Group
is heavily involved in raising awareness to press freedom violations
(Wagner, 2011).
Harassment of the Press

The study by Ochilo (1993) shows that African journalists especially those
in print newspapers continue to be harassed when it comes to enjoyment
of press freedom and many face varying degrees of intimidation. In recent
years, investigations into the corrupt practices of government officials
have become a central focus of especially many tabloid newspapers, with
key editors and reporters becoming specialists in this field and increasingly
finding themselves under regular attacks. It is not surprising that there are
now measures by various governments across the African continent to
restrict press freedom. The various restrictions in many African countries
have included prior censorship, closure and even suspension of newspaper
publications. The other more punitive measures have included arrests and
detentions of journalises, physical torture, murder, imprisonment, expul-
sion of foreign correspondents and general intimidation and threats. All
these measures have seriously restricted press freedom in many countries
(Moyo, 2005).
For instance, on 5 June 2017, Algeria police arrested journalist Said
Chitour at Algiers International Airport as he returned from Spain. His
arrest was not made public until after 3 July. He was charged with espio-
nage for ‘leaking classified documents’ to foreign diplomats. Before his
arrest, the security forces questioned him about his work with foreign
journalists. On 12 November, the Bir Mourad Rais Criminal Court
indicted him, and was reminded of facing a possible jail term of up to
20 years in prison if convicted. It was also revealed by his defence lawyers
that he was suffering from several chronic diseases including diabetes at
the time of his arrest and detention. His health later deteriorated in prison
while in detention at Algiers’ El-Harrach Prison while on trial at Dar El
Beida Court (Bouchaib, 2019).
Similarly, in January 1993, Malawi’s co-founding editor of the New
Express newspaper Felix Phiri was arrested for carrying ‘an unauthorized
publication.’ He was returning from Zambia carrying preliminary copies
of the newspaper. Its front cover stories criticized the government’s treat-
ment of political prisoner Martin Munthali. The paper was due to be
launched the same week the editor was arrested. The Malawi harassment
happened in the same month authorities in Sierra Leone jailed editor of
the New Breed newspaper George Khoryama for publishing leaked infor-
mation of a meeting between leaders of the All Peoples Congress and the
14 B. CHAMA
country’s police chief alleging that the political party was not ready to
consider elections (Ogbondah, 1997).
Furthermore, on 16 September 2017, three Equatorial Guinea security
officers arrested journalist Ramón Nsé Esono Ebalé around 7:00 pm fol-
lowing his satire drawings and critical commentary on the government of
President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. The security operatives
stopped and handcuffed him and had his mobile phone seized while get-
ting into his sister’s car after leaving a restaurant in the capital Malabo. He
was then taken to the police station for interrogation about his work as a
cartoonist and was asked to make a statement explaining his drawings
about the country’s leadership. In addition, he was also accused of money
laundering and counterfeiting. He later appeared in court on 3 October
to give a statement before a judge and was then taken back to prison. The
situation of journalists in the country has continued to worsen in recent
years as authorities continue to suppress critical voices (Salgado, 2016).
Another similar incident of journalists’ harassments is that of Niger
journalist Bourema Hama who in February 1992 after being arrested for
covering an attempted coup was thereafter brutally tortured. He was also
severely beaten by the country’s security agents while his equipment was
seized (Frere, 1996). Similarly, in the same month, the authorities in
Rwanda arrested and detained the owner of Rwanada Rushya newspaper
Andre Kameya for violating national security and for insulting the Rwandan
president Juvenal Habyarimana (Ogbondah, 1997).
The criticism of religious beliefs also attracts serious government crack-
down on press freedom in many African countries. For example, on 24
December 2014, Mauritania’s journalist Mohamed Cheikh Ould
Mohamed was sentenced to death on apostasy charges which followed his
arrest on 2 January the same year at his home in the city of Nouadhibou.
The death sentencing was in connection with an article published by
Aqlame newspaper on 31 December 2013 titled ‘Religion, religiosity and
craftsmen’ which criticized the country’s caste system, an extremely deli-
cate subject in the country. The article argued that the followers of Islam
interpreted the religion according to their lived circumstances. Before his
arrest, he had written similar articles in the past that criticized Islamic reli-
gious beliefs in Mauritania. It is generally a sensitive issue when it comes
to reporting on challenges that face the country’s caste system, and jour-
nalists that expose institutional discrimination because of their caste are
regularly arrested (Foster, 2010).
Furthermore, another issue that attracts harassment of journalists in

many African countries is the criticism of the ruling leadership and point-
ing out incompetency. For instance, this was the case in March 1992 when
Cote d’lvoire paramilitary gendarme seized all copies of L’Oeil duPeuple
newspaper. The law enforcement agencies claimed the articles ‘offended
President Houphouet Boigny’ after the publication criticized him for fail-
ing to punish his Army Chief, responsible for the army raid at the University
of Abidjan, during which soldiers beat up and raped students at the cam-
pus. Similarly, the editor of the Liberte newspaper Jacques Kacou was
arrested and jailed for an article that put the blame entirely on the President
(Ogbondah, 1997).
The publication of ‘false news’ further discussed at considerable length
in this book’s coming chapters is another issue that often puts many jour-
nalists in legal jeopardy and exposes them to harassment in Africa. For
instance, on 21 July 2016, nine-armed Nigeria’s state security officers
arrested Jones Abiri, the publisher of the Weekly Source tabloid at his office
in Yenagoa, in an oil-rich southern state of Bayelsa. His office was also
searched, and documents confiscated. The arrest was connected to a 10
July article that claimed the military was contemplating a coup against the
country’s President Muhammadu Buhari. Since its publication, the jour-
nalist behind the story claimed to have been receiving threats from people
he believed were working with the security services. For example, the jour-
nalist claimed that on 23 July, the security service sent an email statement
to him with accusation of being the leader of the separatist Joint
Revolutionary Council of the Joint Niger Delta Liberation Force. In the
statement, he noted, he was accused of being the mastermind of the oil
pipelines bombings, planning attacks in the capital Abuja, and sending
threatening messages to international oil companies (Chama, 2019).
The other press freedom issue that in recent years has exposed many
African journalists to threats of being arrested and jailed is the accusations
of being involved in terrorism activities by the government officials. For
instance, in July 2012, Ethiopia’s federal high court judge in the country’s
capital Addis Ababa sentenced journalist and publisher of the now closed
Amharic Ethiopia newspaper Eskinder Nega to 18 years in prison. The
sentencing was in connection with his 2011 newspaper columns that drew
the comparisons between the Egyptian Jasmine revolution and uprising
and the Ethiopia’s 2005 pro-democracy protests. He was also accused of
being involved in a terrorism plot and for criticizing the country’s anti-
terrorism laws that jail prominent journalists and dissident intellectuals.
16 B. CHAMA
The anti-terrorism laws in the country heavily impact on the enjoyment of

press freedom and the work journalists (Skjerdal, 2014).
Similarly, in September 2001, Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaac, the co-
owner of the Setit newspaper was imprisoned for terrorism-related charges.
The imprisonment came after a long period of detention by the security
agencies. For example, in April 2002, while in prison, he was hospitalized
after news emerged that he was heavily tortured and beaten severely.
However, on 19 November 2005, he was released on medical reasons, but
he was again detained after two days without clear reasons and sent back
to prison. He was then held in solitary confinement and later developed
mental health problems. Since then, the ruling authorities in the country
have given conflicting statements about his status in prison. For example,
in a May 2009 interview with the Swedish freelance journalist Donald
Boström, the Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki claimed that he was not
aware why the journalist was in prison, before adding that the young man
had made ‘a big mistake’ without offering details (Murthy, 2012).
Furthermore, the African journalists tend to regularly get exposed to
intimidation for also covering what authorities often claim to be offensive
communication. For example, on 21 November 2017, the Ugandan
police arrested Arinaitwe Rugyendo, the co-owner and director of the
Pepper Publications Company which publishes Red Pepper and Bwino tab-
loid newspapers. He was arrested along with seven of his colleagues and
on 27 November, they were charged with three counts of libel, three
counts of offensive communication, and one count of publishing informa-
tion prejudicial to security (Namusoke, 2018). Similarly, in Morocco,
police officers on 6 August 2017 arrested at his home in the city of
Marrakesh, journalist Abdelkabir al-Hor, the director of Rassd Maroc pub-
lication after being accused of defending terrorism and actions of the ter-
rorists in the country. The arrest resulted in four years in prison when on
1 February 2018, the country’s Salé Criminal Court found him guilty of
‘terrorism apologism.’ The government authorities following the recent
revolutions and uprising in some Arabic-speaking countries such as Tunisia
and Egypt have intensified crackdown on journalists and critical voices
(Zaid, 2017).
Besides, the reporting of corruption is another issue often the ruling
authorities tend to find uncomfortable with, and which results regularly in
journalists’ crackdown. This was the case on 8 October 2017, when the
Somalia regional court in the semi-autonomous region of Somaliland
jailed journalist Mohamed Adan Dirir for 18 months. He worked for
Horseed News newspaper and was charged with criminal defamation and
publishing false news. The arrest, charge and imprisonment came after an
article that accused a group of private schools in Hargeisa of misconduct
and corruption (Chonka, 2017). Similarly, on 25 September 2017, the
Egyptian police arrested journalist Ahmed al-Sakhawy at his home in
downtown Cairo. He was charged for ‘disseminating false news and
belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood’ which is a declared terrorist orga-
nization by the Egyptian government (Zeid, 2019).
The harassment of African journalists continues to impact on their work
especially when it comes to exposing corruption. Since there are no ade-
quate legal safeguards for journalists, and few Constitutional provisions to
allow them to access information, they remain vulnerable to civil and crim-
inal charges. Currently, there are very few African countries with laws that
give the public including journalists democratic access to information
(Namusoke, 2018). Even the various calls for media law reforms have
been met with mixed responses from governments. Besides, the repressive
laws such as the state security protection are still often used to suppress the
press. In fact, some governments use these laws to punish journalists and
newspapers perceived as ‘enemies.’ It is not by coincidence that in the
wake of the multi-party politics, many African courts are now over-
whelmed with legal suits from individuals repeatedly accusing the press,
often with wrong motivates of treating them unfairly (Bouchaib, 2019).
Furthermore, in recent years in many countries in Africa, the detention
and imprisonment of journalists is often used by the government to curb
press freedom. This tactic is also used by the ruling authorities to discour-
age others from disseminating criticisms of the government. Moreover,
the detentions and regular imprisonments chill and freeze journalistic
expressions at least during the period that the journalists are in detention
and even when they are serving time in often very overcrowded and
unhealthy prison conditions (Meyen, Fiedler, & Schamberger, 2016).
Besides, in recent years, online journalism presence explosion following
the advent of internet and social media in Africa has led to many countries
developing some legal mechanisms which have intensified the harassment
of journalists in many countries in Africa (Banda, 2010). Moreover, there
is also an element of fear among many ruling authorities of being removed
from power by opposition groups using internet sites especially popular
social media. This situation has contributed to the crackdown by the rul-
ing authorities of all sensational online publication that rally the general
public, and which for example, was the case in the Tunisia and Egyptian
18 B. CHAMA
revolutions where social media largely contributed to the uprising (Khamis

& Vaughin, 2014).
Press Professional Practices

There are many debates that surround the professional practice of journal-
ists in many African countries, just as there are many political dynamics
that often impact on the professional behaviour of not only journalists,
but also the publications and their media institutions. For example, Mano
(2005) explains that many of the debates on the professional practice of
journalists in Africa are centred on the newsroom politics. These politics
indicate that professionalism of journalists is negotiated by many factors
which include the norms of the newspaper publication, to which journal-
ists are expected to adhere. If the publication is privately owned, the norms
might differ to that of a government publication. Even though journalists’
conformity is not automatic, as there exist journalism norms to which all
journalists are expected to follow, implicitly journalists are often aware of
where their publication stands. Besides, there also exist ethical taboos that
prevent many publishers from openly commanding journalists to follow
laid down policy, even though subtly owners command massive control
(Mano, 2005).
The political culture of the newsroom of many publications in Africa
impacts on the professional practice of journalism and even force journal-
ists to emulate the values of their newspapers. Besides, behind the news-
room rewards and recognitions, there are issues of press institutions
owners’ control and editors’ expectations. Just as in any capitalistic orga-
nization, journalists and editors are often appointed who can demonstrate
a likeminded personality within the press institution; and this becomes a
key to their management success. The positions are delegated to carry out
the managers’ expectations which then impacts on the professional prac-
tice of journalism. Indeed, in the end, the journalists come to know what
the press owners want them to do, and what is expected of them in the
workplace as often desired by owners (McNair, 1998).
The rise in social media and online journalism in Africa has increased
the desire for more news by many readers, and this has since led to urgency
in many media institutions and even publications when it comes to news
sourcing and dissemination (Mabweazara et al., 2014).
This situation has since impacted on the professional practice of jour-
nalists in many African countries. Moreover, the development in the
information communication technologies in many countries in Africa, has

also led to journalists to practice their profession in a hurry. It is this situ-
ation of news craving and urgency that has led the press to be accused by
their critics especially the ruling political authorities of paying less atten-
tion to news sourcing and presenting it in a hurry to satisfy readers. This
situation has also led to many press institutions and even journalists aban-
doning even the basic professional norms of verifying sources, while show-
ing clear bias and refusing to be held accountable (Mudhai, 2014). By so
doing, many of the African journalists and their press institutions are now
being accused of causing more harm to press freedom. Even though one
can argue that the press is in a hurry to clean up the African leadership
incompetency and mess, at least in so doing, there is need to verify the
sources which is a basic journalism professional practice. These profes-
sional challenges have exposed many African journalists to legal problems
while others ending up in prison (Kasoma, 1997).
The preoccupation with the profit margins has also continued to impact
on the professional practice of journalists in many countries in Africa.
Even though the press institutions need money to survive, and there is not
just enough advertising opportunities and clients base to attract, and the
government which is often the biggest advertiser in many countries tend
to be selective by providing advertising space for friendly publication, the
press institutions that have found sufficient money-making incentives,
have ended up turning their publications into ‘cash cows’ than the need to
inform and entertain the masses properly (Ongowo, 2011). It is this cut-
throat financial competition that has compromised the professional prac-
tice of many journalists and their press institutions. Indeed, many African
press institutions and their journalists are now ignoring the noble vocation
of serving the masses and focusing on serving the owners of the press
institutions and their financial interests, while being driven by profit mar-
gins, political convenience, and operating with the key desire to make
more money (Karikari, 2004).
However, despite the various criticisms on the professional practice of
many African journalists and their press institutions, they have the poten-
tial to play a major role in the democratic processes. For example, in some
countries with a more liberal understanding of the press, a trend is emerg-
ing in which journalists and their press institutions are now valued by the
masses as reliable information sources and society watchdogs (Phiri,
2008). Crucially, these journalists are now also being regarded by many
people as true servants of the public interest. There is also an
20 B. CHAMA
acknowledgement that the publications despite informing the masses,

they too need finances to remain sustainable and continue to inform the
masses. In the emerging countries with a liberal understanding of the press
institutions, journalism is also now seen as capable of serving both the
public and the private interests. Moreover, there is also a realization that
journalists are also vulnerable to the control of the political elites, their
institution owners, and their superiors, and that, journalists are human
beings before they are professionals, and are capable of pleasing their mas-
ters, their readers, their colleagues and their immediate superiors
(Mano, 2005).
The other emerging understanding is that journalists are professionals
who are highly motivated to speak to truth to power. This is especially
common in countries with authoritarian leadership and the realization of
the unfair treatment of many journalists who often publish content that
many people agree with on regular basis (Chonka, 2017). For example, in
countries were journalists have died recently in the line of duty such as
Kenya and Cameroun for example, there is also acknowledgement that
despite being courageous professionals, there are other people who hold
power over them. It is this power relation that impact on their news sourc-
ing, writing and editing (Zaid, 2017). Moreover, in many countries in
Africa, even though journalists are seen as courageous to speak the truth
to power, these journalists also pay attention to their own lives in terms of
safety while taking necessary precautions, they also pay attention to their
readers and their family members, their neighbours and to even their close
associates. Furthermore, it is also vital to stress here that despite these
journalists often making every effort to operate professionally, they also
need to earn a living through journalism and survive while enjoying the
social positions in society which comes with their profession (McNair, 1998).
Besides, there are an increasing number of countries in Africa that con-
tinue to support press freedom and to develop the laws and mechanisms
to protect journalists and their press institutions. For example, in Ghana,
even though the ruling authorities have provided a window of press free-
dom in recent years, the leaders regularly caution journalists against ‘reck-
less sensational’ practice. These political leaders often argue that the social
cost of press freedom can be too great if used irrationally especially in
African countries going through transitions from dictatorships to democ-
racy and those with regular ethnic tensions (Hasty, 2005). Furthermore,
there is also a common realization that since the press wield so much
power, it can be used negatively to promote hatred, or positively to
promote unity and educate the public about social and economic issues.
However, this can only happen if journalists are able to act professionally
and able to present information that allows the public to make reasoned
choices (Barratt & Berger, 2007). For example, the main argument that is
often used to suppress press freedom by many African leaders in mainly
authoritarian countries such as Rwanda, Djibouti and Eritrea for instance
is that due to the high levels of illiteracy in many Africa countries, the
masses are at risk of being misinformed. These authoritarian leaders argue
that the wrong information to the masses in unstable African countries, if
provided by unprofessional journalists, can lead to serious consequences.
Indeed, it is easy to whip up antagonistic sentiments which can easily influ-
ence the masses incapable of critical and level-headed analysis (Sobel &
McIntyre, 2017).
Finally, it is important to point out here that journalism when it comes
to the professional practice in many African countries, it is indeed, in the
process of continuous change for the better and in regular formation,
while open for honest and realistic guidance. For instance, one way of
strengthening the standards of press professionalism is to establish more
independent regulatory institutions across the continent (Mano, 2005).
Even though statutory regulatory agencies are generally well established
in some parts of the continent, but in many others, there is a need for
government support. Moreover, there is also a need to establish more
press unions to promote ethical standards and minimize state harassment
and damaging libel suits (Karikari, 2004).
Press Political Context

The press in many countries in Africa continue to operate under a rapidly
changing political landscape which often times is contradictory when it
comes to understanding what each country perceives to be press freedom
(Olukoshi, 2004). As one can imagine, there is often no consensus on the
most appropriate way to implement press freedom. Even though there are
regional bodies that have provided guidelines, many governments are still
uncomfortable with the perimeters. This makes it difficult to implement a
uniform understanding of press freedom with many scholars often divided
as well. For example, Ogbondah (1997) explains that the press in many
countries in Africa operate under a very complex political context and this
is largely because of a wide range of political situations. For instance, many
African politicians argue that given the continent’s unpredictable political
22 B. CHAMA
position, a colonial legacy and the fragility of some countries, a free press
in the Western sense can easily lead to instability and into internal chaos.
Therefore, they justify restrictions on press freedom as necessary for politi-
cal stability of the continent.
The curbing of press freedom in order to bring about stability as many
African leaders often argue when it comes to justifying their actions, is not
the pinnacle of ensuring stability and bring about full economic develop-
ment in Africa: In fact, the major cause of instability in many countries in
Africa is often the embezzlement and mismanagement of the public funds.
It is this behaviour by ruling politicians in many countries in Africa which
often results in poverty among the masses, and which leads to resentment
of leaders (Phiri, 2008). Furthermore, it is this situation that often triggers
instability and uprisings. It is for this reason that there is need for leaders
to be held accountable when it comes to the management of Africa’s
resources which has the potential to derail development efforts. Moreover,
even though development is not only dependant on establishing a free
press, but the ability of the press to investigate and unearth corruption
among political leaders, is an important element. This is because corrup-
tion has been identified by international donors and developed Western
countries as one of the reasons for the failure of development programmes
and initiatives in Africa (Sobel & McIntyre, 2017).
Furthermore, it is also important to point out here that there exists a
co-relation between press freedom and the economic development of
Africa. This is because the press which is free has the potential to assist in
the development of Africa and is capable of exposing mismanagement of
resources meant for national development. Arguably, the main factor that
has led to the disappointing levels of development in Africa is that its
political leaders embezzle public resources often with impunity (Namusoke,
2018). Almost every African leader sees the state as an apparatus for pri-
vate capital accumulation and political leadership is perceived as the best
way to make more money. It is largely the main reason why many political
leaders especially the ruling corrupt ones, are very uncomfortable with
journalists and press institutions that expose their activities. These corrupt
ruling leaders tend to heavily and very often ruthlessly punish journalists
who venture into their criminal behaviour with imprisonment and some-
times state-sponsored torture, and in many instances, even with suspicious
deaths (Phiri, 2008).
Therefore, the press is very critical in Africa’s political affairs especially
in exposing corruption, which has led to the plundering of Africa’s
resources that can be used to improve the standard of living for many
ordinary people with no access to the power apparatus. In fact, it is largely
due to corruption that the public money has ended up in the private pock-
ets and in overseas bank accounts of many ruling African leaders. It is
further evident as observed in some African countries that have provided
a window of opportunity for press freedom that a free press can assist in
exposing mismanagement, and by pointing out financial misconduct.
Indeed, the are many examples across the African continent in which the
press have actually exposed deep-rooted corruption with leaders being
held accountable (Ochilo, 1993).
For example, one can look at the case of Jacob Zumba, the former
South African president whose corruption scandals became regular feature
in the local press while informing the masses on many corrupt scandals
including on a US $2.5 billion arms deal. The former leader who was in
office from 2009 to 2018 was accused of money laundering and racketeer-
ing in the deal that involved European military hardware for the country’s
armed forces in the late 1990s. He was also at the centre of another cor-
rupt activity that involved his spending of the country’s public funds on a
swimming pool and other facilities at his private home in Nkandla, a rural
town in KwaZulu-Natal province. In fact, the South African media played
a very important role in providing a lot of details that help the masses to
understand the corruption scandals and the charges. Similarly, when for-
mer Zambian leader Frederick Chiluba was facing corruption and embez-
zlement charges on 168 counts of theft totalling over US $40 million, the
country’s private media played a very important role in informing the
masses on how the money was being diverted from the Ministry of Finance
into an account in the United Kingdom that was used to fund his clandes-
tine activities and high-end shopping lifestyle overseas. His wife Regina
Chiluba was also arrested and charged for receiving and spending stolen
money (Chama, 2019).
However, it is critical to stress that the press freedom enjoyment largely
depends on political context in many African countries and moreover, the
high levels of corruption in some countries with some level of freedom,
often attracts many stories. In fact, the press which largely covers corrup-
tion tend to make people realize that there exists massive looting across
the continent. It is this corrupt behaviour pattern that has since led to the
countries remaining impoverished despite the presence of natural resources
and heavy international donor funding. This book in the coming chapters
has also pointed out that in almost all the African countries covered, there
24 B. CHAMA
exists a systematic strategy of public funds stealing, which makes the press
critical partners in the fight against corruption. It is also very clear that
African governments that are serious in fighting corruption have since
seen the press as important in informing the masses (Agbese, 1988).
Unfortunately, in some African countries, the political leaders are
uncomfortable to allow the press to act as watchdogs, and many journal-
ists and press institutions are always under constant intimidation. Arguably,
this is because some political leaders are always under constant fear, that
allowing a free press in the Western world understanding of journalism
practice, would readily unearth the staggering proportions of general
incompetence and lack of accountability of public funds. Hence, these
political leaders are always trying to cover up their corruption by regularly
shutting the press institutions that regularly criticize them and even arrest-
ing whistleblower journalists. These press institutions are also often seen
as an impediment to political leaders’ interests as they often make the
public know the facts that leaders would love to be kept secret and out of
reach of the masses. Therefore, many political leaders in Africa place limi-
tations on the press as a way to stay in power and to continue looting the
public resources (Osia, 1987).
On the other hand, it is also important to acknowledge that there are
instances the press in some countries in Africa get entangled into politics
and even corruption in their quest to inform the masses and remain finan-
cially sustainable. For instance, it is evident that being adversarial towards
the ruling political leaders can result in the press being shut down easily. It
is this situation that at times makes it very difficult for the press to enjoy
freedom of expression. Therefore, joining forces with the ruling political
leaders and supporting their interests, at times, guarantee the publications
lifespan, however, the change of the ruling government, can be cata-
strophic. The reality is that by joining forces with the ruling politicians,
the press often becomes complicity in monitoring and exposing incompe-
tence while gaining access to advertising from the government, which is a
major advertiser in many countries (Banda, 2004). Moreover, in some
countries such as Cameroon for example, journalists are always being
accused of being involved in widespread corruption in what is locally
referred to as ‘Gombo’ in which journalists are often bribed to ‘kill’ some
stories. At times, journalists are also paid to attack some political oppo-
nents and provide good coverage something which is very unethical and
generally unprofessional in a country where journalists are poorly paid
(Ndangam, 2006).
This book notes that even though the free press cannot on its own
bring poverty and incompetence to an end in Africa, but it can expose
condition that allows it to persist. For example, the use of sensational lan-
guage and pictures to name and shame political leaders who embezzle
public funds to account, even though it comes with risks to journalists’
lives in some authoritarian countries, can lead to these behaviours to be
reduced. This can also help to send a message to would be offenders that
this behaviour is shameful and unacceptable, and that once caught, they
will be named and shamed in the court of public opinion. It is for this
reason that the press becomes critical partners in the development of the
African continent (Pratt, 1993).
Data Journalism in Tabloid Practice

There is an emerging trend of data tabloid journalism in many African
countries covered in this book which continue to expose many tabloid
journalists to frequent arrests by politicians especially orchestrated by rul-
ing political parties and impacting on press freedom. This data trend is
now exposing many tabloid journalists to many information sources in
which they are able to analyse various documents and databases and then
expose not only political statements inconsistencies and lies, but also
wrongdoing. Even though studies on data journalism in general in many
African countries remain scarce, there are emerging scholars that are look-
ing at the prospects and also challenges (Akinfemisoye-Adejare, 2019). In
tabloid journalism practice, data journalism now involves the use of differ-
ent data sources to offer context to a news story and explain it better. It is
becoming common in many African countries in which tabloid journalists
are using different datasets such as infographics, numbers, charts, statis-
tics, among others, as sources upon which the news stories are regularly
being based while directing readers carefully and properly to the real news
behind the headlines (Mutsvairo, Bebawi, & Borges-Rey, 2019).
The increase in the information flow due to digital technologies and
social media including other software programs has led to this emerging
new form of tabloid journalism as it has now become very important to
not only access this information but to be able to filter it properly. In fact,
tabloid journalists are now able to not only tell the story on the scene but
to provide context and explain in details what it really means to the readers
and help them connect parts (Muneri, 2019). For example, in many
African countries, tabloid newspapers are now able to provide information
26 B. CHAMA
that uncover scandals and provide context to their reporting often by ana-
lysing numerous information sources and incidents. The data collected is
often assembled properly and logically to inform the readers about the
state of affairs of their countries and sometimes calls for law enforcement
agencies to act and investigate the datasets provided (Nduhura, 2019). In
other instances, after providing massive data, tabloid newspapers even
make policy recommendations and the need for new legislations. It is also
evident for many tabloid journalists and newspapers that have embraced
data journalism that it is now able to provide them with deeper insights
into their news stories and also enhancing their news writing and report-
ing (Mutsvairo et al., 2019).
However, the need to offer context to news stories and analyse infor-
mation carefully by consulting different sources that data journalism offers
to tabloid journalists has come with many challenges that now impact on
the press freedom enjoyment. This is because sometimes tabloid journal-
ists are able to connect missing information, often provided by news mark-
ers especially by those who might want the news to be kept out the general
public. If for instance such news markers as individuals have access to
instruments of power, they are able to use various mechanisms such as
arrests and intimidation of tabloid journalists to suppress them from fur-
ther pursuing the news stories and inform their readers clearly and accu-
rately (Muneri, 2019).
Despite the emerging challenges of using data tabloid journalism to
press freedom, there is evidence that in many African countries, tabloid
newspapers that provide detailed examination of datasets, can lead to clear
and more concrete news results on issues and topics of national interest.
Moreover, data tabloid journalism is also being used to reveal very often
hidden political and economical agendas, that might not be visible to
many readers when first reported as news and might not even initially be
considered as a priority news (Akinfemisoye-Adejare, 2019). For example,
this book’s chapter on tabloids in Southern Africa and emerging cyber-
space laws shows that authorities are now realizing how multiple sources
of information can actually enhance data-driven tabloid journalism and
how it is leading to many tabloid journalists to have and utilize different
sources of information especially from online databases to report concrete
news and information to the readers with clear context of what is behind
the news (Moyo, 2019). Furthermore, data tabloid journalism is also
helping tabloid journalists to understand information by explaining the
truth behind many of the political statements and make connections
between assertions and facts (Mutsvairo, 2019). It is also allowing many

tabloid journalists to verify the claims often made by many politicians and
even elites with influence. In addition, it is providing opportunities for
tabloid journalists to cover many important and potentially life-changing
stories in their respective countries for many readers which they could not
access before (Muneri, 2019).
In many African countries covered in this book, data journalism is also
providing many tabloid journalists with the ability to filter massive sources
of information and tell a concrete news story to their readers. For instance,
tabloid journalists are now able to dig deeper into many stories and news
leads that might otherwise have been missed by many journalists and
reporters (Nduhura, 2019). The fact that there are now many digital data-
bases in existences because of the improvements in media technologies in
recent years in many countries in Africa, it is now much easier than before
for tabloid journalists to analyse critically the news and even able to link
stories on an issue of critical importance and public interest, while filling
missing gaps with evidence to tell a clear story to their readers
(Akinfemisoye-Adejare, 2019). Furthermore, data journalism has given
many tabloid journalists more credibility as their tabloid newspapers are
now able to show how they arrived at their conclusions and the sources of
information which were consulted while guiding their readers properly
and persuasively (Moyo, 2019). This is despite the many challenges that
continue to impact on press freedom, as many more and more tabloid
journalists continue to embrace data journalism as discussed in this book
in considerable depth, including the question of reliability of information,
and the motive of the news reporters and their newspapers when it comes
to news writing and reporting (Mutsvairo et al., 2019).
Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa:

An Outline
This book looks at tabloid journalism and press freedom in Africa. It anal-
yses emerging trends, challenges, successes and lessons learned to improve
the situation. This book is structured in seven chapters. This opening
Chap. 1 offers an introduction to tabloid journalism and press freedom in
Africa. Chapter 2 discusses tabloids in Southern Africa and emerging
cyberspace laws. Chapter 3 looks at public order and the impact of national
security laws on tabloids in North Africa. Chapter 4 analyses the impact of
28 B. CHAMA
defamation laws on tabloids in West Africa. Chapter 5 discusses the false

news laws impact on tabloids in East Africa. Chapter 6 looks at sedition
and treason laws and the effect on tabloids in Central Africa. Chapter 7
provides the final word reflecting on tabloid journalism and press freedom
in Africa while looking to the future.
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CHAPTER 2
Tabloids in Southern Africa and Emerging

Cyberspace Laws
Introduction
Across the Southern African region, tabloid journalism practice regularly
put journalists in conflict with law enforcement agencies because of its
sensational nature of screaming headlines accompanied by colourful pic-
tures. Moreover, generally across the region, the politicians too often
become jittery and uncomfortable with sensational reporting that often
present information mixed with entertainment to the general public. It is
with this regard that courtrooms and prisons are often crowded with tab-
loid journalists and owners of the tabloid press institutions. Besides, in this
age of online journalism and social media, many people in the Southern
African region have become active users of online media platforms and a
common criticism that is emerging against online tabloids is that they
peddle sensationalism instead of providing information able to contribute
to democratic citizenship (Chama, 2017). The online tabloids are now
being accused of reducing their readers to the role of consumers and pre-
venting them from being critical citizens when they are exposed to sensa-
tional online materials. However, many tabloid newspapers continue to
argue that they articulate the politics of the everyday lives for readers
whose formal politics are often far removed from their lived experience,
and that they play a critical role in informing the masses especially those
unable to read detailed information (Wasserman, 2010). However, the
governments in some regional countries have started to develop cyber-
space laws to control online tabloid newspapers and other similar
© The Author(s) 2020 33

B. Chama, Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48868-0_2
34 B. CHAMA
publications with an online presence. These laws are now affecting not
only the producers of information but also the online users who are able
to access this information online (Peterson & Doctors, 2013).
This chapter looks at tabloid newspapers in Southern Africa and the
emerging cyberspace laws. It focuses on Angola, Botswana, Lesotho,
Mozambique, Madagascar, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland,
Zambia and Zimbabwe. It argues that across the region, tabloid journal-
ism practice regularly put journalists in conflict with law enforcement
agencies because of its sensational nature of screaming headlines accompa-
nied by colourful pictures. It notes that politicians often become uncom-
fortable with sensational reporting. It argues that the advent of online
journalism and social media have led to many tabloids embracing these
platforms with many readers become active users and participants. It notes
that governments across the region have started to develop cyberspace
laws to control online media activities seriously affecting tabloid newspa-
pers with an online presence. It argues that these laws are now affecting
journalists and their publications and users who are able to access this
information online. It concludes while looking at different tabloids in the
region that the online laws that are emerging will continue to impact on
press freedom and general citizens’ rights to freedom of expression.
Mapping Print and Online Tabloids

in Southern Africa
There are so many tabloid newspapers that operate in print and online in
the Southern African region and a close analysis show an emerging trend
of tabloids that once operated and struggled in print format and even
those which in recent years ceased operation are now emerging with an
online presence and having a social media feed to broaden their readers
(Mutsvairo, 2016). There continue to be a rise in the number of readers
that consume tabloid newspapers in print and these numbers are also
being observed on the online platforms of the tabloid newspapers and
their social media feeds (Chama, 2019). Perhaps the main reason why so
many people continue to get attracted to online tabloid newspapers in
Southern Africa is due to their news format which is often crisp in terms
of texts accompanied by colourful pictures and videos which help many
readers in the comprehension of the content while engaging them effec-
tively (Jotia, 2018). However, online tabloid newspapers continue to
2 TABLOIDS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND EMERGING CYBERSPACE LAWS 35
experience resistance from several forces in Southern Africa who include

religious groups, politicians and cultural conservatives who see the online
genre as breaking down the cultural norms (Salgado, 2014). Other critical
voices in many Southern African countries often argue that the online
tabloid newspapers are not only lowering the professional practice of jour-
nalism as traditionally understood (Chama, 2017), but are also now cul-
prits in spreading sensational gossip and innuendos while using their social
media outlets. It is this criticism that has resulted on the government in
many Southern African countries to start developing laws in order to
monitor online behaviour (Mabweazara, 2018).
Even though both print and online tabloid journalism practice exists in
different genres in Southern Africa, the common observation is that the
news is often accompanied by screaming headlines, colourful pictures and
sensationalism in news content which is graphically presented (Mare,
2013). The tabloid genre is generally meant to attract the reader to look
at every content either in print or online which often involve brief stories
with an emotive touch. It is a genre that continues to divide opinions in
many Southern African countries regarding press freedom (Wasserman,
2010). However, the major area of criticism is whether this form of jour-
nalism either in print or online should be taken seriously due to its ten-
dency to play with peoples’ emotions in name of press freedom perimeters.
On the other hand, its supporters continue to argue that press freedom
should encompass voices even those one might not agree with as long they
are not breaking any law (Berger, 2007).
It is within this regard that the treatment of tabloid journalists, news-
papers either in print or online, including the tabloid press institutions
vary remarkedly across the Southern African region. Even when it comes
to the harassment of tabloid journalists, there exist widespread variations
when one looks at South Africa for example in comparison with its neigh-
bouring Zimbabwe. It is for this reason that across the Southern African
region, many tabloid journalists continue either to enjoy press freedom to
a reasonable measure, while others continue to face varying degrees of
intimidation especially when it comes to investigations into the corrupt
practices of government officials which is the central focus of many tab-
loids, with key reporters becoming specialists in this field and increasingly
finding themselves under regular attacks especially in Mozambique and
Zambia (Banda, 2010).
Indeed, there are now measures by governments to restrict print and
online tabloid newspapers including their social media feeds and platforms
36 B. CHAMA
which is a threat to press freedom in Southern Africa which includes either

publication closure or just denial of service for the online publications
(Mabweazara, 2014). Other measures to control tabloid cyberspace
includes arrest and detention of journalists suspected to be behind the
online tabloid articles, physical torture, imprisonment, expulsion of for-
eigners linked to online tabloid news articles, and general intimidation and
threats. Despite these challenges that online tabloid journalists continue
to encounter on regular basis because of the emerging online laws, what is
evident is that even though press freedom is an ideal, in this age of online
tabloid journalism and social media in Southern Africa, it is becoming very
critical in the development of the Southern Africa’s democracy
(Chama, 2012).
Emerging Cyberspace Laws and Tabloid Journalism

The emerging cyberspace laws in Southern Africa are not only targeting
online tabloid journalism practice but also other media institutions and
individual citizens. There are currently many people in Southern Africa
using online tabloids and their social media platforms and the emerging
laws are now impacting on their press freedom and freedom of expression
online. There is also an emerging pattern in regional countries showing
that ruling politicians seems to be worried that such platforms could be
used to foment revolt (Moyo, 2011). Many of the leaders in the region
seem to be unprepared and are seeing the threats emerging and are now
racing to tighten their grip on power by proposing and developing tele-
communication and cyberspace laws. The emerging online tabloid news-
papers which are now being accompanied by the social media revolution
continue to drive the change in Southern Africa while connecting many
people to internet while online journalism continue to flourish. Meanwhile,
many information communication technology experts continue to warn
the Southern African governments to be extremely careful and avoid being
exposed to online criminals who have the potential to disrupt not only the
political stability but very important infrastructures. However, critics con-
tinue to argue that the emerging laws are now clamping down on the use
of online platforms that promote good governance, mobilize citizen
engagement and express dissent (Kihara & Njeri, 2016).
For example, Zambia is among the earliest adopters of internet in sub-
Sahara Africa with the installation of satellite technology and dial-up at the
University of Zambia in the early 1990s. It is also the first country in
2 TABLOIDS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND EMERGING CYBERSPACE LAWS 37
sub-Sahara Africa to censor online content when in 1996 the government

demanded the removal of the banned edition of The Post tabloid newspa-
per from the publication website and threatened legal action and crimi-
nally liable against the Internet Service Providers Zamnet. Similarly, in
July 2004 Zambia introduced a new internet crime bill that was to see
convicted hackers facing up to 25 years in jail arguing that the country’s
existing legal system did not address the high-tech cybercrimes. The gov-
ernment also argued that hacking was becoming a major problem in the
country with critics pointing out that the law would make access to inter-
net very difficult. This followed the famous case of cybercrime after the
hacking of the government website which saw the country’s president by
then Frederick Chiluba’s picture being replaced with a cartoon. The sus-
pected person who was accused of hacking the website was charged with
defaming the head of state, but the case failed because there was no law in
Zambia to deal with cybercrimes.
Moreover, in July 2013, three online tabloid newspapers—Zambia
Reports, Zambia Watchdog and the Barotse Post were all blocked in the
country until April 2014 apparently for their critical coverage of the ruling
Patriotic Front and its leader Michael Sata. Moreover, in April 2018, the
government introduced the Cybersecurity and Cybercrimes Draft Bill
with provisions that critiques argue will infringe on internet freedom as it
provides penalties for up to one year in prison. Its wording is so vague that
states ‘any use of electronic communication with intent to intimidate,
coerce, cause and harass, leading to substantial emotional distress to a
person’ could be prosecuted. Many critics argue that the law could be
used to crackdown even on legitimate online expression and constructive
criticism of political leaders by tabloid newspapers. Even though the coun-
try’s Constitution protects press freedom, but the Defamation Act of
1964 criminalizes defamation while the State Security Act of 1969 is often
used to intimidate online activity by tabloid newspapers. Moreover, the
government continues to shelve freedom of information bill while journal-
ists continue to experience violence in their work and retaliation for their
online reporting often from partisan supporters of the ruling political par-
ties especially in recent years (Chama, 2019).
Similarly, Mozambique’s government regularly monitors online media
and even tabloid newspapers activities especially content that are critical of
officials. For example, in 2017 several online media platforms reported
that journalists that expressed critical views of the ruling government
received threatening text messages on their WhatsApp and Facebook
38 B. CHAMA
accounts. Many tabloid journalists are now cautious when it comes to

expressing political opinions online in fear of repercussion. There are also
reports regularly in many media institutions of government intelligence
agents monitoring online activities. This is despite the passage of the free-
dom of information law in 2014 which was well received by many media
institutions. However, the law is not taken serious by many government
officials. For example, it compels officials to respond to information query
within 21 days. But still many journalists do not get requested information
even after the specified period. Besides, even though online tabloid news-
papers have limited presence with many being published in Portuguese,
which is spoken by about 11 per cent of the population, threats to tabloid
journalists continue to increase (Tsandzana, 2018).
For instance, an editor of online Diario Noticias newspaper Paulo
Machava was in 2015 fatally shot in the capital Maputo along Vladimir
Lenin Avenue. He was skilled in the morning around 6 a.m. while jogging
before going to work. The gun men reportedly fired fatal shots from their
moving car. The journalist before his death had also worked for another
weekly tabloid Savana and often expressed support for journalists being
persecuted. Besides regular threats to journalists, the government also
tends to charge those operating online often using the notorious Crimes
Against State Security laws (Mare, 2014). For example, in 2014, academic
researcher Carlos Nuno Castel-Branco was summoned by the Maputo
Attorney General’s Office for questioning over Facebook comment posted
in December 2013 critical of President Armando Guebuza. At the same
time, tabloid journalists Fernando Mbanze and Fernando Veloso were also
arrested and charged for ‘illegal media activity’ and for ‘threatening state
security’ after publishing the same comment in their publications Mediafax
and Canal de Mocambique. This is despite the new Constitution guaran-
teeing press freedom even though the 1991 Press Law contains limitations
on national security grounds and defamation (Salgado, 2014).
It is vital to note here that even countries such as South Africa which is
arguably regarded as a leader in print and online tabloid journalism and
press freedom in Africa continue to face new cyber laws challenges. This is
despite the Bill of Rights in the Constitution guaranteeing press freedom
under Section 16 which also provides the right to press freedom and
Section 32 (1) which gives the right to access information (Berger, 2011).
Moreover, the country’s tabloid Daily Sun is the largest daily tabloid
newspaper not only in Southern Africa but also in Africa with sales of over
5,000,000 with an active online presence as well (Wasserman, 2010).
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
(1839-51)
I COSTA-CABRAL 143
1. Os ordeiros 143
2. A restauração da Carta 153
3. A Doutrina 158
II A REACÇÃO 170
1. A coalisão dos partidos 170
2. Torres-Novas e Almeida 175
3. A Maria-da-Fonte 183
III A GUERRA CIVIL 197
1. O 6 de outubro 197
2. A Junta do Porto 213
3. O Espectro 227
4. A primavera de 47 239
IV OS IMPENITENTES 259
1. O cadaver da nação 259
2. O conde de Thomar 269
LIVRO SEXTO
A REGENERAÇÃO
(1851-68)
I ALEXANDRE HERCULANO 283
1. A ultima revolta 283
2. O fim do Romanismo 293
3. O Solitario de Val-de-Lobos 302
II A LIQUIDAÇÃO DO PASSADO 328
1. A rapoza e suas manhas 328
2. A conversão da divida 334
3. Os historicos 348
III AS GERAÇÕES NOVAS 360
1. A iniciação pelo fomento 360
2. O iberismo 367
3. O socialismo 381
4. D. Pedro v 389
IV CONCLUSÕES 402
1. As questões constitucionaes 402
2. As questões economicas 413
3. As questões geographicas 419
APPENDICES
A. Chronologia 433
B. Os ministerios liberaes 445
C. Os ministros de D. Miguel 451
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Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa 1St Ed Edition Brian Chama Full Chapter PDF

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Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom

in Africa 1st ed. Edition Brian Chama

British Media Coverage of the Press Reform Debate:

Freedom, Indeterminism, and Fallibilism 1st ed. Edition

Gender and HIV in South Africa 1st ed. Edition

Class and Community in Provincial Ireland, 1851–1914

Gender, Protests and Political Change in Africa 1st ed.

Newsmaking Cultures in Africa 1st ed. Edition Hayes

The Environmental Crunch in Africa 1st ed. Edition Jon

Risk Journalism between Transnational Politics and

ISBN 978-3-030-48867-3 ISBN 978-3-030-48868-0 (eBook)

Cover illustration: Alex Linch shutterstock.com

The understanding of press freedom and tabloid journalism practice in

1 Introduction: Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in

2 Tabloids in Southern Africa and Emerging Cyberspace Laws 33

3 Public Order and National Security Laws Impact on

4 The Impact of Defamation Law on Tabloids in Western

5 False News Laws Impact on Tabloids in East Africa111

6 Sedition and Treason Laws and Effect on Tabloids in

7 The Final Word155

African Countries Index183

Introduction: Tabloid Journalism and Press

© The Author(s) 2020 1

Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom

emergence of tabloid journalism with their sensational genre continues to

further accuse tabloids as operating outside the boundaries of press free-

Situating Press Freedom

there exists statutory force to press freedom, challenges still remain in

Concept of Press Freedom

government leaders that press freedom denote a fundamental human right

Measuring Press Freedom

The Media Institute of Southern Africa is also another organization

Harassment of the Press

Furthermore, another issue that attracts harassment of journalists in

The anti-terrorism laws in the country heavily impact on the enjoyment of

revolutions where social media largely contributed to the uprising (Khamis

Press Professional Practices

information communication technologies in many countries in Africa, has

acknowledgement that the publications despite informing the masses,

Press Political Context

Data Journalism in Tabloid Practice

between assertions and facts (Mutsvairo, 2019). It is also allowing many

Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in Africa:

defamation laws on tabloids in West Africa. Chapter 5 discusses the false

Murthy, C. (2012). State owned media and democratization in Eritrea. Global

Sobel, M., & McIntyre, K. (2017). Reconstructing Rwanda: How Rwandan

Tabloids in Southern Africa and Emerging

© The Author(s) 2020 33

Mapping Print and Online Tabloids

experience resistance from several forces in Southern Africa who include

which is a threat to press freedom in Southern Africa which includes either

Emerging Cyberspace Laws and Tabloid Journalism

sub-Sahara Africa to censor online content when in 1996 the government

accounts. Many tabloid journalists are now cautious when it comes to

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

START: FULL LICENSE

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the

1 Introduction: Tabloid Journalism and Press Freedom in

2 Tabloids in Southern Africa and Emerging Cyberspace Laws 33

3 Public Order and National Security Laws Impact on

4 The Impact of Defamation Law on Tabloids in Western

5 False News Laws Impact on Tabloids in East Africa111

6 Sedition and Treason Laws and Effect on Tabloids in

7 The Final Word155

African Countries Index183