Psychoanalytic theory, formulated by Sigmund Freud, focuses on the inner dynamics of

personality and suggests that individuals progress through universal stages of psychosexual
development, ending with the genital stage of adolescence. Erik Erikson, a neo-Freudian,
emphasizes social influences such as peers, teachers, and cultures, as well as the rational ego and
its adaptive powers. Trait theory, based on the psychometric approach, posits that personality is a
set of dispositional trait dimensions or continua along which people can differ. Researchers
construct personality scales to identify distinct trait dimensions using factor analysis to identify
groupings of personality scale items that are correlated with each other but not with other
groupings of items.

Trait theorists assume that personality traits are relatively enduring and expect to see carryover in
personality over the years. However, they do not believe that the personality unfolds in a series
of stages. A consensus has formed that human personalities can best be described in terms of a
five-factor model, with five major dimensions of personality known as the Big Five. These
dimensions appear to be genetically influenced and emerge fairly early in life, and they capture
the ways in which people all over the world describe themselves and other people.

Social learning theory, proposed by Albert Bandura and Walter Mischel, rejects the notion of
universal stages of personality development and questions the existence of enduring personality
traits that show themselves in a variety of situations and over long stretches of the life span. They
argue that consistency in personality over time is most likely if the person's social environment
remains the same. For example, if Rick the rancher continues to run the same ranch in the same
small town for a lifetime, he might stay the "same old Rick." However, most of us experience
new social environments as we grow older, and we become "different people" as we take on new
roles, develop new relationships, or move to new locations.

In conclusion, understanding personality traits and their relationship to social context is crucial
for understanding the development of personality traits and self-conceptions.

The infant

The emerging self

Infants develop a sense of self through their perceptions of their bodies and actions, which
becomes more apparent in the first 2-3 months of life. Over the first 6 months, infants discover
properties of their physical selves, distinguish between themselves and the world, and appreciate
that they can act upon other people and objects. In the second half of their first year, infants
realize that they and their companions are separate beings with different perspectives, which can
be shared through joint attention.

Around 18 months, infants recognize themselves visually as distinct individuals. Michael Lewis
and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (1979) used a technique to study self-recognition, which involves
recognizing oneself in a mirror or photograph. Most infants show clear evidence of self-
recognition by 18-24 months. As babies develop, they also form a categorical self, classifying
themselves into social categories based on age, sex, and other visible characteristics. By 18-24
months, most infants have an awareness of who they are, at least as a physical self with a unique
appearance and as a categorical self belonging to specific age and gender categories.

The development of the self is closely related to cognitive development and social interaction,
beginning in infancy. Toddlers who recognize themselves in the mirror are more able to talk
about themselves, experience self-conscious emotions, and coordinate their perspectives with
those of others.

Temperament
Infants have distinct personalities from the first weeks of life, with the study of personality
focusing on dimensions of temperament. Early genetically based tendencies to respond
predictably to events serve as the building blocks of personality. Temperament has been defined
and measured in several ways, each providing insights into a baby's personality.

Easiness and Difficultness were the first attempts to characterize infant temperaments. Alexander
Thomas, Stella Chess, and their colleagues gathered information about nine dimensions of infant
behavior, including typical mood, regularity or predictability of biological functions, tendency to
approach or withdraw from new stimuli, intensity of emotional reactions, and adaptability to new
experiences and changes in routine. Most infants could be placed into one of three categories:
Easy temperament, which is even-tempered, typically content or happy, and open and adaptable
to new experiences; Difficult temperament, which is active, irritable, and irregular in their habits;
and Slow-to-warm up temperament, which is relatively inactive, somewhat moody, and only
moderately regular in their daily schedules.

Jerome Kagan and his colleagues identified behavioral inhibition, or the tendency to be
extremely shy, restrained, and distressed in response to unfamiliar people and situations. About
15% of toddlers have this inhibited temperament, while 10% are extremely uninhibited and
exceptionally eager to jump into new situations. Mary Rothbart and her colleagues defined infant
temperament in terms of emotional reactions and the control or regulation of such reactions.

Differences in temperament appear to be rooted in genetically based differences in levels of

certain neurotransmitters and brain functioning. The goodness of fit between child and
environment determines how adaptive particular temperamental qualities are and whether they
persist. Parents should get to know their baby as an individual and allow for their personality
quirks.
The child
Elaborating in a sense of self
Toddlers develop their self-concepts through language, experiences, and the influence of their
parents and peers. They use personal pronouns like I, me, my, and mine to describe themselves
and others, and use categorical selves based on age and sex. Parent-child conversations help
them form a consistent self-concept. The preschool child's self-concept is concrete and physical,
describing their physical characteristics, possessions, activities, accomplishments, and
preferences. Cognitive growth and social qualities become prominent in self-descriptions, with
children defining themselves as part of social units. Social comparison is another important
aspect of self-concept development, with children becoming more aware of their own
comparisons and their impact on others. By first grade, children are more interested in social
comparisons and more aware of their implications. Understanding and addressing these aspect s
can help young children develop a more comprehensive understanding of themselves and others.

Self-esteem
Self-esteem is a complex concept that develops over time as children engage in social
comparisons and form perceptions of themselves. Susan Harter's self-perception scales show that
self-esteem becomes more differentiated or multidimensional with age. Preschool children
distinguish between competence and personal and social adequacy, while by mid-elementary
school, they differentiate among five aspects of self-worth: scholastic competence, social
acceptance, behavioral conduct, athletic competence, and physical appearance. As children grow
older, they integrate their self-perceptions in these domains to form an overall abstract sense of
self-worth. Self-esteem is not only multidimensional but hierarchical, with global self-worth at
the top and specific dimensions below it. As children grow older, they form an ever-grander
sense of what they "should" be like, and the gap between the real self and the ideal self increases,
leading to a decrease in average self-esteem.

Influence in self-esteem
Self-esteem is a heritable trait that influences children's success and academic performance. High
self-esteem children are more likely to be attached to warm, democratic parents who
communicate approval and acceptance, rather than imposing rules of behavior. This relationship
has been observed across various ethnic groups in the United States and other countries. Once a
child's self-esteem level is established, it remains stable over elementary school years.
Interventions can boost low self-esteem in areas like mathematics. However, American parents
and educators may overproduce self-esteem, as it is not based on a child's real achievements. In
conclusion, self-esteem and performance are reciprocally influenced, and it is crucial to help
children succeed at important tasks to boost their self-esteem and fuel future achievements.
The developing personality
Temperament, a biological response, is influenced by social experiences and becomes
predictable during childhood. It predicts long-term personality continuity, with inhibited 3-year-
olds becoming cautious teenagers and impulsive adolescents and adults. Infant temperament and
Big Five personality trait dimensions are also being explored, but their emergence is unclear.
Early childhood traits predict low extraversion in middle childhood, negative affectivity in later
neuroticism, and effortful control over attention and arousal in later conscientiousness. However,
Freud's view that personality is mostly formed by age 5 is not accepted, and relationships
between early childhood traits and adult traits are usually small.

The adolescent- Self-conception

A 1977 study by Montemayor and Eisen revealed age differences in self-concepts in children and
adolescents. As children age, self-descriptions become more psychological, while self-portraits
become less concrete due to cognitive development. Adolescents have a more differentiated self-
concept, with their social self dividing into aspects like acceptance, close friends, and romantic
partners. Older adolescents organize their self-perceptions into a coherent self-portrait, leading to
inconsistencies in behavior. They also become more self-aware and reflective. The study
underscores the importance of understanding these differences to support young people in
developing a balanced and effective self-concept.

Self-esteem
Self-esteem decreases during childhood to early adolescence due to factors such as knowledge of
strengths and weaknesses, uncertainty during transitions, and body changes. This dip affects
white females and is most common among white females. Social context and comparisons can
also impact self-esteem, with the big fish-little pond effect suggesting that academic self-concept
is less positive when classmates have high academic achievement. However, most adolescents
emerge with higher self-esteem than at the onset, as long as they feel competent and receive
support from parents, peers, and others. Low self-esteem can lead to poorer physical and mental
health, poor career and financial prospects, and higher criminal behavior in adulthood.

Forging a sense of identity

Erik Erikson (1968) emphasized the significance of adolescence in the lifelong process of
forming an identity. He proposed that adolescents experience a psychosocial conflict of identity
versus role confusion, integrating various self-concept perceptions into a coherent sense of self.
This process involves grappling with important questions such as career choices, religious,
moral, and political values, and personal identity. Erikson believed that many young people in
complex societies, like the United States, experience a full-blown "identity crisis" due to
changing body images, cognitive growth, and social demands. Society provides a moratorium
period between high school and college, but intricate cultures make it difficult for young people
to build an identity.
Developmental Trends
Adolescents are classified into four identity statuses based on their progress towards identity in
various domains, such as occupational, religious, and political-ideological. The key questions are
whether an individual has experienced a crisis or has resolved questions raised, and if they have
achieved a commitment. At this age, many adolescents have not yet thought about who they are,
while others have made commitments or accepted identities suggested by their parents or others.
Progress toward identity achievement becomes more evident starting at age 18, with diffusion
dropping off steeply and more individuals falling into the moratorium status. This stage is when
individuals are experiencing a crisis or actively exploring identity issues, questioning their
religious upbringing, experimenting with drugs, changing majors or relationships, or posting
outrageous posts on Facebook.

Identity formation is a complex process that takes time and occurs at different rates in different
domains. Females progress toward achieving a clear sense of identity at the same rate as males,
but they attach greater importance to aspects such as sexuality, interpersonal relations, and
balancing career and family goals. Identity formation is influenced by traditional gender roles
and takes a long time.

The adult Age Diff erences

The belief that adults gain self-esteem as they cope with adult life challenges is not entirely
accurate. A survey of over 300,000 people aged 9-90 by Richard Robins and his colleagues
(2002) found that self-esteem tends to increase in childhood, drop in adolescence, gradually rise
through adult years until mid-60s, and then drop in late old age. Males generally have higher
self-esteem than females except in childhood and very old age. However, older adults are more
similar to young- and middle-aged adults in terms of self-esteem and self-description. The
question is how most elderly people maintain positive self-images despite disabilities and losses
that come with aging. Reducing the ideal-real self gap, changing self-evaluation standards,
making social comparisons, and avoiding self-stereotyping all play a role in maintaining positive
self-images.

Reducing the Gap between Ideal and Real Self.

Carol Ryff's 1991 study found that older adults adjust their ideal selves to align with their real
selves. The study asked young, middle-aged, and elderly adults to assess their ideal, likely future,
present, and past selves in terms of well-being, including self-acceptance. The results showed
that ratings of the present self remained relatively stable throughout the adult years. However,
older adults scaled down their visions of what they could ideally be and what they likely will be,
possibly due to the loss of capacities and a more positive evaluation of their past. This resulted in
a convergence of their ideal, future, present, and past selves. The gap between the ideal self and
the real self, which widens during childhood and adolescence, closes again in later life, helping
to maintain self-esteem.
Adjusting Goals and Standards of Self-Evaluation
As we age, our goals and standards change, making it difficult for older adults to perceive losses
or failures as failures. For instance, a 40-year-old may be devastated by being passed over for
promotion, while a 60-year-old nearing retirement may not be bothered. For older adults with
disabilities, walking a mile may be as much a triumph as running a mile earlier.

Comparing Self to Other Older Adults

Older adults maintain self-esteem by making social comparisons to other older adults, who often
have the same chronic diseases and impairments as them. They may strategically select worse-
off peers to judge themselves against, making downward social comparisons. Some observers
argue that negative stereotypes of aging in society can make older adults feel better about their
own aging by conjuring up an image of the typical "old person." However, negative stereotypes
of old age may do more harm than good.

Not Internalizing Ageist Stereotypes

Becca Levy (2003) argues that childhood stereotypes of old people often become self-stereotypes
when people reach old age. These negative stereotypes are reinforced over the years and can be
applied to the self once people begin to think of themselves as "old." This may be why aging
adults often deny that they are old, a sign in itself that old age is negatively perceived in society.
To demonstrate that aging self-stereotypes can negatively affect elderly adults, Levy and her
associates used a priming technique. Older adults primed with positive stereotypes of aging
clocked faster speeds and more spritely foot-off-the-floor time than those exposed to negative
stereotypes and shuffled along like old people.

Levy and her colleagues (2002) found that middle-aged adults who have positive perceptions of
their own aging end up in better health in old age and live more than 7 years longer than adults
who have less positive self-perceptions of aging. Additionally, adults who hold negative
stereotypes of aging turn out to be at higher risk than those with more positive views of aging for
cardiovascular events such as heart attacks over the next 38 years, even when other predictors of
cardiovascular problems are controlled.

Klaus Rothermund and Jochen Brandtstädter (2003a) tested three competing hypotheses about
the relationship between aging stereotypes and self-perceptions in later life: Do aging stereotypes
damage self-perceptions, do aging stereotypes offer such a dismal view of old age that they give
the self-concepts of aging adults a boost by allowing them to compare themselves with worse-off
others? Instead, might aging stereotypes reflect self-perceptions rather than shape them?

In summary, adults of different ages generally describe themselves in similar ways, but self-
esteem appears to rise in early and middle adulthood and to drop off in late old age. Many older
adults can maintain self-esteem by perceiving a smaller gap between their real and ideal selves,
adjusting their goals and standards of self-evaluation, making social comparisons with other
older people, and resisting the tendency to internalize negative stereotypes of old people.
Cultural Diff erences
Self-conceptions are shaped by individual experiences and broader cultural influences. In an
individualistic culture, individuals prioritize their goals over their social group's, while in a
collectivist culture, group goals are prioritized. North American and Western European societies
typically have an individualistic orientation, while Latin America, Africa, and East Asia are
primarily collectivist. Hazel Markus and her colleagues studied self-conceptions in the United
States and Japan, finding that being a person in the United States means being independent and
different from others, while being a person in Japan means being interdependent with others.