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The Challengeof
Democracy
AmericanGovernment
in Global Politics
Fifteenth Edition
KennethJanda
Northwestern University
Jeffrey M. Berry
Tufts University
Jerry Goldman
Northwestern University
DeborahJ. Schildkraut
Tufts University
Paul Manna
William & Mary
Australia Brazil Mexico Singapore United Kingdom United States
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Government in Global Politics, Fifteenth
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Printed in the United States of America
Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2020
Brief Contents
PartI Dilemmas of Democracy
Chapter 1 Freedom, Order, or Equality? 2
Chapter 2 Majoritarian or Pluralist Democracy? 28
PartII Foundations of American Government

Chapter 3 The Constitution 48
Chapter 4 Federalism 82
Part III Linking People with Government

Chapter 5 Public Opinion and Political Socialization 114
Chapter 6 The Media 144
Chapter 7 Participation and Voting 172
Chapter 8 Political Parties 202
Chapter 9 Nominations, Elections, and Campaigns 230
Chapter 10 Interest Groups 264
PartIV Institutions of Government

Chapter 11 Congress 292
Chapter 12 The Presidency 322
Chapter 13 The Bureaucracy 354

Chapter 14 The Courts 384
Part V Civil Liberties and Civil Rights

Chapter 15 Order and Civil Liberties 414
Chapter 16 Equality and Civil Rights 448
Part VI Making Public Policy

Chapter 17 Economic Policy 482
Chapter 18 Policymaking and Domestic Policy 508
Appendix A-1
The Declaration of Independence A-1
The Constitution of the United States of America A-3
Glossary G-1
Notes N-1
Index I-1
iii
Contents
Letter to Instructors x Chapter2: Majoritarian or
Letter to Students xii
Pluralist Democracy? 28
Resources xv
Acknowledgments xvii 2-1 The Theory of Democratic Government 30

Dedication xix The Meaning and Symbolism of Democracy 30
About the Authors xx The Procedural View of Democracy 31
Career Opportunities: Political Science xxii
2-2 A Complication: Direct versus Indirect
Democracy 32
Part I Dilemmas of Democracy The Substantive View of Democracy 33
Procedural Democracy versus Substantive

Chapter1: Freedom, Order, Democracy 34
or Equality? 2 2-3 Institutional Models of Democracy 35

The Majoritarian Model of Democracy 36
1-1 The Globalization of American Government 5
An Alternative Model: Pluralist Democracy 37
1-2 The Purposes of Government 8
The Majoritarian Model versus the Pluralist
Maintaining Order 8 Model 39
Providing Public Goods 9 An Undemocratic Model: Elite Theory 40
Promoting Equality 10
2-4 Elite Theory versus Pluralist Theory 41
1-3 A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing 2-5 The Global Challenge of Democratization 42
Government 11
Establishing Democracies 42
1-4 The Concepts of Freedom, Order,
American Democracy: Pluralist and Majoritarian 43
and Equality 12
Freedom 13
Order 14
Part II Foundations of American Government
Equality 15
Chapter3: The Constitution 48
1-5 Two Dilemmas of Government 16
The Original Dilemma: Freedom versus Order 16
3-1 The Revolutionary Roots of the
Constitution 50
The Modern Dilemma: Freedom versus Equality 17
Freedom in Colonial America 50
1-6 Ideology and the Scope of Government 18
The Road to Revolution 51
Totalitarianism 18
Revolutionary Action 52
Socialism 19
The Declaration of Independence 53
Capitalism 20
3-2 From Revolution to Confederation 56
Libertarianism 20
The Articles of Confederation 57
Anarchism 21
Disorder Under the Confederation 58
Liberals and Conservatives: The Narrow Middle 21
3-3 From Confederation to Constitution 58
1-7 American Political Ideologies and the
Purpose of Government 22 The Virginia Plan 59
Liberals versus Conservatives: The New The New Jersey Plan 60
Differences 22 The Great Compromise 61
A Two-Dimensional Classification of Ideologies 23 Compromise on the Presidency 61
iv
3-4 The Final Product 62 Part III Linking People with Government
The Basic Principles 63
The Articles of the Constitution 65

Chapter 5: Public Opinion and
The Framers’ Motives 68 Political Socialization 114
The Slavery Issue 68
5-1 Public Opinion andthe Models of Democracy 116
3-5 Selling the Constitution 70
5-2 The Distribution of Public Opinion 120
The Federalist Papers 71
Measuring the Distribution of Public Opinion 120
A Concession: The Bill of Rights 72
Shape of the Distribution 122
Ratification 73
5-3 Political Socialization 125
3-6 Constitutional Change 73
The Agents of Early Socialization 125
The Formal Amendment Process 73
5-4 Social Groups and Political Values 128
Interpretation by the Courts 75
Education 130
Political Practice 76
Income 130
3-7 An Evaluation of the Constitution 77
Region 130
Freedom, Order, and Equality in the Constitution 77
Ethnicity and Race 131
The Constitution and Models of Democracy 78
Religion 132
Gender 133
Chapter 4: Federalism 82
5-5 From Values to Ideology 134
4-1 Theories and Metaphors 84 The Degree of Ideological Thinking in Public Opinion 134
Dual Federalism 84 The Quality of Ideological Thinking in Public Opinion 135
Cooperative Federalism 85 Ideological Types in the United States 135
Dual, Cooperative, or Something Else? 86 5-6 Forming Political Opinions 138

4-2 Federalism’s Dynamics 87 Political Knowledge 138
National Crises and Demands 87 Costs, Benefits, and Cues 140
Judicial Interpretation 88 Political Leadership 141
Grants-in-Aid 91
Professionalization of State Governments 93 Chapter6: The Media 144

4-3 Ideology, Policymaking, and American
6-1 The Development of the Mass Media
Federalism 95
in the United States 146
Ideology, Policymaking, and Federalism
Newspapers 147
in Theory 95
Radio 148
National Intervention in State Functions 98
Television 149
Ideology, Policymaking, and Federalism
in Practice 99 The Internet 150
4-4 Federalism and Electoral Politics 100 6-2 Private Ownership of the Media 152
National Capital–State Capital Links 100 The Consequences of Private Ownership 154
Congressional Redistricting 101 The Concentration of Private Ownership 156
4-5 Federalism and the American 6-3 Government Regulation of the Media 157
Intergovernmental System 102 Technical and Ownership Regulations 157
Thousands of Governments 103 Regulation of Content 158
Crosscutting Responsibilities 105 6-4 Functions of the Mass Mediafor the

4-6 Federalism and the International System 106 Political System 159
American Federalism, Immigration, and Refugee Reporting the News 161
Policy 106 Interpreting and Presenting the News 162
Federalism Across the Globe 107 Setting the Political Agenda 165
4-7 Federalism, Pluralism, and Majoritarianism 109 Socializing the Citizenry 166
Contents
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6-5 Evaluating the Media in Government 167 8-3 The American Two-Party System 213
Is Reporting Biased? 167 Minor Parties in America 213
Contributions to Democracy 168 Why a Two-Party System? 215
Effects on Freedom, Order, and Equality 169 The Federal Basis of the Party System 218
Party Identification in America 218

Chapter7: Participation 8-4 Party Ideology and Organization 221
and Voting 172 Differences in Party Ideology 222
National Party Organization 224

7-1 Democracy and Political Participation 174
State and Local Party Organizations 226
7-2 Unconventional Participation 175
Congressional versus External Party
Support for Unconventional Participation 176
Organizations 226
The Effectiveness of Unconventional Participation 177
8-5 The Model of Responsible Party
Unconventional Participation Around the World 178
Government 227
7-3 Conventional Participation 178
Supportive Behavior 179
Chapter 9: Nominations, Elections,
Influencing Behavior 179
Conventional Participation in America 182

and Campaigns 230
7-4 Participating Through Voting 183 9-1 The Evolution of Campaigning 232
Expansion of Suffrage 183 9-2 Nominations 233
Voting on Policies 185 Nomination for Congress and State Offices 233
Voting for Candidates 189 Nomination for President 235
7-5 Explaining Political Participation 191 9-3 Elections 240

Patterns of Participation over Time 191 Presidential Elections and the Electoral
The Standard Socioeconomic Explanation 192 College 241
Low Voter Turnout in America 192 Congressional Elections 245
7-6 Participation and Freedom, Equality, 9-4 Campaigns 246

and Order 196 The Political Context 246
Participation and Freedom 196 Financing 246
Participation and Equality 196 Strategies and Tactics 250
Participation and Order 197 9-5 Explaining Voting Choice 254

7-7 Participation and the Models of Party Identification 255
Democracy 198 Issues and Policies 255
Participation and Majoritarianism 199 Candidates’ Attributes 256
Participation and Pluralism 199 Evaluating the Voting Choice 257
Campaign Effects 258

Chapter8: Political Parties 202 9-6 Campaigns, Elections, and Parties 260
8-1 Political Parties and Their Functions 204 Parties and the Majoritarian Model 260
What Is a Political Party? 204 Parties and the Pluralist Model 261
Party Functions 205
8-2 A History of US Party Politics 206 Chapter10: Interest Groups 264

The Preparty Period 207
10-1 Interest Groups and the American
The First Party System: Federalists and Democratic
Republicans 207
Political Tradition 266
Interest Groups and American Democracy 266
The Second Party System: Democrats and Whigs 209
The Roles of Interest Groups 267
The Current Party System: Democrats and
Republicans 210 10-2 What Interests Are Represented? 270
Eras of Party Dominance Since the Civil War 210 How Interests Get Organized 272
vi Contents
10-3 How DoInterest Groups Exert Influence? 275 Chapter12: The Presidency 322
Members 275
12-1 The Constitutional Basis of Presidential
Lobbyists 276
Power 324
Political Action Committees 277
Initial Conceptions of the Presidency 324
Lobbying Tactics 279
The Powers of the President 324
Direct Lobbying 280
12-2 The Expansion of Presidential Power 326
Information Campaigns 282
The Growth of Formal Powers 326
Coalition Building 284
The Inherent Powers 327
10-4 AreInterest Groups Effective? 284
Unilateral Action 328
Legislative 285
Congressional Delegation of Power 329
Lobbying Beyondthe Legislative Branch 285
12-3 The Executive Branch Establishment 329
10-5 Is the System Biased? 286
The Executive Office of the President 329
Membership Patterns 286
The Vice President 331
Business Mobilization 286
The Cabinet 331
Citizen Groups 288
12-4 Presidential Leadership 332
Reform 289
Presidential Character 333
The President’s Power to Persuade 334

Part IV Institutions of Government The President and the Public 335
The Political Context 336

Chapter 11: Congress 292
12-5 The President as National Leader 340
11-1 The Origin and Powers of Congress 294 From Political Values . . . 340
The Great Compromise 294 . . . to Policy Agenda 342
Duties of the House and Senate 294
Chief Lobbyist 342
11-2 Electing Congress 295 Party Leader 343
The Incumbency Effect 295
12-6 The President as World Leader 344
Whom Do We Elect? 299
Foreign Relations 344
11-3 HowIssues Geton the Congressional Agenda 303 Constitutional Ambiguities 346
11-4 The Lawmaking Process and the Importance Making Foreign Policy: Organization and Cast 348
of Committees 304 Checks on Presidential Power 351
Committees: The Workhorses of Congress 306
Congressional Expertise and Seniority 307

Chapter 13: The Bureaucracy 354
Oversight: Following Through on Legislation 308
Majoritarian and Pluralist Views of Committees 309 13-1 Bureaucracy in a Democracy 356
11-5 Leaders and Followers in Congress 310 Conceptualizing Bureaucracy 356
The Leadership Task 310 Unavoidable Tensions 357
Rules of Procedure 311 13-2 Bureaucracies at Work 359

How a Bill Becomes a Law in an Era of Partisan Bureaucratic Roles 359
Polarization 312 Leading the Bureaucracy 361
11-6 The Legislative Environment 314 Bureaucratic Organization 363
Political Parties 314 Government Bureaucracies in Networks 365
The President 314 13-3 Bureaucratic Decision Making 367
Constituents 315 Bureaucrats as Satisficers 367
Interest Groups 315 Factors Bearing on Bureaucratic Decision Making 368
11-7 The Dilemma of Representation 316 Limits to Bureaucratic Innovation and Cooperation 370
Trustees or Delegates? 317 13-4 Representative Bureaucracy 373
Pluralism, Majoritarianism, and Democracy 318 Defining and Applying the Concept of Representative
Parliamentary Government 318 Bureaucracy 373
Pluralism vs. Majoritarianism in Congress 318 Potential Mechanisms at Work 374
Contents vi
13-5 Controlling the Bureaucracy 376 15-4 The Right to Bear Arms 435
Executive and Legislative Tug-of-War 377 15-5 The Rights of the Accused 437
Courts and the Bureaucracy 380 Courtroom Procedures 437
Law Enforcement in the Field 438
Chapter 14: The Courts 384 15-6 The Ninth Amendment and Personal
14-1 Organization of the American Judiciary 386 Autonomy 442
The Right to Privacy and Abortion 442
Entering and Exiting the System 386
Privacy, Personal Autonomy, and Sexual Orientation 444
US District Courts 388
US Courts of Appeals 388

Chapter 16: Equality and Civil
US Supreme Court 390
14-2 The US Supreme Court at Work 390 Rights 448

People 390 16-1 Competing Traditions and the Struggle
Access to the Court 393 for Civil Rights 450
Decision Making on the Supreme Court 395 Conceptualizing Equality 450
14-3 National Judicial Supremacy 397 Opportunities to Seize and Legacies to Overcome 451
Emergence of Judicial Review 398 16-2 Equality for Black Americans 452
The Exercise of Judicial Review 399 Apparent Freedom Becomes Segregation 453
14-4 Judicial Appointments 400 Courtroom Efforts to Dismantle Barriers to Full

Citizenship 454
Appointing Federal Judges 400
Legislative Efforts to Advance Civil Rights 457
Supreme Court Appointments 402
Impact of Appointments on the Composition

16-3 Women’s Rights 460
of the Judiciary 405 Protectionism 461
14-5 Judicial Policymaking and Politics 407 Victory and Defeat in the Amendment Process 462
Judges as Policymakers 407 Prohibiting Sex-Based Discrimination in the

Workplace 462
Judicial Restraint and Judicial Activism 407
Additional Stereotypes Under Scrutiny 463
Ideology and Judicial Policymaking 408
Public Opinion and the Supreme Court’s Policy

16-4 Equality for LGBTQ+ People 465
Preferences 409 From Fringe Movement to Mainstream 466
14-6 The Courts and Models of Democracy 409 Marriage Equality 467
Other Limits and Possibilities 469
Gender Identity 469

Part V Civil Liberties and Civil Rights
16-5 Pluralism and the Expanding Equality
Chapter 15: Order and Civil Agenda 471
Native Americans 471
Liberties 414
Immigrant Groups 473
15-1 The Bill of Rights 416 Americans with Disabilities 475
Distinguishing Between Civil Liberties and Civil
College Students and Affirmative Action 476
Rights 416
Applying the Bill of Rights to the States: The Fourteenth

Amendment and Due Process 418
Part VI Making Public Policy
15-2 Freedom of Religion 420

Chapter 17: Economic Policy 482
The Establishment Clause 420
The Free-Exercise Clause 424 17-1 Theories of Economic Policy 484
15-3 Freedom of Expression 426 Laissez-Faire Economics 484
Freedom of Speech 428 Keynesian Theory 485
Freedom of the Press 432 Monetary Policy 487
Fiscal and Monetary Policies in the 2020 Crisis 489

The Rights to Assemble Peaceably and to Petition
the Government 434 Supply-Side Economics 489
viii Contents
17-2 Public Policy and the Budget 492 18-3 Social Security 522
The Nature of the Budget 492 Origins of Social Security 522
Preparing the President’s Budget 493 How Social Security Works 523
Passing the Congressional Budget 493 Social Security Reform 524
17-3 Tax Policies 495 18-4 Public Assistance 525

Reform 495 Poverty in the United States 525
Comparing Tax Burdens 496 Welfare Reform 526
17-4 Spending Policies 498 18-5 Health Care 529

Incremental Budgeting . . . 500 Cost and Access 529
. . . and Uncontrollable Spending 500 Medicare 532
17-5 Taxing, Spending, and Economic Equality 501 Medicaid 533
Government Effects on Economic Equality 503 Health Care Reform: The Affordable Care Act 533
Effects of Taxing and Spending Policies over Time 504 18-6 Elementary and Secondary Education 536
Democracy and Equality 504 Concerns Motivating Change 536
Values and Reform 537
Chapter18: Policymaking and 18-7 Immigration 538
Domestic Policy 508 18-8 Benefits and Fairness 540
18-1 Government Purposes and Public Policies 510

Appendix A-1
The Policymaking Process 510
Types of Policies 511 The Declaration of Independence A-1

Public Policy Tools 513 The Constitution of the United States
A Policymaking Model 513
of America A-3
Fragmentation, Coordination, and Issue Networks 517
18-2 The Development of the American

Glossary G-1
Welfare State 519
The Great Depression and the New Deal 520 Notes N-1
The Great Society 520
Retrenchment and Reform 521 Index I-1
Contents i
Letter to Instructors
Dear American Politics Instructor:
Teaching an introductory American politics course is both challenging and rewarding whether it is
taught in person or online. The challenge is to engage a large classroom full of students, class after
class, week after week. The reward is seeing students connect to politics, become intellectually curious
enough to continue studying it in subsequent semesters, and develop a lifelong interest in the chal-lenge
of democracy. Our goal in writing this book is to help you achieve those rewards and overcome
the challenges that come with teaching alarge introductory course.
The Challenge of Democracyis not a book centered on current events. Rather, we usethe recent
past to illustrate enduring features of American government. That said, as we worked on this edition,
routine life in the United States was upended by the global COVID-19 pandemic and nationwide pro-tests
against police brutality and white supremacy, both of which came on the heels of the House of
Representatives voting to impeach the president. These events, and the conditions that fueled them,
weighed heavily on us as we revised the book. In some cases, the unfolding of these events fit well with
longstanding patterns and processes in American politics, others less so.
Freedom, order, and equality. Value conflicts are prominent in contemporary American society,
and they help explain political controversy and consensus in earlier eras. We demonstrate that many of
the nation’s most controversial issues represent conflicts among individuals or groups who hold differ-ing
views on the values of freedom, order, and equality. Views on issues such as abortion are not just
isolated opinions; they also reflect choices about the philosophy citizens want government to follow. Yet
choosing among these values is difficult, sometimes excruciatingly so.
Pluralist and majoritarian visions of democracy. Majoritarianism involves following the will of a
majority while pluralism involves the interaction of decision makers with groups concerned about issues
that affect them. We use these models and the tensions between them to illustrate the dynamics of
the American political system, including rising partisanship in Congress, the role of interest groups in
policymaking, the ways in which public opinion does (or does not) shape public policy, and the influ-ence
of money on a range of political processes.
Globalization. Each day, trade, travel, immigration, and the internet makethe world a moreinter-dependent
place. We cannot escape the deepening interrelationships between the United States and
the rest of the world. Thus, our book examines some of the ramifications of a smaller world on the large
landscape of American politics.
Our book includes elements to engage your students with these enduring themes, including
vignettes at the start of each chapter; features that highlight tensions among freedom, order, and
equality; features that situate American government in the context of global politics; critical thinking
questions; and updated examples across the text. We do not believe it is our role to tell students our
own answers to the broad questions we pose. Instead, we want our readers to learn firsthand that
a democracy requires thoughtful and difficult choices, whichis why wetitled our book The Challenge
of Democracy.
Newto This Edition

While the enduring challenges of democracy have not changed, some aspects of The Challenge of
Democracy have. In the 15th edition, updates primarily concern examples, as our goal has been to
produce a textbook that speaks to the Trump presidency, a Democratic-led House of Representatives,
and national reckoning on white supremacy during a global pandemic.
We updated several examples in our “Freedom, Order, or Equality” feature. This feature continues
to highlight the conflicts among these values through case studies. Each one ends with critical
thinking questions to encourage students to reflect further on the clash of values explored in the
feature. In chapter 6 (The Media), we ask students how freedom, order, and equality are implicated
in debates about whether the government should permit companies like Facebook to run campaign
ads that contain false claims.
Weupdated several examplesin our “_________in Global Politics” feature. The goal ofthis feature
is to draw greater attention to the impact of globalization on American politics and to encourage
reflection about some aspect of American politics in comparison to politics in other countries. Each
one ends with critical thinking questions. This feature in chapter 12 (The Presidency) asks, “Why
do women emerge as leaders more often in parliamentary systems than in presidential systems?”
We have updated our figures and graphs to include the most recent data available.
We discuss recent political developments and connect them to our enduring themes. These develop-ments
include the COVID-19 pandemic, protests advocating for racial justice, the impeachment of
Donald Trump, immigration politics, the 2020 presidential campaign, the impact of social media on politi-cal
activity and journalism, gun control, recent Supreme Court decisions, campaign finance, and more.
Chapter 13 on the bureaucracy underwent a complete reorganization, which brought it more up to

date with contemporary research literature and examples, including discussion of policing, emer-gency
response, and environmental policy. Chapter 12 on the presidency places the Trump presi-dency
in historical context, with new sections on unilateral action and checks on presidential power.
We added more discussion of how white supremacy has shaped, and continues to shape, aspects
of American politics. We also strive to represent Americans from a variety of backgrounds in our
examples and images. For example, the opening vignette to chapter 5 on public opinion discusses
reparations for slavery and ongoing discrimination; chapter 11 on Congress considers representation
of the Cherokee nation; chapter 18 on domestic policy notes how racism affected the development and
implementation of New Deal legislation; chapter 13 on bureaucracy leverages concepts on representa-tion
to explain conditions under which bureaucratic action can challenge systemic racism; and more.
We consider how the stability of democratic governance in the United States has relied on norms
that are evolving in new and challenging ways. Chapter 11 on Congress, for example, suggests that
the president’s party has become more reluctant to criticize the president than in the past, and we
ask students to consider how this new norm might affect the balance of power between the legisla-tive
and executive branches. Chapter 12 on the presidency includes sections on unilateral powers
and constitutional ambiguities in foreign policymaking, equipping students to discuss whether the
American presidency has become too powerful.
We added critical thinking questions to some figures and images in each chapter. For instance, our
graph on disappearing moderates in Congress now asks, “If you wanted more ideologically moder-ate
representatives to get elected, what changes would you want to make to how our Congressional
elections are conducted?”
Follow us on Twitter: Follow @jandachallenge for breaking news and research reports that relate to
the core themes of the book, opportunities for students, and more.
MindTap: Your Course Stimulus Package

As an instructor tool, MindTap is here to simplify your workload, organize, and immediately grade
your students’ assignments, and allows you to customize your course with current events videos and
new sources as you see fit. Through deep-seated integration with your learning management system
(LMS), grades are easily exported, and analytics are pulled with the click of a button. MindTap can be
usedfully online withits interactive e-bookfor The Challengeof Democracy, orin conjunction withthe
printed text.
Weare thrilled that you are using The Challenge of Democracy in your course. We are honored to
play a role as you help your students develop the skills they need to be effective democratic citizens.
Sincerely,
Kenneth Janda, Jeffrey M. Berry, Jerry Goldman, Deborah J. Schildkraut, and Paul Manna
Letter to Instructors x
Letter to Students
Dear Student:
The title of our book says it all: democracy is a challenge. The Challenge of Democracy, however, is
designed to help you succeed in your study of American politics. Our goal is to provide perspectives
and insights that will connect you to the important and provocative political questions of our time. Will
protests for racial justice lead to meaningful policy change? Why was President Trump’s approval rating
largely unaffected by his impeachment? Should Facebook be allowed to run campaign ads that contain
false information? How can states legalize marijuana if possessing the drug still violates federal law?
Does it matter if most members of Congress are white men? What made the nation struggle so much
to control the COVID-19 pandemic? Our aim is to help you explore contemporary questions like these
in a deep and meaningful way.
Americans of all backgrounds have different ideas about how much freedom should be granted
to the American people and to what degree they are willing to give up some freedom in exchange for
greater equality or greater societal order. Finding the right balance among freedom, order, and equality is
one of the biggest challenges that democracies face, and it is the first theme of our book. In the interest
of public order and safety, should we allow police to stop and question people on the street, or is that
an infringement on personal freedom? In the interest of political equality, should we restrict spending
on election campaigns, or is that an infringement on freedom of speech? Questions such as these con-stitute
the daily struggles of modern democratic life.
When developing answers to these questions, when should policymakers follow the will of the
majority, and when should they attend to the individuals, groups, and organizations that have the most
expertise and experience withthe topic? In other words, whenshould they follow majoritarian or plu-ralist
principles? Most Americans support universal background checks for the sale of firearms, but
certain organized groups in American society do not. Which side should prevail? The trade-off between
these models of democracy is the second theme of the book. Both models are on display throughout
the American political system. Our goal is to help you identify them and consider the benefits and
drawbacks of each.
Many of you are the children of immigrants, are immigrants yourselves, or have spent time living
in another country. Nearly every item of clothing on your body and every item you carry was probably
manufactured outside of the United States. And with a swipe on your phone, you can be connected
to news, entertainment, and peoplefrom around the globe. The place of globalization in American
politics is our third and final theme. The aims of this theme are to help you think about how various
aspects of globalization affect politics at home and to consider the similarities and differences between
the American political system and political systems in other countries.
Several features of our book are designed to help you succeed in your studies:
Chapter Opening Vignettes: Each chapter starts with a story selected to spark your interest and
encourage your exploration of the book’s themes as they relate to that chapter. For example, chapter
5 (Public Opinion) opens by discussing reparations for slavery and ongoing racial discrimination and
the factors that shape the public’s support and opposition.
#ChallengeAccepted: Each vignetteis accompanied by a brief challengethat you can undertake to

help deepen your engagement with the topic at hand. For example, the challenge in chapter 6 (The
Media) has you examine Twitter’s terms of service and asks you to consider whether the company
should change its policy for when political leaders tweet information that is misleading or could be
construed as promoting violence.
“Freedom, Order, or Equality”: Each chapter has a feature that highlights the tensions among these
values and connects those values to the specific content of that chapter. For example, the feature
in chapter 18 (Policymaking and Domestic Policy) examines “Medicare for All” and how it raises a
xii
tension between equal access to health care and the freedom of insurance providers to operate in
a private marketplace.
“______ in Global Politics”: Each chapter has a feature that puts politicalissues in their global
context. For example, the feature in chapter 11 (Congress) compares the percentage of women in
Congress with the percentage of women in national legislatures across a range of countries.
Learning Outcomes: Each chapter begins with a set of clearly defined learning outcomes. These
learning outcomes are restated throughout the chapter. They are summarized at the end of the
chapter, and each chapter ends with a set of study questions tied to each outcome.
Critical Thinking Questions: Each vignette and feature ends with critical thinking questions to
promote consideration of the implications of the topic at hand. For example, chapter 10 (Interest
Groups) asks about the role of American lobbying in global prescription drug prices. There are also
critical thinking questions for several figures and images throughout the book. In chapter 12 (The
Presidency), we present side by side photos of Presidents Obama and Trump in the White House
Situation Room during foreign policy missions and ask you to consider what the images reveal about
their leadership styles.
Racial Politics: In this edition, we added more discussion of how white supremacy has shaped,
and continues to shape, the course of American politics. We also strive to represent Americans from
a variety of backgrounds in our examples and images. For example, chapter 11 on Congress dis-cusses
representation of the Cherokee nation; chapter 18 on domestic policy addresses how racism
affected the development and implementation of New Deal legislation; chapter 5 on public opinion
considers attitudes about the removal of Confederate monuments; chapter 16 on equality and civil
rights examines historic and contemporary events that have altered the trajectory of racial politics
during the nation’s history; and more.
Follow us on Twitter: Follow @jandachallenge for breaking news that relates to the core themes of
the book, opportunities for students, and more.
The Benefits of Using MindTapas a Student

For students, the benefits of using MindTap with this book are endless. With automatically graded prac-tice
quizzes and activities, an easily navigated learning path, and an interactive e-book, you will be able
to test yourself in and outside the classroom with ease. The accessibility of current events coupled with
interactive media makes the content fun and engaging. On your computer, phone, or tablet, MindTap
is there when you need it, giving you easy access to flashcards, quizzes, readings, and assignments.
Weare thrilled that you will you be using The Challengeof Democracyin your course, and we are
honored to play a role as you develop the skills you need to be a thoughtful, engaged, and effective
democratic citizen.
Sincerely,
Kenneth Janda, Jeffrey M. Berry, Jerry Goldman, Deborah J. Schildkraut, and Paul Manna
Letter to Students xii
Fit your coursework
into your hectic life.
Make the most of your time by learning
your way. Access the resources you need
to succeed wherever, whenever.
Study with digital flashcards, listen to audio

textbooks and take quizzes.
Review your current course grade and compare
your progress with your peers.
Get the free Cengage Mobile App and
learn wherever you are.
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own potential, and be unstoppable
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Resources
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less. Students get total access to everything Cengage has to offer on demand—in one place. That’s
20,000 e-books, 2,300 digital learning products, and dozens of study tools across 70 disciplines and
over 675 courses. Currently available in select markets. Details at www.cengage.com/unlimited.
Students
Access The Challenge of Democracy 15e resources by visiting www.cengage.com. If you purchased
MindTap access with your book, click on “Register a Product” and then enter your access code.
The Cengage Mobile App

Complete course work on the go with the Cengage Mobile App, which delivers a seamless course expe-rience
on a smartphone or tablet. Read or listen to your textbook whether online or offline and study
with the help of flashcards, practice quizzes, and instant feedback from your instructor. You can receive
due date reminders and complete assignments from the convenience of your mobile device!
Instructors
Access The Challengeof Democracyresources via www.cengage.com/login.Login usingyour Cengage
Learning single sign-on username and password or create a new instructor account by clicking on
“New Faculty User” and following the instructions.
MindTapfor The Challengeof Democracy,15e

Printed Access Card ISBN: 9780357459447
Instant Access CodeISBN: 9780357459430
MindTapfor The Challengeof Democracy,15e,is animmersive, outcomes-driven onlinelearning expe-rience

built upon Cengage content and correlated to a core set of learning outcomes. MindTap is the
platform that gives you complete control of your course to craft unique learning experiences that chal-lenge
students, build confidence, and elevate performance.
MindTap introduces students to core concepts from the beginning of your course using a simplified
learning path that progresses from understanding to application. Built upon proven learning research
and theory, auto-graded assessments and content are paired in a visually captivating side-by-side
format.
A variety of activity types enable students to flex their critical thinking muscles while soaking in key
concepts. Learners are encouraged to read with close attention, write persuasively with logic, interpret
data, consider and articulate their own positions on key topics, and much more. You can further engage
students with polling questions that spark discussion and activate learning.
MindTap also provides ample opportunities for students to check themselves for where they need
extra practice, as well as allowing faculty to measure and assess student progress. With the Cengage
Mobile App, you also give your students the power to read, listen and complete activities on their mobile
devices, so they’re empowered to learn on their own terms.
xv
Instructor CompanionWebsite
for The Challenge
of Democracy,15e
ISBN: 9780357025352
This Instructor Companion Websiteis an all-in-one multimedia online resource for class preparation,
presentation, and testing. Accessible through Cengage.com/login with your faculty account, you will
find available for download: book-specific Microsoft PowerPoint® presentations; a Test Bank compatible
with multiple learning management systems; and an Instructor’s Manual.
The Test Bank, offered in Blackboard, Moodle, Desire2Learn, and Canvas formats, contains learn-ing
objective–specific multiple-choice and essay questions for each chapter. Import the test bank into
your LMS to edit and manage questions and to create tests.
The Instructor’s Manual includes information about all of the activities and assessments available
for each chapter and their correlation to specific learning objectives, an outline, key terms with defini-tions,
a chapter summary, and several ideas for engaging with students with discussion questions, ice
breakers, case studies, and social learning activities that may be conducted in an on-ground, hybrid,
or online modality. Additionally, the Instructor’s Manual features a critical thinking question, a lecture-launching
suggestion, and an in-class activity for each learning objective.
The Microsoft PowerPoint presentations are closely tied to the Instructor’s Manual, providing ample
opportunities for generating classroom discussion and interaction. They offer ready-to-use, visual out-lines
of each chapter that may be easily customized for your lectures. A guide to teaching online
presents technological and pedagogical considerations and suggestions for teaching an introduction to
American government course when you can’t be in the same room with students.
Cognerofor The Challengeof Democracy,15e

ISBN: 9780357459409
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a flexible online system that allows you to author, edit,
and manage test bank content from multiple Cengage Learning solutions, create multiple test versions
in an instant, and deliver tests from your LMS, your classroom, or wherever you want. The test bank
for The Challenge of Democracy 15e, containslearning objective–specific multiple-choice and essay
questions for each chapter.
IDEAlog
IDEAlog, two-time winner of instructional software awards from the American Political Science Associa-tion,
asks students to rate themselves on the two-dimensional trade-off of freedom versus order and
freedom versus equality. It then presents them with twenty recent poll questions, and their responses
are classified according to libertarian, conservative, liberal, or communitarian ideological tendencies.
IDEAlog is directly accessible to anyone at http://IDEAlog.org, but instructors who choose to register
their classes receive a special login link for each class. Instructors can then obtain summary statistics
about their students’ scores on the ideology quiz.
xvi Resources
Acknowledgments
All authors are indebted to others for inspiration and assistance in various forms; textbook authors are
notoriously so. Timely information technology suggestions and assistance came from Jeff Parsons of
The Oyez Project, Professor James Ferolo of Bradley University, and Dr. Francesco Stagno d’Alcontres
of Centro Linguistico d’Ateneo Messinese. We also wish to express our gratitude to Patricia Heidot-ting
Conley of the political science department at the University of Chicago, Patricia Strach of the
Rockefeller Institute of Government at the University at Albany, Alexis Tatore of Tufts University, Kira
Ciccarelli of William & Mary, Professor Jennifer Cyr in the School of Government and Public Policy at
the University of Arizona, Andrew Gruen of Cambridge University, and Tom Gaylord, reference librarian,
and Matt Gruhn, assistant director of The Oyez Project at IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law for their help-ful
research assistance. We extend thanks as well to Joseph B. Maher, Esq., deputy general counsel,
DHS; Brad Kieserman, Esq., chief counsel, FEMA; and Professor Timothy R. Johnson, University of
Minnesota.
We also want to thank the many people at Cengage Learning who helped make this edition a reality,
particularly Emily Hickey, Lianne Ames, Joan Keyes, and Lauren Gerrish. We especially thank the sales
representatives who do a terrific job bringing each new edition of The Challenge of Democracy to the
attention of those who might use it.
Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through
reviews of this text:
Svetla Ben-Itzhak, KansasState University Walter A.Foggie, University of the Potomac

Paul Byrd, Des MoinesArea CommunityCollege NicholasPyeatt, PennState Altoona
Dr.Jennifer Cameron, Central Texas College Jeff Stanglin, Kilgore College
We would also like to thank the following instructors who reviewed prior editions:
Ruth Ann Alsobrook, ParisJunior College Alexander B. Hogan, Ph.D.,Lone Star

James Anderson,TexasA&M University College–CyFair
Leslie Baker, MississippiState University Jennifer J. Hora, Valparaiso University
Phillip L. Battista, University of New Orleans KemaIrogbe, Claflin College
Elizabeth Bergman,CaliforniaState Polytechnic RichardKiefer, Waubonsee
Community College
University, Pomona Melinda Kovacs, Sam Houston State University
Thomas Bowen, Gloucester County College Jack Lampe, Southwest TexasJunior College
Jack Byham,TexasA&MInternational University MichaelS.Lynch, Universityof Georgia
James Chalmers, WayneState University Thomas R. Marshall, University of Texasat Arlington
Jeffrey W.Christiansen, Seminole State College Dr. Rob Mellen,Jr., MississippiState University
GaryCopeland,Universityof Oklahoma MelissaMichelson,CaliforniaState University,
Van Davis, National Park Community College East Bay
Christine L. Day, University of New Orleans Don D. Mirjanian, Collegeof Southern Nevada
Elsa Dias,PikesPeakCommunity College Patrick Moore,RichlandCollege
Erik Emblem, McLennan Community College Amanda Morrison, Navarro College
Erica Frantz, Bridgewater State University Farzeen Nasri, Ventura College
Monte Freidig, Santa RosaJunior College Laura Katz Olson,Lehigh University
Adam L. Fuller, Ph.D.,YoungstownState University Sara Parker,ChabotCollege
Marilyn Gaar,Johnson County Community College James Perkins, San Antonio College
Dorith Grant-Wisdom, Howard University Richard J. Powell, University of Maine
Richard Heil,Fort HaysState University BarbaraSalmore, Drew University
John Hitt, North Lake College Todd M.Schaefer, Central Washington University
xvii
Denise Scheberle, University of Wisconsin–Green Beatrice Talpos, Wayne County Community
Bay College District
James Sheffield, University of Oklahoma Katrina Taylor, Northern Arizona University
Geoffrey Shine, Wharton County Junior College Ronnie Tucker, Shippensburg University
Christine Sixta, Francis Marion University Sondra Venable, University of New Orleans
Alton Slane, Muhlenberg College Shirley Ann Warshaw, Gettysburg College
Sovathana Sokhom, California State University, George Watson, Arizona State University
Dominguez Hills Graham Wilson, Boston University
Stuart Stern, Olathe North High School Jerry L. Yeric, University of North Texas
xviii Acknowledgments
Dedication
We dedicate this book to the victims and the survivors of the COVID-19 pandemic and to those who
cared for them.
xix
Aboutthe Authors
Kenneth Janda
Kenneth Janda is the Payson S. Wild Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Northwestern University.
Dr. Janda has published extensively in comparative party politics, research methodology, and early use
of computer technology in political science, for which he received awards from EDUCOM and support
from Apple. His APSA awards include the Samuel Eldersveld Lifetime Achievement Award (2000) and
the Frank J. Goodnow Award for distinguished service to the profession and the association (2009).
Dr. Janda and fellow author Jerry Goldman shared APSA technology awards in 1992 for IDEAlog, the
computer program, andin 2005 for IDEAlog,the website. His mostrecent bookis ATale of Two Parties:
Living Amongst Democrats and Republicans Since 1952 (Routledge, 2021).
Jeffrey M. Berry
Jeffrey M. Berry is the John Richard Skuse Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. He was an
undergraduate at the University of California, Berkeley, and received his doctorate from Johns Hopkins
University. Dr. Berry is a recipient of the APSA’s Samuel Eldersveld Lifetime Achievement Award (2009)
and numerous “best book” awards—from the APSA for The Rebirth of Urban Democracy (1994), from
the Policy Studies Organization for The New Liberalism (1999), from the APSA for A Voice for Nonprof-its
(2004), and from the APSA for Lobbying and Political Change (2009). His most recent book is The
Outrage Industry: Political Opinion Media and the New Incivility (with Sarah Sobieraj).
Jerry Goldman
Jerry Goldman is professor emeritus of political science at Northwestern University. Dr. Goldman is the
2010 recipient of the first APSA/CQ Press Award for Teaching Innovation in Political Science. He has
received manyother awards,including the American Bar Association’s Silver Gavelfor increasing the
public’s understanding of the law, the EDUCOM Medal, and the Roman & Littlefield Prize for Teach-ing
Innovation. In 2012, Dr. Goldman madethe Fastcase 50: “the fifty mostinteresting, provocative,
and courageousleaders in the world of law, scholarship, and legal technology.” Through the Oyez
Project at oyez.org, which uses images and audio to bring the Supreme Court alive, he has brought the
US Supreme Court closer to everyone.
DeborahJ. Schildkraut
Deborah J. Schildkraut is professor of political science at Tufts University. Sheis the author of Ameri-canism
in the Twenty-First Century: Public Opinion in the Age of Immigration (2011), Press “One” for
English: Language Policy, Public Opinion, and American Identity (2005), and several other research
articles. Her research focuses on the implications of the changing ethnic composition of the United
States on public opinion in a variety of domains. Professor Schildkraut has received awards from the
American Political Science Association for the best book published in the field of political psychology
(2012) and for the best paper presented in the field of elections, public opinion, and voting behavior
(2009). She has served on the board of Overseers for the American National Election Study and as a
reviewer for the National Science Foundation.
xx
Paul Manna
Paul Manna is the Isabelle and Jerome E. Hyman Distinguished University Professor of Government
at William & Mary, where he also serves as a faculty affiliate in the university’s Public Policy Program.
His research and teaching focus are on American politics, policy implementation, federalism, bureau-cracy,
and applied research methods. Mannais the author of School’sIn: Federalism andthe National
Education Agenda, and Collision Course: Federal Education Policy Meets State and Local Realities.
After graduating with his BA in political science from Northwestern University, Manna taught social
studies in his hometown public high school for three years before earning his MA and PhD in political
science from the University of Wisconsin.
About the Authors xx
Career Opportunities:
Political Science
Introduction
One of the most important decisions a student has to make is the choice of a major; many consider
future job possibilities when making that call. A political science degree is incredibly useful for a suc-cessful
career in many different fields, from lawyer to policy advocate, pollster to humanitarian worker.
Employer surveys reveal that the skills that most employers value in successful employees—critical
thinking, analytical reasoning, and clarity of verbal and written communication—are precisely the tools
that political science courses should be helping you develop. This brief guide is intended to help spark
ideas for what kinds of careers you might pursue with a political science degree and the types of activi-ties
you can engage in now to help you secure one of those positions after graduation.
Careersin Political Science

Law and Criminal Justice
Do you find that your favorite parts of your political science classes are those that deal with the Constitu-tion,
the legal system, and the courts? Then a career in law and criminal justice might be right for you.
Traditional jobs in the field range from lawyer or judge to police or parole officer. Since 9/11, there has
also been tremendous growth in the area of homeland security, which includes jobs in mission support,
immigration, and travel security, as well as prevention and response.
Public Administration
The many offices of the federal government combined represent one of the largest employers in the United
States. Flip to the bureaucracy chapter of this textbook and consider that each federal department, agency,
and bureau you see looks to political science majors for future employees. A partial list of such agencies
would include the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Fed-eral
Trade Commission. There are also thousands of staffers who work for members of Congress orthe Con-gressional
Budget Office, many of whom were political science majors in college. This does not even begin
to account for the multitude of similar jobs in state and local governments that you might consider as well.
Campaigns, Elections, and Polling

Are campaigns and elections the most exciting part of political science for you? Then you might con-sider
a career in the growing industry based around political campaigns. From volunteering and intern-ing
to consulting, marketing, and fundraising, there are many opportunities for those who enjoy the
competitive and high-stakes electoral arena. For those looking for careers that combine political knowl-edge
with statistical skills, there are careers in public opinion polling. Pollsters work for independent
national organizations such as Gallup and YouGov, or as part of news operations and campaigns. For
those who are interested in survey methodology, there are also a wide variety of nonpolitical career
opportunities in marketing and survey design.
Interest Groups, International and Nongovernmental Organizations

Is there a cause that you are especially passionate about? If so, there is a good chance that there are
interest groups out there that are working hard to see some progress made on similar issues. Many
of the positions that one might find in for-profit companies also exist in their nonprofit interest group
and nongovernmental organization counterparts, including lobbying and high-level strategizing. Do not
forget that there are also quite a few major international organizations—such as the United Nations,
xxii
the World Health Organization, and the International Monetary Fund—where a degree in political sci-ence
could be put to good use. While competition for those jobs tends to be fierce, your interest and
knowledge about politics and policy will give you an advantage.
Foreign Service
Does a career in diplomacy and foreign affairs, complete with the opportunity to live and work abroad,
sound exciting to you? Tens of thousands of people work for the State Department, both in Washington,
DC, and in consulates throughout the world. They represent the diplomatic interests of the United States
abroad. Entrance into the Foreign Service follows a very specific process starting with the Foreign Service
Officers Test—an exam given three times a year that includes sections on American government, history,
economics, and world affairs. Being a political science major is a significant help in taking the FSOT.
GraduateSchool
While not a career, graduate school may be the appropriate next step for you after completing your
undergraduate degree. Following the academic route, being awarded a PhD or master’s degree in
political science could open additional doors to a career in academia, as well as many of the professions
mentioned earlier. If a career as a researcher in political science interests you, you should speak with
your advisors about continuing your education.
Preparing WhileStill on Campus

Internships
One of the most useful steps you can take while still on campus is to visit your college’s career center
to identify internships in your field of interest. Not only does an internship give you a chance to experi-ence
life in the political science realm, it can also lead to job opportunities later down the road and add
experience to your resume.
Skills
In addition to your political science classes, the following skills will prove useful as a complement to
your degree:
Writing: Like anything else, writing improves with practice. Writing is one of those skills that is
applicable regardless of where your career might take you. Virtually every occupation relies on an
ability to write cleanly, concisely, and persuasively.
Public Speaking: Anoft-quoted 1977 survey showedthat public speaking wasthe mostcommonly
cited fear among respondents. And yet oral communication is a vital tool in the modern economy.
You can practice this skill in aformal class setting or through extracurricular activities that get you
in front of a group.
Quantitative Analysis: As the internet aids in the collection of massive amounts of information,
the nation is facing a drastic shortage of people with basic statistical skills to interpret and use this
data. A political science degree can go hand-in-hand with courses in introductory statistics.
Foreign Language: One skill that often helps a student or future employee stand out in a crowded
job market is the ability to communicate in a language other than English. Solidify or set the foun-dation
for your verbal and written foreign language communication skills while in school.
Student Leadership
One attribute that many employers look for is “leadership potential,” which can be quite tricky to indi-cate
on a resume or cover letter. What can help is a demonstrated record of involvement in clubs and
organizations, preferably in a leadership role. While many people think immediately of student govern-ment,
most student clubs allow you the opportunity to demonstrate your leadership skills.
Conclusion
Hopefully reading this has sparked some ideas on potential future careers. As a next step, visit your col-lege’s
career placement office, which is a great place to further explore what you have read here. You
might also visit your college’s alumni office to connect with graduates who are working in your field of
interest. Political science opens the door to alot of exciting careers—have fun exploring the possibilities!
Career Opportunities: Political Science xxii
Freedom, Order,
1 or Equality?
On March 13, 2020,

proclaimed
the COVID-19
certain
a national
disease.
government
President
emergency
His proclamation
officials
Donald Trump
to contain
au-thorized
“to tem-porarily American
That wasthe original
order, not to
business-oriented
Enterprise
promote freedom.
purpose of government:
Institute,
Washington think
grudgingly
Even the conser-vative,
recognized
to
tank, the
main-tain
waive or modify” some public healthinsurance that drastic steps were needed to slow the spread of
programs to adjust to the crisis.1 Two weekslater, the the COVID-19 virus.5 Government would worry later
president called for a voluntary national shutdown un-til about restoring personal freedom.
April 30. Federal guidelines warned “against large As discussed in chapter 17 (Economic Policy), in
group gatherings,” urged “older people and anyone March, Congress passed, and the president signed, a
with existing health problems to stay home,” and asked $2 trillion spending program to restore the economy. It
people “to work at home when possible and avoid gave cash to citizens, funded businesses that retained
restaurants, bars, nonessential travel and shopping their employees, and limited corporate executives’
trips.”2 The president also ordered General Motorsto compensation. In a small way,limiting executives’ com-pensation
produce hospital ventilators to treat COVID-19 patients, addressed a modern, secondary purpose of
using authority granted bythe Defense Production Act government: to promote equality. Chapter 1 compares
of 1950 “to require businesses to produce goods for the original purpose of government (to maintain order)
the national defense.”3 with the modern purpose (to promote equality).
Bythe end of March, two-thirds of state governors Where does freedom figure into the governmen-tal
went even further. They shut down restaurants and equation? Both the original and modern purposes
bars, issued orders for people to “shelter in place,” of government freedom confront dilemmas of choice:
and discouraged travel between states.4 Realizingthat imposing order and achieving equality each require
their actions would depress the economy and cost sacrificing some degree of personal freedom. Hence,
families dearlyin income and happiness, the president the title ofthis chapter: “Freedom, Order, or Equality?”
and governors nevertheless acted to save lives. Some
citizens protested that these orders restricted their
personal freedoms, including the ability to make aliv-ing, ChallengeAccepted
to visit friends, and otherwise enjoy themselves.
Take the Challenge on MindTap
On March 22, President Trump himself tweeted, “WE
for American Government
CANNOT LET THE CURE BE WORSE THAN THE
PROBLEMITSELF”—just days before he called for the During the Vietnam War, the Supreme Court
allowed the New York Times to publish classified
voluntary national shutdown.
material relating to the conduct of the war. Do
As discussed later in this chapter, the national and
you think this was justified under a Constitution
state governments did what governments have histori-cally that allows freedom of speech and the press?
done: they acted to save lives and preserve order.
Times/Redux
York
New
Photography/Shutterstock.co
Parypa
Krulwich/The
Sara Chris
LearningOutcomes
LO 1-1 Defineglobalization and explain LO 1-5 Analyzethe inherent conflicts between
how it affects American politics and freedom versus order and freedom
government. versus equality.
LO 1-2 Identify the purposesthat government LO 1-6 Distinguishamongthese terms:
serves and trace their historical roots. totalitarianism, socialism, capitalism,
libertarianism, and anarchism.
LO 1-3 Describehow political scientists use
concepts to structure events and LO 1-7 Explainhowliberals, conservatives,
promote understanding. libertarians, and communitarians view
the role of government.
LO 1-4 Define freedom, order, and equality,
and discuss the various interpretations
of each value.
4 Chapter 1 Freedom, Order, or Equality?
be concerned
V irtually everyone thinks
What else should
Is that a proper issue for government
with the gap between the rich and the poor?
that government
government do?
should
What about reducing income inequal-ity?
to address, or should
protect the safety of its citi-zens.
government not
Our textbook inquires into what the US government can do constitutionally,

politically, and practically to serve its citizens. Should government even try to reduce
economic inequalities? Whatif doing so required wealthy citizens to pay more taxes?
Wouldn’t that infringe on their freedom to spend their money on themselves? What
if government tried to reduce social discrimination? Wouldn’t that impinge on peo-ple’s
freedom to keep company with their own kind and upset the social order?This
trade-off among the values of freedom, order, and equality lies at the heart of our dis-cussion.
Weexamine the relationship between individual freedom and social equality
as reflected in government policies, which often confront underlying dilemmas such
as these:
Which is better: to live under a government that fiercely protects individual free-dom
or under onethat infringes on freedom whilefiercely guarding against threats
to physical security and the social order?
Whichis better: to let all citizens keep the same share of their income or to tax
wealthier people at a higher rate to fund programs for poorer people?
These questions reflect dilemmas tied to opposing political philosophies that place dif-ferent
values on freedom, order, and equality.
This book explains American government and politics in the light of these dilem-mas.
It does more than explain the workings of our government; it encourages you
to think about what government should—and should not—do. And it judges the
American government against democratic ideals, encouraging you to think about how
government should makeits decisions. As the title of this book implies, The Challenge
of Democracyarguesthat good government often poses difficult choices.
College students often say that American government and politics are hard to
understand. In fact, manyother people voice the same complaint. About one-third of
adults interviewed in 2016 agreed with the statement “Politics and government seem
so complicated that a person like me can’t understand what’s going on.”6 We hope to
improve your understanding of “what’s going on” by analyzing the norms, or values,
that people use to judge political events. Our purpose is not to preach what people
ought to favor in making policy decisions;it is to teach what values are at stake.
Teaching without preaching is not easy—no one can completely exclude personal
values from political analysis. But our approach minimizes the problem by concen-trating
on the dilemmas that confront governments whenthey are forced to choose
between important policies that threaten equally cherished values, such asfreedom of
speech and personal security.
Politics has been defined as “the authoritative allocation of values for a society.”
Every government policy reflects a choice between conflicting values. All government
policies reinforce certain values(norms) at the expense of others. Wewantto challenge
you to interpret policy issues (for example, should students be allowed to carry guns
on college campuses?) with an understanding of the fundamental values in question
(freedom of action versus order and protection of life) and the broader political context
(liberal or conservative politics).
By looking beyond the specifics to the underlying normative principles, you
should be able to make more sense out of politics. Our framework for analysis does
not encompass all the complexities of American government, but it should help your
knowledge grow by improving your comprehension of political information. We begin
The Globalization of American Government 5
by considering the basic purposes of government. In short, why do we need it? Our
maininterest in this text is the purpose, value, and function of government as practiced
in the United States. However, welive in an era of globalization—a term for the increas-ing globalization
interdependence of citizens and nations across the world.7 In December 2019, a The increasing interdependence
of citizens and nations across
deadlyflu-like coronavirus originated in China. In January 2020, the World Health
the world.
Organization declared that its spread to other countries was a global health emergency.
The virus killed thousands in China before quickly spreading across the world, infect-ing
thousands in scores of countries and causing governments to monitor travelers and
care for patients. The United States also declared a national health emergency, stopping
flights to and from the Chinese mainland.The Dow Jones marketindex dropped over
3,000 points in a single week. Commerce slowed across the world, and governments on
every continent struggled with the effects of the illness, often imposing draconian rules.
So we must consider how politics at home and abroad interrelate, which is increasingly
important to understanding our government.8
The Globalization of American

Government
LO 1-1 Define globalization and explain how it affects American politics
and government.
Mostpeople do not like being told what to do. Fewerstill like being coerced into act-ing
a certain way. Yet billions of people in countries across the world willingly submit
to the coercive power of government. They accept laws that state on which side of the
road to drive, how many wives(or husbands) they can have, what constitutes a con-tract,
how to dispose of human waste—and how much they must pay to support the
government that makesthese coercive laws. In thefirst half of the twentieth century,
people thought of government mainly in territorial terms. Indeed, a standard definition
of government is the legitimate and exclusive use of force—including firearms, impris-onment,government
and execution—within specified geographical boundaries to control human The legitimate use of force to
control human behavior; also,
behavior. International relations and diplomacy have been based on the principle of
the organization or agency
national sovereignty, defined as “a political entity’s externally recognized right to exer-cise
authorized to exercise that force.
final authority over its affairs.”9 Simply put, national sovereignty means that each
national sovereignty
national government has the right to govern its people asit wishes, without interference
A political entity’s externally
from other nations.
recognized right to exercise
Early in the twentieth century, some scholars theorized that the actions of sov-ereignfinal authority over its affairs.
nations werecontrolled byinternational law. In the actual practice of interna-tional
relations, however, there was no sovereign power over nations. Each enjoyed
complete independence to govern its territory without interference from other nations.
Although the League of Nations, and later the United Nations, weresupposed to intro-duce
supranational order into the world, even these international organizations explic-itly
respected national sovereignty as the guiding principle of international relations.
The UN Charter, Article 2.1, states, “The Organization is based on the principle of the
sovereign equality of all its Members.”
National sovereignty, however,is threatened by globalization. For example, in 2020
the United Nation’s International Maritime Organization lowered the limit on sulfur
in fuel for global shipping from 3.5to 0.5 percent to reduce global air pollution from
60,000 ocean-going vessels burning the dirtiest fuel.10 While few global transports fly
International Studentsand GlobalPolitics

In 2012, the Department of Homeland Security reported that almost 300 current and former leaders studied in
the United States. Between 2018 and 2019, over one million international students on visas enrolled in American
primary, secondary, and higher educational institutions—twice as manystudents as ten years earlier. Many will no
doubt become future leaders in their countries.
International Students on Visas Studying in the United States, 1948/49 to 2018/19
1,100,000 1,095,299 5.5
1,000,000 5.0
900,000
800,000 4.0
700,000
600,000 International students as percent of all students 3.0
Total
500,000 Percen
400,000 2.0
Total number ofinternational students
300,000
1.1%
200,000 1.0
100,000
25,464
0 0.0
1948/49 1953/54 1958/59 1963/64 1968/69 1973/74 1978/79 1983/84 1988/89 1994/95 1998/99 2003/04 2008/09 2013/14 2018/19
the US
flag, USships had to buy the moreexpensive fuel and the government wasto
monitor compliance.
Global forces also generate pressures for international law. Our government, you
might be surprised to learn, is worried about the trend of holding nations account-able
to international law. In fact, in 2002, the United States “annulled” its signature
to the 1998 treaty (no country had ever unsigned atreaty) to create an International
Criminal Court that would define and try crimes against humanity.11 Why would the
United States oppose such an international court? One reason is its concern that US
soldiers stationed abroad might be arrested and tried in that court. Another reason
is to keep the death penalty, which is practiced in the United States but was abol-ished
by morethan half the countries in the world and all countries in the European
Union. Indeed, in 1996, the International Commission of Jurists condemned the US
death penalty as “arbitrarily and racially discriminatory,” and there is a concerted
campaign across Europe to force the sovereign United States to terminate capital
punishment.12
The United Statesis the world’s most powerful nation, but as proved by the al
Qaeda–organized plane crashes on September 11, 2001, on the East Coast and by the
The Globalization of American Government 7
Top Ten Countries with International Students in the United States, 2018/19
China 369,548
India 202,014
South Korea 52,250
Saudi Arabia 37,080
Canada 26,122
Vietnam 24,392
Taiwan 23,369
Japan 18,105
Brazil 16,059
Mexico 15,229
0 50,000 100,000 150,000200,000250,000300,000350,000400,000
Asia Middle EastLatin America
Almost 75 percent of the international students werein college or university degree programs. Most came from
Asia, about one-third from China alone. Distant Saudi Arabia sent morestudents here than nearby Canada, a more
populous country. The seven favorite educational destinations were, in order, New York University, the University
of Southern California, Columbia University, Northeastern University, University ofIllinois, Arizona State University,
and University of California–Los Angeles, each receiving between 10,000 and 20,000 students. Nearly 40 percent
studied science, technology, engineering, or mathematics.
Sources: Department of Homeland Security, “Study in the States,” November 8, 2012; International Institute of Education, as https://www.iie.org
/Research-and-Insights/Open-Doors/Fact-Sheets-and-Infographics.
Critical Thinking Whateffects mightresultfrom having more

internationalstudentsstudyin the
United States?
December2019 killing ofthree US Navyaviators by a Sauditrainee in Pensacola,Florida,

our country is not invulnerable to attack or influence by international terrorist groups.
Moreover, it is vulnerable to erosion of its sovereignty. Asthe world’s superpower, should
the United States be aboveinternational law if its sovereignty is compromised?
Although this text is about American national government, it recognizes the grow-ing
impact of international politics and world opinion on US politics. Decadesago,
the Cold War era of conflict with the Soviet Union had a profound effect on domes-tic
politics because the nation spent heavily on the military and restricted trading
with communist countries. Now weare closely tied through trade to former enemies
(we import more goods from China—still communist—than from France and Britain
combined), and we are thoroughly embedded in a worldwide economic, social, and
political network. Indeed, between 2014 and 2015, China supplied nearly one-third
of the almost one million international students in American primary, secondary,
and higher educational institutions (see “International Students and Global Politics”).
Morethan ever before, we must discuss American politics while casting an eye abroad
to see how foreign affairs affect our government and how American politics affects
government in other nations.
The Purposes of Government

LO 1-2 Identify the purposes that government serves and trace their
historical roots.
Governments at any level require citizens to surrender some freedom as part of being
governed. Although some governments minimize their infringements on personal free-dom,
no government has as a goal the maximization of personal freedom. Governments
exist to control; to govern means “to control.” Why do people surrender their freedom
to this control?They do so to obtain the benefits of government.Throughout history,
government has served two major purposes: maintaining order (preserving life and
protecting property) and providing public goods. Morerecently, some governments
have pursued a third purpose, promoting equality, which is more controversial.
Maintaining Order
order Maintaining order is the oldest objective of government. Orderin this context is rich
Established ways of social with meaning. Let’s start with “law and order.” Maintaining order in this sense means
behavior. Maintaining order is the
establishing the rule of law to preserve life and protect property. To the seventeenth-century
oldest purpose of government.
English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), preserving life wasthe
mostimportant function of govern-ment.
In his classic philosophical
treatise Leviathan (1651), Hobbes
described life without government
aslife in a “state of nature.”
Without rules, people would
live as predators do, stealing and
killing for their personal benefit.
In Hobbes’sclassic phrase, life in a
state of nature would be “solitary,
poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” He
believed that a single ruler, or sov-ereign,
must possess unquestioned
Phot
authority to guarantee the safety
Stock
of the weak and protect them from
the attacks of the strong. Hobbes
named his all-powerful government
Library/Alamy
“Leviathan,” after a biblical sea mon-ster.

Picture
He believed that complete obe-dience
Evans to Leviathan’s strict laws was
Mary
a small price to pay for the security

Image 1.1 Leviathan, Hobbes’s All-Powerful Sovereign of living in a civil society. Although
the COVID-19 crisis fell short of life
This engraving is from the 1651 edition of Leviathan by Thomas Hobbes.
in a state of nature, Hobbes would
It shows Hobbes’s sovereign brandishing a sword in one hand and the
scepter of justice in the other. He watches over an orderly town, made have approved of closing businesses
peaceful by his absolute authority. But note that the sovereign’s body is and restricting people’s movement
composed of tiny images of his subjects. He exists only through them. in order to save lives during the
Hobbes explains that such government power can be created only if
pandemic.
people “confer all their power and strength upon one man, or upon one
Most of us can only imag-ine
assembly of men, that may reduce all their wills, by plurality of voices,
unto one will.”
what a state of nature would be
like. But in some parts of the world,
The Purposes of Government 9
whole nations have experienced lawlessness. After Libya’s military strongman

Muammar Gaddafi’s overthrow in 2011, rival militias fought for power. Armed groups
ruled capriciously. Despite the United Nations’ efforts to unify Libya, it wasstill mired
in civil war in 2020.Throughout history, authoritarian rulers have used people’s fear
of civil disorder to justify taking power. Ironically, the ruling group itself—whether
monarchy, aristocracy, or political party—then became known asthe established order.
Hobbes’s conception of life in the cruel state of nature led him to view government
primarily as a means of guaranteeing people’s survival. Other theorists, taking survival
for granted, believed that government protects order by preserving private property
(goods and land owned byindividuals). Foremost among them wasthe English phi-losopher,
John Locke (1632–1704). In Two Treatises on Government (1690), he wrote
that the protection of life, liberty, and property wasthe basic objective of government.
His thinking strongly influenced the Declaration of Independence; it is reflected in the
Declaration’s famous phrase identifying “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness” as
“unalienable Rights” of citizens under government. Locke’s defense of property rights
became linked with safeguards for individual liberties in the doctrine of liberalism, liberalism
which holds that the state should leave citizens free to further their individual pursuits.13 The belief that states should
leave individuals free to fol-low
Not everyone believes that the protection of private property is a valid objective
their individual pursuits.
of government. The German philosopher Karl Marx (1818–1883) rejected the private
Note that this differs from the
ownership of property usedin the production of goods or services. Marx’sideas form definition of liberal later in this
the basis of communism, a philosophy that gives ownership of all land and productive chapter.
facilities to the people—in effect, to the government. In line with communist theory,
communism
the 1977 constitution of the former Soviet Union declared that the nation’s land, min-erals,
A political system in which, in
waters, and forests “are the exclusive property of the state.” Years after the Soviet theory, ownership of all land
Union collapsed, Russiaremains deeply split over abandoning the old communist-era and productive facilities is in
policies to permit the private ownership of land. Even today’s market-oriented China the hands of the people, and
all goods are equally shared.
still clings to the principle that all land belongs to the state, and not until 2007 did it
The production and distribution
passalaw that protected private homes and businesses.
of goods are controlled by an
authoritarian government.
Providing Public Goods

After governments have established basic order, they can pursue other ends. Using
their coercive powers, governments can tax citizens to raise money to spend on public public goods
goods, which are benefits and services available to everyone, such as education, sani-tation, Benefits and services, such
as parks and sanitation, that
and parks. Public goods benefit all citizens but are not likely to be produced
benefit all citizens but are not
by the voluntary acts of individuals. The government of ancient Rome, for example,
likely to be produced voluntarily
built aqueducts to carry fresh waterfrom the mountainsto the city. Road building was by individuals
another public good provided by the Roman government, which also used the roads to
moveits legions and protect the established order.
Government action to provide public goods can be controversial. During President
James Monroe’s administration (1817–1825), many people thought that building the
Cumberland Road(between Cumberland, Maryland,and Wheeling, WestVirginia) was
not a proper function of the national government, the Romans notwithstanding. Over
time, the scope of government functions in the United States has expanded. During
President Dwight Eisenhower’s administration (1953–1961), the federal government
outdid the Romans’ noble road building. Although a Republican opposed to big govern-ment,
Eisenhowerlaunched the massiveinterstate highway system at a cost of $275 bil-lion
(in 2020 dollars). Yet some government enterprises that have been common in other
countries—running railroads, operating coal mines, and generating electric power—are
politically controversial or even unacceptable in the United States. People disagree about
how far the government ought to go in using its power to tax to provide public goods and
services and how much ofthat realm should be handled by private businessfor profit.
Promoting Equality
The promotion of equality has not
always been a major objective of
government. It gained prominence
only in the twentieth century in
the aftermath of industrialization
and urbanization. Confronted by
the paradox of poverty amid plenty,
some political leaders in European
nations pioneered extensive gov-ernment
programs to improve life
for the poor. Under the emerging
Image
concept of the welfare state, gov-ernment’s
role expanded to provide
individuals with medical care, edu-cation,
Archive/UIG/Getty
and a guaranteed income
“from cradle to grave.” Sweden,
History
Britain, and other nations adopted

Universal
welfare programs aimed at reduc-ing
social inequalities. This relatively
Image 1.2 Rosa Parks: She Satfor Equality
new purpose of government has
Rosa Parks had just finished a day’s work as a seamstress and was sitting been by far the most controversial.
in the front of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, going home. A white man
People often oppose taxation for
claimed her seat, which he could do according to the law in December
public goods (building roads and
1955. When she refused to move and was arrested, outraged Blacks, led
by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., began a boycott of the Montgomery bus schools, for example) because of cost
company. Rosa Parks died in 2005 at age ninety-two and was accorded alone.They oppose more strongly
the honor of lying in state in the Capitol rotunda, the first woman to taxation for government programs
receive that tribute.
to promote economic and social
equality on principle.
Redistributing Income. The keyissue hereis government’s role in redistributing in-come,

that is, taking from the wealthy to give to the poor. Charity (voluntary giving
to the poor) has a strong basisin Westernreligious traditions; using the power of the
state to support the poor does not. (In his 1838 novel, Oliver Twist, Charles Dickens
dramatized how government power was used to imprison the poor, not to support
them.) Usingthe state to redistribute income wasoriginally a radical idea set forth by
Karl Marx as the ultimate principle of developed communism: “from each according
to his ability, to each according to his needs.”14
This extreme has never beenrealized in
any government, not even in communist states. But over time, taking from the rich to
help the needy has become alegitimate function of most governments.
That function is not without controversy. Especiallysince the Great Depressionof the
1930s, the government’s role in redistributing income to promote economic equality has
been a major source of policy debate in the United States. Despiteinflation, the minimum
wage wasfrozen at $5.15 per hour from 1997 to 2007, when it wasincreased to $5.85. In
2009, Congressincreased the minimum wageto $7.25 but resisted attempts to raise it further.
Other Policies. Government can also promote social equality through policies that do
not redistribute income. For example, in 2015, the USSupreme Court held that state
laws banning same-sex marriages were unconstitutional. Laws advancing social equal-ity
mayclash with different social values held by other citizens. Defying the court’s
ruling, a Kentucky county clerk refused to sign marriage licenses for same-sex couples.
A district court then ordered them issued without needing her signature.
A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing Government 1
A Conceptual Framework
for Analyzing Government
LO 1-3 Describe how political scientists use concepts to structure
events and promote understanding.
Citizens havevery different views on how vigorously they want government to maintain
order, provide public goods, and promote equality. Ofthe three objectives, providing for
public goods usually is less controversial than maintaining order or promoting equality.
After all, government spending for highways, schools, and parks benefits nearly every
citizen. Moreover, services merely cost money.The cost of maintaining order and pro-moting
equality is greater than money;it usually meansatrade-off in basic values.
To understand government and the political process, you must be able to recognize
these trade-offs and identify the basic values they entail. Just as people sit back from a
wide-screen motion picture to gain perspective, to understand American government
you need to take a broad view—a view much broader than that offered by examining
specific political events. You needto use political concepts.
A concept is a generalized idea of a set of items or thoughts. It groups various
events, objects, or qualities under a common classification or label. The framework
that guides this book consists offive concepts that figure prominently in political
analysis. Weregard the five concepts as especially important to a broad understanding
of American politics, and we usethem repeatedly throughout the book.This frame-work
will help you evaluate political events long after you have read this text.
The five concepts that weemphasize deal with the fundamental issues of what gov-ernment
tries to do and howit decidesto doit. The concepts that relate to what govern-ment
tries to do are freedom, order, and equality. In the absence of government, people
are free to act as they wish. All governments by definition value order; maintaining
order is part of the meaning of government. Most governments at least claim to pre-serve
individual freedom while they maintain order, although they vary widely in the
extent to whichthey succeed. Few governments even professto guarantee equality, and
governments differ greatly in policies that pit equality against freedom. Our conceptual
framework should help you evaluate the extent to which the United States pursues all
three values through its government.
How government chooses the proper mix of freedom, order, and equality in its
policymaking hasto do with the process of choice. Weevaluate the American gov-ernmental
process using two models of democratic government: majoritarian and
pluralist. Many governments profess to be democracies. Whetherthey are or are not
depends on their (and our) meaning of the term. Even countries that Americans agree
are democracies—for example, the United States and Britain—differ substantially in
the type of democracy they practice. Wecan use our conceptual models of democratic
government both to classify the type of democracy practiced in the United States and
to evaluatethe government’s successin fulfilling that model.
The five concepts can be organized into two groups:
Concepts that identify the values pursued by government:

Freedom
Order
Equality
Concepts that describe models of democratic government:
Majoritarian democracy
Pluralist democracy
The rest of this chapter examines freedom, order, and equality as conflicting values
pursued by government. Chapter 2 (Majoritarian or Pluralist Democracy?) discusses
majoritarian democracy and pluralist democracy as alternative institutional models for
implementing democratic government.
The Concepts of Freedom,

Order, and Equality
LO 1-4 Define freedom, order, and equality, and discuss the various
interpretations of each value.
These three terms—freedom, order, and equality—have a range of connotations in

American politics. Both freedom and equality are positive terms that politicians have
learned to use to their advantage. Consequently, freedom and equality mean different
Freedom,Order,or Equalityand The FourFreedomsPosters

Posters by Norman Rockwell
Norman Rockwell became famous in the 1940s for the humorous, homespun covers he painted for the Saturday
Evening Post, a weekly magazine. Inspired by an address to Congress in which President Roosevelt outlined his
goals for world civilization, Rockwell painted The Four Freedoms, which were reproduced in the Post during Feb-ruary
and March 1943. Their immense popularity led the government to print posters of the illustrations for the
Treasury department’s war bond drive.
Education/Newscom
Photo/CMSP
Stock
Medical
Phot
Stock
Photo/Custom
Stock
Rockwell/Alamy
Nawrocki
Norman
The Concepts of Freedom, Order, and Equality 13
things to different people at different times, depending on the political context in which
they are used. Order, in contrast, usually has negative connotations for people because
it symbolizes government intrusion into private lives. It is no coincidence that the dark
force in Star Wars movies is called “The First Order.” Except during periods of social
strife or terrorist threat, few politicians in Westerndemocracies openly call for more
order. Because all governments infringe on freedom, we examine that concept first.
Freedom
Freedom can be usedin two majorsenses:freedom of and freedom from. President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933–1945) used the word in both senses in a speech
he madeshortly before the United States entered World WarII. He described four
freedoms: freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom from fear, and freedom from
want.The noted illustrator Norman Rockwell gave Americans a vision of these free-doms
in a classic set of paintings published in the Saturday Evening Post and subse-quently
issued as posters to sell war bonds (see “Freedom, Order, or Equality andThe
Four FreedomsPosters”).
The Office of WarInformation also reproduced The Four Freedoms and circulated the posters in schools, club-houses,
railroad stations, post offices, and other public buildings. Officials even had copies circulated on the Euro-pean
front to remind soldiers of the liberties for which they were fighting. Winning the war would safeguard American
culture and preserve order, while equality was implied as an outcome of the other freedoms. It is said that no other
paintings in the world have ever beenreproduced or circulated in such vast numbers as The Four Freedoms.
Art/Corbis Art/Corbi
Rockwell/Fine Rockwell/Fine
Norman Norman
Critical ThinkingTimeshavechanged
sincethe 1940s. Which
ofthesefourfreedomswould
resonate
mosttoday with the American public? Which the least? Why? What has changed over the decades?
freedom of Freedom of is the absence of constraints on behavior; it meansfreedom to do some-An

absence of constraints on thing. In this sense, freedom is synonymous with liberty.15 Two of Rockwell’s paintings,
behavior, as in freedom of
Freedom of Worship and Freedom of Speech, exemplify this type of freedom. Freedom
speech or freedom of religion.
of religion, speech, press, and assembly (collectively called civil liberties) is discussed in
chapter 15 (Order and Civil Liberties).
freedom from Freedom from is the message of the other paintings, Freedom from Fear and
Immunity, as in freedom from Freedom from Want.16 Here freedom from suggests immunity from fear and want. In
want. the modern political context, freedom from often symbolizes the fight against exploi-tation
and oppression. The cry of the civil rights movement in the 1960s—“Freedom
Now!”—conveyed this meaning.This sense of freedom corresponds to the “civil
rights” discussed in chapter 16 (Equality and Civil Rights). If you recognize that free-dom
in this sense means immunity from discrimination, you can see that it comes
close to the concept of equality.17 In this book, we avoid using freedom to mean “free-dom
from”; for this sense, we simply use equality. When we use freedom, we mean
“freedom of.”
Order
When order is viewed in the narrow sense of preserving life and protecting prop-erty,
mostcitizens concede the importance of maintaining order and thereby grant
the need for government. For example, “domestic Tranquility” (order) is cited in
the preamble of the Constitution. However, when order is viewed in the broader
sense of preserving the social order, some people argue that maintaining order is
not a legitimate function of government. Social order refers to established patterns
of authority in society and traditional modes of behavior. It is the accepted way of
doing things. The prevailing social order prescribes behavior in many different areas:
how students should dress in school (neatly, no purple hair) and behave toward
their teachers (respectfully), what the press should not publish (sexually explicit
photographs), and what the proper attitude toward religion and country should be
(reverential). It is important to remember that the social order can change. Today,
perfectly respectable men and women wear bathing suits that would have caused a
scandal a century ago.
police power Astate government can protect the established order by using its police power—its
The authority of a government authority to safeguard residents’ safety, health, welfare, and morals. Under legal
to maintain order and safeguard
tradition and constitutional provisions, state governments can act directly on resi-dents
citizens’ health, morals, safety,
under their police power. The national government only has powers granted
and welfare.
by the Constitution and lacks a general police power. That explains why states
can require automobile drivers and passengersto wear seat belts and the national
government cannot. However, the national government can act on individuals if
the action can be traced to a constitutionally delegated power. For example, in
1932, Congress passed the Federal Kidnapping Act, allowing the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) to apprehend kidnappers. The law was based on the con-stitutional
power to regulate interstate commerce, given that kidnappers usually
demand ransom by mail or telephone (instruments of interstate commerce) and
might cross state boundaries. The extent to which governments at any level should
use their police powers is a topic of ongoing debate in the United States and is con-stantly
being redefined by the courts. In the 1980s, many states used their author-ity
to pass legislation that banned smoking in public places. In the 1990s, a hot
issue was whether the national government should control the dissemination of
pornography on the internet. Withthe exception of child pornography, courts have
tended to strike down such bans. After September 11, 2001, Congress passed new
The Concepts of Freedom, Order, and Equality 15
laws increasing government’s power to investigate suspicious activities by foreign

nationals in order to deter terrorism.
One result wasincreased use of electronic surveillance of telephone conversa-tions.
As revealed in government documents leaked in 2013 by former employee
Edward Snowden, the National Security Agency did not restrict its surveillance to
“suspicious activities by foreign nationals” but also collected data on domestic phone
conversations of ordinary Americans. So despite the desire to be safe from further
attacks, issues such asthese have caused some citizens to fear the erosion of their civil
liberties. Living in a police state—a government that usesits power to regulate nearly
all aspects of behavior—might maximize safety, but at a considerable loss of personal
freedom. Most governments are inherently conservative; they tend to resist social
change. But some governments aim to restructure the social order. Social change
is most dramatic when a government is overthrown through force and replaced.
This can occur through an internal revolution or a “regime change” affected exter-nally.
Societies can also work to change social patterns more gradually through the
legal process. Our use of the term order in this book encompasses all three aspects:
preserving life, protecting property, and maintaining traditional patterns of social
relationships.
Equality
As with freedom and order, equality is used in different sensesto support different
causes. Political equality in elections is easy to define: each citizen has one and only one political equality
vote.This basic concept is central to democratic theory, a subject explored at length in Equality in political decision
making: one vote per person,
chapter 2. But when some people advocate political equality, they mean morethan one
with all votes counted equally.
person, one vote. These people contend that the head of JPMorgan Chase bank and
one of the bank’stellers are not politically equal despite the fact that each has one vote.
Through occupation or wealth, some citizens are more able than others to influence
political decisions. For example, wealthy citizens can exert influence by advertising in
the mass media or by contacting friends in high places. Lacking great wealth and politi-cal
connections, most citizens do not have such influence. Thus, some analysts argue
that equality in wealth, education, and status—that is, social equality—is necessaryfor social equality
true political equality. Equality in wealth, education,
and status.
There are two routes to promoting social equality: providing equal opportuni-ties
and ensuring equal outcomes. Equality of opportunity means that each person equality of opportunity
has the same chance to succeed in life. This idea is deeply ingrained in American The idea that each person is
guaranteed the same chance to
culture. The US Constitution prohibits titles of nobility and does not make own-ing
succeed in life.
property a requirement for holding public office. Public schools and librar-ies
are open to all. For many people, the concept of social equality is satisfied by
offering equal opportunities for advancement; it is not essential that people actu-ally
end up being equal. For others, true social equality means nothing less than
equality of outcome.18President Lyndon B.Johnson (1963–1969) expressed this view equality of outcome
in 1965: “It is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. .. . Weseek . . . not The concept that society must
ensure that people are equal,
just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a
and governments must design
result.”19 According to this outlook, it is not enough that governments provide
policies to redistribute wealth
people with equal opportunities; they must also design policies that redistribute and status so that economic
wealth and status so that economic and social equality are actually achieved. In and social equality are actually
education, equality of outcome has led to federal laws that require comparable achieved.
funding for men’sand women’s college sports. In business, equality of outcome has
led to affirmative action programs to increase minority hiring and to the active
recruitment of women, Black people, and Latino people to fill jobs. Equality of
outcome has also produced federal

laws that require employers to pay
men and women equally for equal
work. In recent years, the very concept
of affirmative action has come under
scrutiny.
Some link equality of outcome with
the concept of government-supported
rights—the idea that every citizen is enti-tled
to certain benefits of government—that
government should guarantee its
citizens adequate (if not equal) housing,
employment, medical care, and income
Galan/Shutterstock.co
as a matter of right. If citizens are enti-tled
to government benefits as a matter
Roberto
of right, government efforts to promote

Image 1.3 Equality in the Military equality of outcome become legitimized.
Clearly, the concept of equality of
United States Army Sergeants First Class marching in the Pegasus
Parade in Louisville prior to the 2018 Kentucky Derby. outcome is quite different from that of
equality of opportunity, and it requires
a much greater degree of government
activity. It also clashes more directly
rights with the concept of freedom. By taking from one to give to another, which is neces-sary
The benefits of government to for the redistribution of income and status, the government creates winners and
which every citizen is entitled.
losers. The winners may believe that justice has been served by the redistribution.
The losers often feel strongly that their freedom to enjoy their income and status has
suffered.
Two Dilemmas of Government

LO 1-5 Analyze the inherent conflicts between freedom versus order
and freedom versus equality.
The two major dilemmas facing American government early in the twenty-first century
stem from the oldest and the newest objectives of government: maintaining order and
promoting equality. Both order and equality are important social values, but govern-ment
cannot pursue either without sacrificing a third important value: individual free-dom.
The clash betweenfreedom and order forms the original dilemma of government;
the clash between freedom and equality forms the modern dilemma of government.
Although the dilemmas are different, eachinvolves trading some amount of freedom
for another value.
The Original Dilemma: Freedomversus Order

The conflict between freedom and order originates in the very meaning of government
asthe legitimate use offorce to control human behavior. How muchfreedom mustciti-zens
surrender to government? The dilemma has occupied philosophers for hundreds
of years. In the eighteenth century, the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau
(1712–1778) wrote that the problem of devising a proper government “is tofind aform
Two Dilemmas of Government 17
of association which will defend and protect with the whole common force the person
and goods of each associate, and in which each, while uniting himself with all, maystill
obey himself alone, and remain free as before.”20
The original purpose of government wasto protect life and property and to make
citizens safe from violence. How wellis the American government doing today in pro-viding
law and order to its citizens? About a third of the respondents in a 2017 national
survey said that they were “afraid to walk alone at night” in areas within a mile of their
home.21 Simply put, Americans view violent crime (which actually has decreased in
recent years)22 as a critical issue and do not believe that their government adequately
protects them.
Contrast the fear of crime in urban America with the sense of personal safety while
walking in Moscow, Warsaw, or Prague during the 1980s when the old communist gov-ernments
still ruled in Eastern Europe. It wascommon to see old and young strolling
late at night along the streets and in the parks of these cities.The old communist regimes
gavetheir police great powers to control guns, monitor citizens’ movements,and arrest
and imprison suspicious people, which enabled them to do a better job of maintain-ing
order. Police and party agents routinely kept their citizens under surveillance—eavesdropping
on phone conversations and opening mailfrom abroad—to ensure that
they were not communicating privately with the capitalist world outside official channels.
Communist governments deliberately chose order over freedom. Withthe collapse of
communism in Eastern Europe came the end of strict social order. China, however, still
has a strong communist government and uses a nationwide network of TV cameras with
face recognition technology to identify citizens and monitor their actions.
The conflict between the values of freedom and order represents the original
dilemma of government. In the abstract, people value both freedom and order; in
real life, the two values inherently conflict. By definition, any policy that strengthens
one value takes away from the other. The balance of freedom and order is an issue in
enduring debates(whether to allow capital punishment, for instance) and contempo-rary
challenges (whether to allow government to unlock iPhones). And in a democ-racy,
policy choices hinge on how muchcitizens value freedom and how muchthey
value order.
The ModernDilemma: Freedomversus Equality

Popular opinion has it that freedom and equality go hand in hand. In reality, the two
values usually clash when governments enact policies to promote social equality.
Because social equality is a relatively recent government objective, deciding between
policies that promote equality at the expense of freedom and vice versa is the modern
dilemma of politics. Consider these examples:
During the 1960s, Congress(through the Equal Pay Act) required employers to
pay women and men the same rate for equal work.This legislation means that
some employers are forced to pay women morethan they would if their compensa-tion
policies were based on the employers’ free choice.
During the 1970s, the courts ordered the busing of schoolchildren to achieve afair
distribution of Blacks and whitesin public schools.This action was motivated by
concern for educational equality, but it also impaired freedom of choice.
During the 1980s, some states passed legislation that went beyond the idea of equal
payfor equal workto the moreradical notion of pay equity—that is, equal payfor
comparable work. Women had to be paid at a rate equal to men’seven if they had
different jobs, providing the women’sjobs were of “comparable worth.” For exam-ple,
if the skills and responsibilities of a female nurse werefound to be comparable
to those of a malelaboratory technician in the same hospital, the woman’s salary

and the man’ssalary would have to be the same.
During the 1990s, Congress prohibited discrimination in employment, public ser-vices,
and public accommodations on the basis of physical or mental disabilities.
Under the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act, businesses with twenty-five or
more employees cannot pass over an otherwise qualified disabled person in employ-ment
or promotion, and new buses and trains have to be made accessible to them.
During the first decade of the 2000s, Congress passed the Genetic Information
Nondiscrimination Act (GINA). In 2008, President George W. Bush (2001–2009)
signed it, prohibiting companies from discrimination in hiring based on an indi-vidual’s
genetic tests, genetic tests of afamily member, or family medical history.
During the 2010s, the Supreme Court prohibited states from preventing members
of the same sex to marry.
These examples illustrate the challenge of using government power to promote

equality. The clash between freedom and order is obvious, but the clash between free-dom
and equality is less clear. Americans, who think of freedom and equality as com-plementary
rather than conflicting values, often do not notice the clash. Whenforced
to choose between the two, however, Americans arefar morelikely to choose freedom
over equality than are people in other countries.
The conflicts among freedom, order, and equality explain a great deal of the politi-cal
conflict in the United States.These conflicts also underlie the ideologies that people
use to structure their understanding of politics.
Ideology and the Scope of Government

LO 1-6 Distinguish among these terms: totalitarianism, socialism,
capitalism, libertarianism, and anarchism.
People hold different opinions about the merits of government policies. Sometimes
their views are based on self-interest. For example, young people are more likely to
favor low tuition at public universities than older citizens, while older taxpayers are
morelikely to support senior discounts when riding public transportation. Policies also
are judged according to individual values and beliefs. Some people hold assorted values
and beliefs that produce contradictory opinions on government policies. Others orga-nize
political ideology their opinions into a political ideology—a consistent set of values and beliefs about
A consistent set of values and the proper purpose and scope of government.
beliefs about the proper pur-pose
How far should government go to maintain order, provide public goods, and pro-mote
and scope of government.
equality? In the United States (as in every other nation), citizens, scholars, and
politicians have different answers. Wecan analyze their positions by referring to phi-losophies
about the proper scope of government—that is, the range of its permissible
activities. Imagine a continuum. At one end is the belief that government should do
everything; at the other is the belief that government should not exist. These extreme
ideologies, from the most government to the least government, and those that fall in
between are shown in figure 1.1.
totalitarianism Totalitarianism
A political philosophy that
advocates unlimited power for
Totalitarianismis the beliefthat government should have unlimited power. Atotalitarian
the government to enable it to government controls all sectors of society: business, labor, education, religion, sports, and
control all sectors of society. the arts. Atrue totalitarian favors a network of laws, rules, and regulations that guides
Ideology and the Scope of Government 19
Figure 1.1 Ideology and the Scope of Government
We can classify political ideologies according to the scope of action that people are willing to allow government in dealing with
social and economic problems. In this chart, the three rows map out various philosophical positions along an underlying con-tinuum
ranging from least to most government. Notice that conventional politics in the United States spans only a narrow por-tion
of the theoretical possibilities for government action. In popular usage, liberals favor a greater scope of government, and
conservatives want a narrower scope. But over time, the traditional distinction has eroded and now oversimplifies the differ-ences
between liberals and conservatives. Figure 1.2 offers a more discriminating classification of liberals and conservatives.
Questions: Why does “Communist” not appear as a political theory? Where would you place it?
LEAST MOST
GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT
POLITICALTHEORIES
Anarchism Libertarianism Liberalism Totalitarianism
ECONOMICTHEORIES
Laissez Faire Capitalism Socialism
POPULARPOLITICALLABELSIN THE UNITED STATES
Conservative Liberal
every aspect of individual behavior. The object is to produce a perfect society serving
some master plan for “the common good.” Totalitarianism has reached its terrifying full
potential only in literature andfilms (for example,in George Orwell’s1984, a novel about
“Big Brother” watching everyone), but several societies have come perilously close to
“perfection.” Think of Germany under Hitler and the Soviet Union under Stalin—or per-haps
North Korea under Kim Jong Un. Not many people openly professtotalitarianism
today, but the concept is useful because it anchors one side of our continuum.
Socialism
Whereas totalitarianism refers to government in general, socialism pertains to gov-ernment’s
socialism
role in the economy. Like communism, socialism is an economic system A form of rule in which the
central government plays a
based on Marxist theory. Under socialism (and communism), the scope of govern-ment
strong role in regulating existing
extends to ownership or control of the basic industries that produce goods and
private industry and directing
services. These include communications, mining, heavy industry, transportation, and the economy, although it does
energy. Although socialism favors a strong role for government in regulating private allow some private ownership of
industry and directing the economy, it allows more room than communism does for productive capacity.
private ownership of productive capacity. Many Americans equate socialism with the democratic socialism
communism practiced in the old closed societies of the Soviet Union and Eastern A socialist form of government
Europe, but there is a difference. Although communism in theory was supposed to that guarantees civil liberties
such as freedom of speech and
result in what Marx referred to as a “withering away” of the state, communist govern-ments
religion. Citizens determine the
in practice tended toward totalitarianism, controlling not just economic life
extent of government activity
but also both political and social life through a dominant party organization. Some through free elections and com-petitive
socialist governments, however, practice democratic socialism.They guarantee civil political parties.
liberties (such as freedom of speech and freedom of religion) and allow their citi-zens
to determine the extent of the government’s activity through free elections and
competitive political parties. Outside the United States, socialism is not universally
viewed asinherently bad. In fact, the governments of Britain, Sweden, Germany, and
France, among other democracies, have at times since World WarII been avowedly
socialist. More recently, the formerly communist regimes of Eastern Europe have
abandoned the controlling role of government in their economies for strong doses
of capitalism.
Capitalism
Capitalism also relates to the government’s role in the economy. In contrast to both
capitalism socialism and communism, capitalism supports free enterprise—private businesses
The system of government that operating without government regulation. Some theorists, most notably the late
favors free enterprise (privately
Nobel Prize–winning economist Milton Friedman, argue that free enterprise is nec-essary
owned businesses operating
for free politics.23 This argument, that the economic system of capitalism is
without government regulation).
essential to democracy, contradicts the tenets of democratic socialism. Whetherit
is valid depends in part on our understanding of democracy, a subject discussed in
chapter 2.The United Statesis decidedly a capitalist country, moreso than mostother
Western nations. Despite the US government’s enormous budget, it owns or operates
relatively few public enterprises. For example, railroads, airlines, and television sta-tions,
which are frequently owned bythe government in other countries, are privately
owned in the United States. But our government does extend its authority into the
economic sphere, regulating private businesses and directing the overall economy.
Both American liberals and conservatives embrace capitalism, but they differ on the
nature and amount of government intervention in the economy they deem necessary
or desirable.
Libertarianism
libertarianism Libertarianism opposes all government action except what is necessary to protect life
A political ideology that is and property. Libertarians grudgingly recognize the necessity of government but believe
opposed to all government
that it should be aslimited as possible and should not promote either order or equal-ity.
action except as necessary
For example, libertarians grant the need for traffic laws to ensure safe and efficient
to protect life and property.
automobile travel. But they oppose laws requiring motorcycle riders to wear helmets,
libertarians and the libertarian ethos in New Hampshire makesit the only state not requiring seat
Those who are opposed to using
belts. Libertarians believethat social programs that provide food, clothing, and shelter
government to promote either
are outside the proper scope of government. Helping the needy, they insist, should be
order or equality.
a matter of individual choice. Libertarians also oppose government ownership of basic
industries; in fact, they oppose any government intervention in the economy. This kind
laissez faire of economic policy is called laissez faire, a French phrase that means“let (people) do
An economic doctrine that (as they please).” Such an extreme policy extends beyond the free enterprise that most
opposes any form of govern-ment
capitalists advocate.
intervention in business.
Libertarians are vocal advocates of hands-off government in both the social and the
economic spheres. Although Kentucky Senator Rand Paul waselected as a Republican,
he represented the party’s libertarian wing. Other libertarians make no secret of their
identity. The Libertarian Party ran candidates in every presidential election since 1972,
and in every state in 2020. Its best showing wasin 2016, when it won 4 million votes,
which wasstill only 3 percent of all votes cast.
Do not confuse libertarians with liberals—or with liberalism, the John Locke–inspired
doctrine mentioned earlier. The words are similar, but their meanings are
Ideology and the Scope of Government 21
quite different. Libertarianism draws on liberty asits root (following Locke) and means
“absence of governmental constraint.” While both liberalism and libertarianism leave
citizens free to pursue their private goals, libertarianism treats freedom as a pure goal;
it’s liberalism on steroids. Liberalism, in American political usage, evolved from the
root wordliberal in the sense of “freely,” like a liberal serving of butter. Liberals see a
positive role for government in helping the disadvantaged. Over time, liberal has come
to mean something closer to generous, in the sense that liberals (but not libertarians)
support government spending on social programs. Libertarians find little benefit in any
government social program.
Anarchism
Anarchism stands opposite totalitarianism on the political continuum. Anarchists anarchism
oppose all government in any form. As a political philosophy, anarchism values abso-lute A political philosophy that
opposes government in any form.
freedom. Becauseall government involves some restriction on personal freedom
(for example, forcing people to drive on one side of the road), a pure anarchist would
object even to traffic laws. Like totalitarianism, anarchism is not a popular philoso-phy,
but it does have adherents on the political fringes. Anarchists also have a website:
www.anarchistnews.org.
Liberals and Conservatives: The Narrow Middle

As shown in figure 1.1, practical politics in the United States ranges over only the
central portion of the continuum. The extreme positions—totalitarianism and
anarchism—are rarely argued in public debates. And in this era of distrust of “big
government,” few American politicians openly advocate socialism. When he cam-paigned
for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2016 and 2020, Vermont
Senator Bernie Sanders had trouble explaining his self-description as a democratic
socialist. However, more than 100 people ran for Congress in 2020 as candidates of
the Libertarian Party without needing to explain libertarianism. Although none won,
American libertarians are sufficiently vocal to be heard in the debate over the role of
government.
Still, mostof that debateis limited to a narrow range of political thought. Onone
side are people commonly called liberals; on the other side are conservatives. In popu-lar
usage,liberals favor moregovernment, conservatives less.This distinction is clear
when the issue is government spending to provide public goods. Liberals favor gener-ous
government support for education, wildlife protection, public transportation, and
a whole range of social programs. Conservatives want smaller government budgets
and fewer government programs. They support free enterprise and argue against gov-ernment
job programs, regulation of business, and legislation of working conditions
and wage rates.
But on other topics, liberals and conservatives reverse their positions. In theory,
liberals favor government activism, yet they oppose government regulation of abor-tion.
In theory, conservatives oppose government activism, yet they support govern-ment
surveillance of telephone conversations tofight terrorism. What’sgoing on? Are
American political attitudes hopelessly contradictory, or is something missing in our
analysis of these ideologies today? Actually, something is missing. To understand the
liberal and conservative stances on political issues, we mustlook not only at the scope
of government action but also at the purpose of government action. That is, to under-stand
a political ideology, it is necessaryto understand how it incorporates the values
of freedom, order, and equality.
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Title: Le Legs de 30.000 dollars et autres contes
Author: Mark Twain
Translator: Michel Epuy
Release date: September 24, 2023 [eBook #71715]
Language: French
Original publication: Paris: Mercure de France, 1919
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TABLE
LE LEGS DE 30.000 DOLLARS
DU MÊME AUTEUR
Contes choisis, traduits par Gabriel de Lautrec et précédés d’une
1 vol.
étude sur l’humour
Exploits de Tom Sawyer détective et autres nouvelles, traduits
1 vol.
par François de Gail
Un Pari de Milliardaires, et autres nouvelles, traduits par
1 vol.
François de Gail
Le Prétendant américain, roman traduit par François de Gail 1 vol.
Plus fort que Sherlock Holmès, traduit par François de Gail 1 vol.
Le Capitaine tempête, et autres contes, traduits par Gabriel de
1 vol.
Lautrec
Les Peterkins, et autres contes, traduits par François de Gail 1 vol.
MARK TWAIN
Le
Legs de 30.000 dollars
ET AUTRES CONTES
TRADUITS ET PRÉCÉDÉS D’UNE ÉTUDE SUR L’AUTEUR
PAR
MICHEL EPUY
CINQUIÈME ÉDITION
PARIS
MERCURE DE FRANCE
XXVI, RUE DE CONDÉ, XXVI
MCMXIX
JUSTIFICATION DU TIRAGE
Droits de traduction et de reproduction réservés pour tous pays.

MARK TWAIN
(SAMUEL CLEMENS)
En 1835, toutes les régions situées à l’ouest du Mississipi ne possédaient
guère plus de cinq cent mille habitants blancs au lieu des vingt-deux
millions qui s’y trouvent aujourd’hui. Dans ces espaces immenses et à peu
près inexplorés, les États-Unis ne comptaient que deux «États» organisés et
policés, la Louisiane et le Missouri; tout le reste était «territoire» sans limite
fixe et sans gouvernement. Deux villes seulement, la Nouvelle-Orléans et
Saint-Louis, groupaient quelques milliers d’habitants, et si l’on excepte la
Nouvelle-Orléans, qui est d’ailleurs à l’Orient du fleuve, on peut dire qu’il
n’y avait dans ces vastes régions qu’une seule ville, Saint-Louis, qui fut
longtemps la Métropole, la reine, le Paris de ces pays... Or Saint-Louis
n’avait alors que 10.000 habitants.
C’est dans ces solitudes, en un petit hameau perdu (Florida, du district
de Missouri), que naquit Samuel Langhorne Clemens, le 30 novembre
1835. Ses parents s’étaient aventurés jusque-là pour profiter des grandes
occasions qui devaient fatalement se produire en ces pays neufs, mais le
hasard déjoua tous leurs plans, et, soixante ans après leur séjour à Florida,
le hameau ne comptait pas plus de cent vingt-cinq habitants. Quand nous
entendons parler de villes qui se fondent et se peuplent de vingt mille
habitants en quelques mois, quand nous lisons les récits de ces miraculeuses
fortunes réalisées dans ce Far-West en moins de dix ans, il semble que tous
ceux qui s’y rendirent autrefois auraient dû arriver inévitablement à quelque
résultat... Mais il n’en fut pas ainsi, et les parents de Mark Twain paraissent
avoir passé à côté de toutes les merveilleuses occasions qui se multipliaient
en vain sous leurs pas. Ils auraient pu acheter tout l’emplacement où s’élève
aujourd’hui la ville de Chicago pour une paire de bottes. Ils auraient pu
élever une ferme à l’endroit où s’est formé le quartier aristocratique de
Saint-Louis... Au lieu de cela, ils vécurent quelque temps à Columbia, dans
le Kentucky, dans une petite propriété que cultivaient leurs six esclaves,
puis se rendirent à Jamestown, sur un plateau du Tennessee. Quand John
Marshall Clemens prit possession de 80.000 acres de terres sur ce plateau, il
crut que sa fortune était faite... mais les chemins de fer et les villes
semblaient prendre plaisir à éviter les possessions de la famille Clemens.
Elle émigra encore, alla d’abord à Florida,—qui semblait appelé à de
grandes destinées au temps de la Présidence de Jackson;—puis enfin en un
autre hameau qui s’appelait Hannibal.
Si Samuel Clemens naquit dans une famille pauvre, il hérita du moins
d’un sang pur. Ses ancêtres étaient établis dans les États du Sud depuis fort
longtemps. Son père, John Marshall Clemens, de l’État de Virginie,
descendait de Gregory Clemens, un des juges qui condamnèrent Charles Iᵉʳ
à mort. Un cousin du père de Twain, Jérémiah Clemens, représenta l’État
d’Alabama au Congrès, de 1849 à 1853.
Par sa mère, Jane Lampton (ou mieux Lambton), le jeune Twain
descendait des Lambton de Durham (Angleterre), famille qui possède la
même propriété depuis le douzième siècle jusqu’aujourd’hui. Quelques
représentants de cette famille avaient émigré de bonne heure en Nouvelle-
Angleterre, et, leurs descendants s’étant aventurés toujours plus loin dans
les terres inexplorées, Jane Lampton était née dans quelque hutte en troncs
d’arbres du Kentucky. Cet État passait alors pour une pépinière de jolies
filles, et tout porte à penser que la jeune maman de Mark Twain joignit de
grandes qualités de cœur et d’esprit à sa remarquable beauté.
John Marshall Clemens avait fait des études de droit en Virginie et il
exerça pendant quelque temps les fonctions de juge de comté (juge de paix)
de Hannibal. Ce fut le seul maître du jeune Samuel, et lorsqu’il mourut, en
mars 1847, Twain cessa d’étudier. Il avait été jusqu’alors assez chétif et son
père n’avait pas voulu le surmener, bien qu’il eût été fort désireux de
donner une solide instruction à ses enfants. Ce fut assurément une bonne
chose pour Twain de ne pas subir l’empreinte uniforme de la culture
classique. Ce sont les hommes, les livres, les voyages et tous les incidents
d’une vie aventureuse qui ont formé son esprit, et c’est par là sans doute
qu’il acquit ce tempérament si unique, personnel et original.
Après la mort de son père, il entra dans une petite imprimerie de village
où son frère aîné Orion dirigeait, composait et fabriquait de toutes pièces
une petite feuille hebdomadaire. L’enfant de 13 ans fut employé un peu
dans tous les «services» et, en l’absence de son frère, il se révéla journaliste
de race en illustrant ses articles au moyen de planches de bois
grossièrement gravées à l’aide d’une petite hachette. Le numéro où parurent
ces illustrations éveilla l’attention de tous les lecteurs du village, mais
«n’excita nullement leur admiration», ajouta son frère en racontant
l’incident.
Dès son jeune âge, Samuel avait témoigné d’un tempérament fort
aventureux. Avant d’entrer à l’imprimerie de son frère, il fut retiré trois fois
du Mississipi et six fois de la Rivière de l’Ours, et chaque fois il avait bien
manqué y rester: mais sa mère, douée d’une imperturbable confiance en
l’avenir, avait simplement dit: «Les gens destinés à être pendus ne se noient
jamais!»
Vers dix-huit ans, le jeune Clemens commença à se trouver trop à l’étroit
dans ce petit village d’Hannibal. Il partit et alla d’imprimerie en imprimerie
à travers tous les États de l’Est. Il vit l’exposition de New-York en 1855,
visita Boston et d’autres villes, vivant de rien, travaillant quelques semaines
dans les imprimeries où il parvenait à s’embaucher. A la fin, à bout de
ressources, il rentra chez lui, travailla dans quelques autres imprimeries à
Saint-Louis, Muscatine et Keokuk jusqu’en 1857. Ce fut à ce moment qu’il
changea de métier pour la première fois: il obtint de son ami Horace Bixby
la faveur de devenir son élève... Horace Bixby était pilote sur le Mississipi.
Le charme de cette existence paresseuse sur les eaux tranquilles du fleuve
attirait le jeune homme et il en devait garder toute sa vie une empreinte
indélébile. Dans Tom Sawyer, Huckleberry Finn, La Vie sur le Mississipi,
Twain a abondamment parlé de ce beau métier rendu inutile maintenant par
les progrès de la civilisation.
Assurément, les grands traits innés d’un caractère se développent
toujours et malgré toutes les circonstances, mais on est en droit de se
demander ce que serait devenue la gaieté communicative et gamine de
Twain s’il avait été élevé à Ecclefechan au lieu de l’être à Hannibal, et en
quoi se serait métamorphosée la gravité de Carlyle s’il avait passé sa
jeunesse à Hannibal et non à Ecclefechan...
Il y a cinquante ans, un pilote sur le Mississipi était un grand
personnage. D’une habileté consommée, il était maître absolu du bord, et à
ce moment-là un vice-président des États-Unis ne gagnait pas plus que lui.
C’était une très haute position, mais fort difficile à acquérir; et Samuel
Clemens dut s’imposer un incroyable labeur, un travail auprès duquel la
préparation au doctorat en philosophie n’est rien. Pour apprécier à sa juste
valeur l’éducation d’un pilote, il faut lire toute la Vie sur le Mississipi...
mais peut-être ce petit extrait pourra-t-il donner une faible idée d’un des
éléments de cette éducation: la culture intensive de la mémoire:
«Il y a une faculté qu’avant tout autre un pilote doit posséder et
développer d’une façon intense, c’est la mémoire. Il n’est pas suffisant
d’avoir une bonne mémoire, il faut l’avoir parfaite. Le pilote ne saurait
avoir la moindre défaillance du souvenir ou le moindre doute sur tel ou tel
point du métier, il lui faut toujours savoir clairement et immédiatement.
Quel mépris aurait accueilli le pilote d’autrefois s’il avait prononcé un
faible «Je crois» ou «Peut-être» au moment où il fallait une décision
prompte et une assurance résolue! Il est très difficile de se rendre compte du
nombre infini de détails qu’il faut avoir présents à l’esprit quand on conduit
un bateau le long du fleuve encombré, à travers des passes instables et par
des fonds mouvants. Essayez de suivre une des rues de New-York en
observant les détails de chaque maison, la disposition, la couleur, la nature
des murs, des portes, des fenêtres, le caractère de chaque magasin,
l’emplacement des bouches d’égout, etc., etc. Tâchez de vous souvenir de
tous ces détails au point d’être capable de les retrouver immédiatement par
la nuit la plus noire... Imaginez maintenant que vous faites la même étude
pour une rue de plus de 4.000 kilomètres de longueur, et vous aurez une
idée encore très atténuée de tout ce que doit savoir un pilote du Mississipi.
De plus, il faut se dire que chacun de ces détails change constamment de
place suivant une certaine loi et suivant certaines conditions climatériques...
Vous comprendrez peut-être alors ce que peut être la responsabilité d’un
homme qui doit connaître tout cela sous peine de mener un bateau et des
centaines de vies à la perdition.
«Je crois, continue Mark Twain, que la mémoire d’un pilote est une
merveille. J’ai connu des personnes capables de réciter l’Ancien et le
Nouveau Testament d’un bout à l’autre, en commençant par l’Apocalypse
aussi bien que par la Genèse, mais je proclame que ce tour de force n’est
rien relativement au travail que doit déployer à chaque instant un bon
pilote.»
Le jeune Clemens s’exerça et étudia longtemps; il reçut enfin son brevet
de pilote, eut un emploi régulier et se considérait comme établi lorsque
éclata la guerre civile qui brisa cette jeune carrière. La navigation
commerciale sur le Mississipi cessa complètement, et les petits bateaux de
guerre, les canonnières noires, remplacèrent les grands paquebots blancs
dont les pilotes avaient été les maîtres incontestés. Clemens se trouvait à la
Nouvelle-Orléans lorsque la Louisiane se sépara des autres États; il partit
immédiatement et remonta le fleuve. Chaque jour son bateau fut arrêté par
des canonnières, et pendant la dernière nuit du voyage, juste en aval de
Saint-Louis, sa cheminée fut coupée en deux par des boulets tirés des
baraquements de Jefferson.
Élevé dans le Sud, Mark Twain sympathisait naturellement avec les
Esclavagistes. En juin, il rejoignit les Sudistes dans le Missouri et s’enrôla
comme second lieutenant sous les ordres du général Tom Harris. Sa carrière
militaire ne dura que deux semaines. Après avoir échappé de peu à
l’honneur d’être capturé par le colonel Ulysse Grant, il donna sa démission,
prétextant une trop grande fatigue. Dans ses œuvres, Twain n’a jamais parlé
de cette courte expérience qu’avec ironie et il l’a présentée souvent comme
un épisode burlesque, mais si l’on en croit les rapports officiels et la
correspondance des généraux Sudistes, il se serait très valeureusement
conduit... Ce n’est donc pas le courage qui lui manqua... Il vaut mieux
penser que ses sympathies esclavagistes n’étaient que superficielles et qu’en
lui se cachaient des sentiments de justice et d’humanité auxquels il se
décida à obéir. C’est du reste ce qui lui est arrivé constamment durant tout
le reste de sa vie: jamais il ne consentit à avouer les élans de son grand
cœur et il cacha constamment ses bonnes actions sous le voile de son ironie,
masquant le sanglot par le rire...
Mais revenons à la biographie. Son frère Orion, étant persona grata
auprès des ministres du Président Lincoln, réussit à se faire nommer
premier secrétaire du territoire de Névada. Il offrit aussitôt à son cadet de
l’accompagner en qualité de secrétaire privé, avec «rien à faire, mais sans
traitement». Les deux frères partirent ensemble et firent un magnifique
voyage à travers la Prairie.
Pendant toute une année, Mark Twain parcourut en explorateur et
chasseur les territoires avoisinant les mines d’argent de Humboldt et
d’Esmeralda. C’est à ce moment qu’il fit ses premiers débuts d’écrivain. Il
envoya quelques lettres au journal de la ville la plus proche, à l’Entreprise
Territoriale de Virginia City. Cela attira l’attention du propriétaire du
journal, M. J. T. Goodman, qui lui demanda une correspondance régulière.
Les lettres du jeune Clemens firent une certaine sensation... Il ne s’agissait
alors que de l’organisation de ces contrées incultes et non policées, mais
dans ses lettres hebdomadaires, Samuel Clemens disait si rudement leur fait
aux législateurs et aux aventuriers que, à chaque séance du Conseil d’État,
un nouveau scandale éclatait, chaque député se voyant véhémentement
accusé de quelque énormité... Voyant cela, le correspondant de l’Entreprise
Territoriale redoubla ses coups et se décida à signer ses chroniques; il
adopta comme pseudonyme le cri par lequel on annonçait autrefois la
profondeur des eaux en naviguant sur le Mississipi: Mark three! Quarter
twain! Half twain! Mark twain![A].
A cette époque le duel était fort répandu, et toujours sérieux. L’arme était
le revolver de marine Colt. Les adversaires étaient placés à quinze pas et
avaient chacun six coups; ils se blessaient presque toujours mortellement.
Or, Mark Twain, dont les articles suscitaient beaucoup de colères, eut une
querelle avec M. Laird, directeur du journal l’Union de Virginia City, et une
rencontre fut jugée nécessaire. Aucun des deux combattants n’était bien fort
au revolver; aussi se mirent-ils tous deux à s’exercer activement. Mark
Twain tiraillait dans les bois, sous la direction de son second, lorsqu’on
entendit les coups de feu de l’adversaire, qui s’exerçait non loin de là. Le
compagnon de Twain lui prit alors son arme et à trente mètres abattit un
oiseau... L’adversaire survint alors, vit l’oiseau, demanda qui l’avait tué. Le
second de l’humoriste déclara que c’était Twain... et M. Laird, après
quelques instants de réflexion, offrit des excuses publiques.
Cet incident eut des conséquences importantes. Les duellistes étaient
pourchassés avec rigueur, et, apprenant qu’il était recherché par la police,
Twain dut fuir jusqu’en Californie. A San-Francisco, il trouva un poste de
rédacteur au Morning Call, mais ce travail routinier ne lui convenait pas et
il alla tenter la fortune auprès de mines d’or. Il ne découvrit heureusement
aucun filon précieux, et sut échapper à la terrible fascination qui retient tant
de milliers d’hommes dans les abominables baraquements des placers. De
retour à San-Francisco, trois mois après, il écrivit encore quelques lettres à
son ancien journal de Virginie, puis accepta d’aller étudier la question de la
culture de la canne à sucre à Hawaï pour le compte du journal l’Union de
Sacramento. Ce fut à Honolulu qu’il accomplit son premier exploit de
journaliste. Le clipper Hornet avait fait naufrage et arrivait à Honolulu avec
quelques survivants qui avaient vécu de quelques boîtes de conserves
pendant quarante-trois jours. Mark Twain leur fit raconter leurs aventures,
travailla toute le nuit et envoya dès le lendemain à son journal un
merveilleux récit du naufragé. Ce récit arrivé le premier à San-Francisco, fit
sensation, et l’Union en témoigna sa reconnaissance à Mark Twain en
décuplant ses honoraires ordinaires.
Après avoir passé six mois dans les îles Sandwich, Mark Twain revint en
Californie et fit sur son voyage quelques conférences qui furent bien
accueillies. En 1867, il se rendit dans l’Amérique Centrale, traversa
l’isthme de Panama, revint dans les États de l’Est et accepta d’accompagner
un pèlerinage de Quakers en Terre-Sainte, en qualité de correspondant de
l’Alta California de San-Francisco. Il visita alors les principaux ports
Méditerranéens et la Mer Noire. C’est de ce voyage qu’est née la principale
inspiration des Innocents à l’Étranger, le livre qui assura la célébrité de
Mark Twain. Il avait déjà écrit, il est vrai, la Grenouille Sauteuse, cette
histoire d’une bonne farce bien yankee, mais ce fut cette peinture des
Innocents à l’Étranger qui éveilla l’attention. Un critique digne de foi
affirme que les cent mille exemplaires—auxquels rêve tout romancier—se
vendirent en un an.
Les quatre années suivantes furent consacrées à des tournées de
conférences: travail désagréable, mais lucratif. Mark Twain a toujours eu
horreur de s’exhiber sur une plate-forme quelconque, et cependant c’est à
cet exercice qu’il dut de gagner si vite la faveur du public. Il fit partie, avec
Henry Ward Beecher, d’un petit groupe d’hommes que chaque municipalité
de petite ville recherchait à tout prix et dont le nom seul assurait la réussite
d’une série de conférences.
La tournée qui comprenait la Cité des Quakers eut un résultat heureux et
important. Par son frère, qui faisait partie de la bande, M. Samuel Clemens
fit la connaissance de Miss Olivia L. Langdon, et il en résulta, en février
1870, le plus gentil mariage que l’on puisse rêver. Quatre enfants naquirent
de cette union. Le premier ne vécut que deux ans. Le second, une fille,
Suzanne-Olivia, douée d’une intelligence remarquable, mourut à l’âge de
vingt-quatre ans. Deux autres filles naquirent en 1874 et en 1880. L’une
d’elles, qui avait toujours vécu avec son père, est morte dans son bain en
1909, moins d’un an avant Mark Twain lui-même.
Après son mariage, Twain résida d’abord à Buffalo, dans une propriété
que M. Langdon avait donnée à sa fille en cadeau de noces. Il acheta une
part d’administrateur dans un journal quotidien, l’Express de Buffalo,
auquel il collabora activement. Mais ce travail au jour le jour ne lui
convenait pas et ce fut là sa dernière incursion dans le domaine du
journalisme. Au bout d’une année, il renonça à ses fonctions; désormais
assuré de gagner tout l’argent qu’il voudrait en écrivant à sa fantaisie, il se
vit libre de choisir le moment et le lieu de ses travaux.
Il y avait alors à Hartford un petit milieu littéraire très intéressant. Cette
petite ville, fort pittoresque et très tranquille, avait attiré auprès d’elle
quelques hommes d’élite, et son charme captiva le célèbre humoriste. Il s’y
établit en octobre 1871 et bientôt après y bâtit une maison dont on parla
beaucoup aux États-Unis. C’est qu’elle avait été bâtie selon des plans tout
nouveaux et qu’elle devait servir de protestation contre le mauvais goût de
l’architecture domestique en Amérique. Pendant plusieurs années, cette
maison fut un objet d’étonnement pour le touriste ingénu. Le simple fait que
ses chambres fussent disposées pour la commodité de ceux qui devaient les
occuper, que ses fenêtres, ses vérandas, ses tourelles fussent construites en
vue du confort et de la beauté, eut le don de réveiller l’apathie des critiques
et de causer de grandes discussions dans tous les journaux et dans toutes les
revues des États-Unis, à propos de ce qu’on appelait «la nouvelle farce de
Mark Twain».
Mais avec le travail et le succès, le tempérament littéraire de Mark
Twain achevait de se développer. Il publia Roughing It, qu’il avait écrit en
1872 et dont le succès égala presque celui des Innocents. C’était encore un
simple récit humoristique des expériences personnelles de l’auteur, mais il y
ajoutait cette fois de brillantes descriptions. Avec l’Age d’Or qui parut la
même année et qu’il avait écrit en collaboration avec Charles Dudley
Warner, l’humoriste commença à se transformer en philosophe. Tom
Sawyer, qui parut en 1876, est une piquante étude psychologique, et le
roman qui lui fait suite, Huckleberry Finn (publié neuf ans plus tard), est
une étude fort émouvante du développement progressif d’une âme inculte et
fruste. Le Prince et le Pauvre (1882), Un Yankee à la Cour du Roi Arthur
(1890) et Pudd’nhead Wilson (1893) sont tout vibrants de sympathie, de
tendresse et de délicate sentimentalité, l’humour y occupe une place
inférieure, et c’est ce qu’on ne sait pas assez en France, bien que Mark
Twain n’ait jamais écrit un livre d’où l’humour fût totalement absent.
En 1894 et 1895 parut en périodique un livre anonyme intitulé:
Souvenirs personnels sur Jeanne d’Arc. La plupart des critiques
l’attribuèrent à M. X. ou à M. Y... Aucun ne songea à Mark Twain, et
pourtant ce livre était bien caractéristique, à chaque page se manifestait
cette tranquille audace du grand homme qui savait si bien parler en riant des
choses les plus respectables et les plus tristes sans jamais tomber dans la
trivialité. Cette œuvre marque une date dans la vie littéraire de Mark Twain,
il y fait preuve d’une puissance d’émotion qu’on n’aurait jamais
soupçonnée chez l’auteur de la Grenouille Sauteuse. Dans les Innocents
même Twain n’avait que de l’esprit, maintenant il a du cœur, il a de l’âme.
Et à côté de ce développement moral, se manifeste aussi un
développement intellectuel. Le Mark Twain des Innocents avait le regard
perçant et observateur; il savait trouver des mots drôles et des saillies
spirituelles, mais il avouait franchement qu’il ne savait pas «ce que diable
pouvait bien être la Renaissance». Après les Souvenirs personnels sur
Jeanne d’Arc, l’humoriste bruyant des premières années est devenu un lettré
accompli et un écrivain à qui l’Europe ne peut plus guère offrir de surprises.
En 1873, Mark Twain passa plusieurs mois en Écosse et en Angleterre,
et fit quelques conférences à Londres. Il revint en Europe en 1878, et y
passa un an et demi. A son retour, il publia, presque coup sur coup: Une
promenade à l’Étranger, le Prince et le Pauvre, la Vie sur le Mississipi et
Huckleberry Finn. Il faut noter que ce dernier livre, qui est d’une très haute
portée morale, fut d’abord mal accueilli, sinon par le public, du moins par
les libraires, qui le déclarèrent immoral.
Jusqu’alors, la fortune avait constamment souri aux entreprises de
Twain. On le citait—avec envie—comme un exemple de littérateur
millionnaire qui dédaigne les efforts des débutants pauvres et ne se soucie
plus de ce qu’on peut dire ou ne pas dire de lui. Mais, à ce moment
commencèrent des spéculations malheureuses, qui finirent par emporter tout
le fruit de son pénible labeur et le laissèrent chargé de dettes contractées par
d’autres. En 1885, il avait commandité la maison d’édition Charles L.
Webster et Cⁱᵉ à New-York. Les affaires de cette maison commencèrent
brillamment. Elle édita les Mémoires du Général Grant, dont six cent mille
exemplaires se vendirent en peu de temps. Le premier chèque reçu par les
héritiers de Grant fut de 150.000 dollars, et quelques mois après, ils en
reçurent un autre de 200.000 dollars. C’est, croyons-nous, le chèque le plus
considérable qui ait jamais été payé pour un seul ouvrage. Pendant ce
temps, M. Clemens dépensait de fortes sommes à la fabrication d’une
machine typographique qui devait faire merveille. A l’essai, cette machine
fonctionna très bien, mais elle était trop compliquée et coûteuse pour
devenir d’un usage courant, et, après avoir dépensé toute une fortune entre
1886 et 1889 à réaliser ce rêve, Mark Twain dut y renoncer. Après cela, la
maison Webster, mal dirigée, fit faillite; Twain sacrifia encore 65.000
dollars pour essayer de la sauver. Il n’y réussit pas et se trouva enfin engagé
pour 96.000 dollars dans le passif de cette maison.
En 1895 et 1896, il fit le tour du monde, et son récit de voyage,
Following the Equator, paya toutes les dettes dont il avait assumé la
responsabilité. De 1897 à 1899, il parcourut l’Angleterre, la Suisse et
l’Autriche. Il se plut beaucoup à Vienne, où on voulait le retenir. Il y fut
témoin de quelques événements intéressants. Il se trouvait au Reichsrath
autrichien en cette séance mémorable qui fut violemment interrompue par
l’arrivée de soixante agents de police venus pour arrêter seize membres de
l’opposition. Il paraît que cet événement, unique dans les annales
parlementaires, l’impressionna vivement.
Après être demeuré plusieurs années en Amérique, Mark Twain,
septuagénaire, revint encore en Europe: c’était pour être solennellement
reçu docteur de l’Université Anglaise, en même temps que Rudyard
Kipling. En 1909, la mort de sa fille l’affecta beaucoup, et depuis lors,
souffrant d’une maladie de cœur, que l’abus du cigare ne contribuait pas à
guérir, Mark Twain languit et s’éteignit enfin, à l’âge de soixante et quinze
ans, le 20 avril 1910.
Nous laissons aux critiques autorisés le soin d’apprécier comme il
convient l’œuvre littéraire de Mark Twain: nous nous sommes bornés à
donner ici une esquisse biographique du célèbre humoriste, mais, pour
conclure, nous demandons la permission de protester contre les jugements
hâtifs portés par plusieurs auteurs des notices nécrologiques consacrées à
Mark Twain: est-il vrai que Mark Twain n’a été qu’une sorte de bouffon
grossier et sans art, qu’un pince-sans-rire flegmatique, brutal amateur de
lourdes plaisanteries?
Oui, Mark Twain a été cela, au début de sa carrière littéraire, et il faut se
rappeler qu’alors il venait d’être pilote sur le Mississipi, et qu’il s’adressait
à un public de pionniers et de rudes fermiers. Mais à mesure que les années
passaient, le talent de Twain s’affinait, son gros rire s’atténuait, sa
sensibilité, plus cultivée, vibrait chaque jour davantage, et le joyeux conteur
de bonnes farces était devenu, vers soixante ans, un psychologue averti et
un peintre attendri des plus fines nuances du sentiment. Nous pourrions
citer ici, à l’appui de ces affirmations, plusieurs nouvelles toutes pénétrées
de pitié et de tendresse, telles que Mémoires d’une Chienne, Enfer ou
Paradis? etc... Dickens ou Daudet auraient pu signer ces pages émouvantes,
mais le génie de Twain s’est élevé plus haut encore, et dans le Journal
d’Ève, qui est un recueil des toutes premières impressions d’Ève au paradis
terrestre, il a atteint la perfection d’Homère ou de La Fontaine. Ce petit
chef-d’œuvre (qui mériterait d’être édité à part avec les suggestives
illustrations qui l’accompagnent dans le texte anglais) est une merveille de
grâce et d’esprit. Tout y est souple, aisé, souriant, léger et tendre, et nous ne
croyons pas exagérer en disant qu’après avoir lu le Journal d’Ève, c’est à
Voltaire ou à Anatole France que l’on se sent contraint de comparer le
spirituel humoriste américain. Joignons-nous donc de tout cœur à ses
compatriotes pour déplorer la perte de ce grand homme.
Michel Epuy.
LE LEGS DE 30.000 DOLLARS
Lakeside était un gentil petit village de trois à quatre mille habitants; on
pouvait même le qualifier de joli pour un village du Far-West. Les facilités
religieuses eussent été assez nombreuses pour une ville de trente-cinq mille
âmes. C’est toujours ainsi dans le Far-West et dans le Midi où tout le monde
est religieux et où toutes les sectes protestantes sont représentées par un
édifice particulier. A côté de cela, les différentes classes sociales étaient
inconnues à Lakeside, inavouées en tout cas; tout le monde connaissait tout
le monde et son chien, et la sociabilité la plus aimable y régnait.
Saladin Foster était comptable dans un des principaux magasins et le
seul de cette profession à Lakeside qui fût bien salarié. Il avait trente-cinq
ans et était dans la même maison depuis quatorze ans. Il avait débuté la
semaine après son mariage, à quatre cents dollars par an. Depuis quatre ans,
il avait régulièrement obtenu cent dollars de plus chaque année. Après cela,
son salaire était resté à huit cents dollars—un joli chiffre vraiment—et tout
le monde reconnaissait qu’il en était digne.
Electra, sa femme, était une compagne capable, quoiqu’elle aimât trop
(comme lui) à faire de beaux rêves et à bâtir des châteaux au pays des
songes. La première chose qu’elle fit après son mariage, tout enfant qu’elle
fût, c’est-à-dire à dix-neuf ans à peine, ce fut d’acheter un carré de terrain
sur les limites du village et de le payer comptant, vingt-cinq dollars, soit
toute sa fortune. (Saladin, lui, n’avait que dix dollars à lui à ce moment-là.)
Elle y créa un jardin potager, le fit travailler par le plus proche voisin avec
qui elle partagea les bénéfices et cela lui rapporta cent pour un par an. Elle
préleva sur la première année le salaire de Saladin, trente dollars qu’elle mit
à la Caisse d’épargne, soixante sur la seconde année, cent sur la troisième et
cent cinquante sur la quatrième, le traitement de son mari étant alors de huit
cents dollars. Deux enfants étaient arrivés qui avaient augmenté les
dépenses; néanmoins, depuis ce moment-là, elle mit de côté régulièrement
ses cent cinquante dollars par an. Au bout de sept ans, elle fit construire et
meubla confortablement une maison de deux mille dollars au milieu de son
carré de terrain. Elle paya tout de suite la moitié de cette somme et
emménagea. Sept ans plus tard, elle s’était entièrement acquittée de sa dette
et elle possédait plusieurs centaines de dollars tous bien placés.
Depuis longtemps elle avait agrandi son terrain et en avait revendu avec
profit des lots à des gens de commerce agréable qui désiraient construire.
De cette façon elle s’était procuré des voisins sympathiques. Elle avait un
revenu indépendant en placements sûrs d’environ cent dollars par an. Ses
enfants grandissaient et jouissaient d’une florissante santé. Elle était donc
une femme heureuse par ses enfants, comme le mari et les enfants étaient
heureux par elle.
C’est à ce moment que cette histoire commence. La plus jeune des
enfants, Clytemnestra, appelée familièrement Clytie, avait onze ans; sa
sœur, Gwendolen, appelée familièrement Gwen, avait treize ans. C’étaient
de gentilles petites filles et assez jolies. Leurs noms trahissaient une teinte
romanesque dans l’âme des parents, et les noms des parents indiquaient que
cette teinte était héréditaire. C’était une famille affectueuse, d’où vient que
ces quatre membres avaient des petits noms. Le petit nom de Saladin était
curieux et pas de son sexe, on l’appelait Sally. Il en était de même d’Électra,
on l’appelait Aleck. Du matin au soir, Sally était un vaillant comptable et un
bon vendeur. Du matin au soir, Aleck était une bonne mère, une
incomparable ménagère et une femme adroite et réfléchie. Mais, le soir
venu, dans la douce intimité de la chambre commune, ils mettaient tous
deux de côté le monde et son trafic pour aller vivre dans un autre monde
plus idéal et plus beau. Ils lisaient des romans, ils faisaient des rêves d’or,
ils frayaient avec les rois et les princes, avec les grands seigneurs hautains
et les dames majestueuses dans le tumulte, la splendeur et l’éblouissement
des merveilleux palais et des très vieux châteaux.
II
Alors survint une grande nouvelle, une nouvelle étonnante et joyeuse, en
vérité. Elle arriva d’un district voisin où vivait le seul parent que
possédaient les Foster. C’était un parent de Sally, une vague espèce d’oncle
ou de cousin au second ou au troisième degré. Il s’appelait Tilbury Foster.
C’était un célibataire de soixante-dix ans réputé à son aise et par conséquent
aigri contre le monde et misanthrope acharné. Autrefois Sally avait essayé
de renouer avec lui, par lettres, mais il n’avait pas recommencé. Mais un
beau jour, Tilbury écrivit à Sally disant qu’il allait mourir prochainement et
qu’il lui laisserait trente mille dollars en espèces. Cela, non pas par affection
pour lui, mais parce qu’il devait à l’argent toutes ses peines et tous ses
soucis et qu’il désirait le placer là où il avait bon espoir de le voir continuer
son œuvre nuisible. L’héritage serait confirmé dans son testament, etc., et
lui serait intégralement payé le lendemain de son décès. Cela à condition
que Sally puisse prouver aux exécuteurs testamentaires qu’il n’avait parlé
du legs à personne, ni de vive voix, ni par lettre, qu’il n’avait fait aucune
enquête concernant la marche du moribond vers les régions éternelles et
qu’il n’avait pas assisté aux funérailles.
Dès qu’Aleck se fut remise de l’émotion intense causée par la lettre, elle
écrivit à la ville où résidait son parent pour s’abonner au journal local. Le
mari et la femme prirent ensuite l’un devant l’autre l’engagement solennel
de ne jamais divulguer la grande nouvelle à qui que ce fût pendant que leur
parent vivrait. Ils craignaient que quelque personne ignorante ne rapportât
ces paroles au lit de mort de Tilbury en les dénaturant et en laissant croire
qu’ils étaient reconnaissants de l’héritage et que, malgré la défense qui leur
en avait été faite, ils le disaient et le publiaient.
Pendant le reste de la journée, Sally ne créa que trouble et confusion
dans ses livres et Aleck ne put s’appliquer à ses affaires, elle ne put prendre
un pot de fleurs, un livre ou un morceau de bois sans oublier
immédiatement ce qu’elle pensait en faire... car ils rêvaient tous deux aux
«Tren...te mille dollars!»
Toute la journée, la musique de ces mots inspirateurs chanta dans la tête
du joyeux couple. Depuis le jour de son mariage, Aleck avait tenu une main
ferme sur la bourse et Sally avait rarement connu le privilège de gaspiller
un centime pour des choses inutiles...
«Tren...te mille dollars!»
La chanson continuait toujours. Une énorme somme! Une somme
impossible à concevoir. Du matin du soir, Aleck fut absorbée par des projets
de placement et Sally fit des plans sur la manière de dépenser cet argent.
On ne lut pas de roman ce soir-là. Les enfants se retirèrent de bonne
heure, car les parents étaient silencieux, distraits et étrangement préoccupés.
Les baisers du soir furent donnés dans le vide et ne reçurent aucune
réponse, les parents ne les avaient même pas sentis et les enfants étaient
partis depuis une heure quand les parents s’en aperçurent. Deux crayons
avaient travaillé pendant cette heure-là à faire des plans et prendre des
notes. Ce fut Sally qui le premier rompit le silence. Il s’écria tout transporté:

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The Challenge of Democracy: American

Government in Global Politics 15th

eTextbook 978-1305954922 The Challenge of Democracy:

American Government and Politics Today: The Essentials,

American government in Black and White: diversity and

Essentials of MIS (Management Information Systems),

(eBook PDF) Canadian Politics Today Democracy,

American Government and Politics Today: Essentials

American Government and Politics Today 11th Edition

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Government in Global Politics, Fifteenth

Edition Unless otherwise noted, all content is © Cengage.

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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2020

PartII Foundations of American Government

Part III Linking People with Government

PartIV Institutions of Government

Chapter 12 The Presidency 322

Chapter 13 The Bureaucracy 354

Part V Civil Liberties and Civil Rights

Part VI Making Public Policy

Chapter 18 Policymaking and Domestic Policy 508

Acknowledgments xvii 2-1 The Theory of Democratic Government 30

Procedural Democracy versus Substantive

or Equality? 2 2-3 Institutional Models of Democracy 35

Liberals versus Conservatives: The New The New Jersey Plan 60

Differences 22 The Great Compromise 61

A Two-Dimensional Classification of Ideologies 23 Compromise on the Presidency 61

The Articles of the Constitution 65

Dual Federalism 84 The Quality of Ideological Thinking in Public Opinion 135

Cooperative Federalism 85 Ideological Types in the United States 135

Dual, Cooperative, or Something Else? 86 5-6 Forming Political Opinions 138

National Crises and Demands 87 Costs, Benefits, and Cues 140

Judicial Interpretation 88 Political Leadership 141

Professionalization of State Governments 93 Chapter6: The Media 144

Congressional Redistricting 101 The Concentration of Private Ownership 156