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Forging a New South
forging a new south
The Life of General John T. Wilder

Maury Nicely

the university of tennessee press

Knoxville
 Copyright © 2023 by The University of Tennessee Press / Knoxville.
All Rights Reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America.
First Edition.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Nicely, Maury, author.
Title: Forging a new South : the life of General John T. Wilder / Maury Nicely.
Other titles: Life of General John T. Wilder
Description: First edition. | Knoxville : The University of Tennessee Press, [2023] |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
Summary: “John T. Wilder was an entrepreneur, Civil War general, and business leader
who would become influential in the development of post-Civil War Chattanooga.
A northern transplant who made his early fortune in the iron industry, Wilder would
gain notoriety in the Western Theater through his victories at the battles of Chattanooga,
Chickamauga, and throughout the Tullahoma and Atlanta Campaigns while leading
the famous ‘Lightning Brigade.’ After the Civil War, he relocated to Chattanooga and
began the Roane Iron Company and fostered ironworks throughout the southeast.
He was elected mayor of Chattanooga but would fail to be elected to Congress as its
representative. Finally, he was instrumental in the establishment of national military
parks in Chattanooga and Chickamauga. Nicely’s biography captures the life of a man
important to the development of Chattanooga and East Tennessee and argues that Wilder
was influential in bringing both northern and immigrant populations to the area.”
—Provided by publisher
Identifiers: LCCN 2022056859 (print) | LCCN 2022056860 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781621908005 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781621908012 (adobe pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Wilder, John Thomas, 1830–1917. | Generals—United States—
Biography. | United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Biography. | United States.
Army. Wilder’s Brigade. | United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—
Regimental histories. | United States. Army—Biography. | Businessmen—Tennessee—
Chattanooga—Biography. | Tennessee—Economic conditions—19th century. |
Chattanooga (Tenn.)—Biography. | Greensburg (Ind.)—Biography.
Classification: LCC E467.1.W69 N54 2023 (print) | LCC E467.1.W69 (ebook)
| DDC 355.0092 [B]—dc23/eng/20230111
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022056859
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022056860
 Contents

Acknowledgments
xi

Prologue
1

part 1
Old Northwest to Old South
5

part 2
Old South to New South
235

Notes
415

Bibliography
491

Index
517
 Illustrations

photographs
Following page 185
John Thomas Wilder and Martha Stewart, 1858
Ridgway Foundry, Columbus, Ohio
Wilder’s Patented “Improved Horizontal Water-Wheel”
John T. Wilder Residence, Greensburg, Indiana
Lt. Col. John T. Wilder, 1861
Indiana Governor Oliver P. Morton
Gen. Simon Bolivar Buckner (CSA)
Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans (US)
“Wilder’s Mounted Infantry Passing the Blockhouse
of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad”
Spencer Repeating Rifle
Hoover’s Gap Battlefield
Chattanooga, Tennessee
Capt. Eli Lilly (US)
First Presbyterian Church, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Friar’s Island, Tennessee River
The “Ditch of Death,” West Viniard Field, Chickamauga
Assistant Secretary of War Charles A. Dana (US)
Maj. Gen. Thomas Crittenden (US)
 Roane Iron Company Furnace, Rockwood, Tennessee
Hiram S. Chamberlain
Superintendent’s House, Rockwood, Tennessee
Company Store, Rockwood, Tennessee
Roane Rolling Mill, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Stanton House, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Opera House Foundations, Chattanooga, Tennessee
John T. Wilder Residence, East Terrace, Chattanooga, Tennessee
H. Clay Evans
David M. Key
Tomlinson Fort
Confederate Monument, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Group of Chattanooga’s “Distinguished Citizens,” 1881
Frank Stratton
John T. Wilder’s “Rustic Boarding House,” Roan Mountain
Roan Mountain Inn, Roan Mountain Station, Tennessee
John T. Wilder Residence, Roan Mountain Station, Tennessee
Wilder Family at Roan Mountain Station, 1886
Northern Methodist Church, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Chattanooga (U.S. Grant) University, Chattanooga, Tennessee
John T. Wilder, early 1880s
John T. Wilder Congressional Campaign Ribbon, 1886
John Randolph Neal
Cloudland Hotel, Roan Mountain
John T. Wilder at Roan Mountain, 1886
Lightning Brigade Officers atop Lookout Mountain, 1880
John T. Wilder, 1887
Joseph Wheeler
Carnegie Hotel, Johnson City, Tennessee
John T. Wilder Residence, Johnson City, Tennessee
 President Benjamin Harrison Visit to Johnson City, 1891
Crawfish Springs, Chickamauga, Georgia, 1898
Henry Van Ness Boynton
Commissioners, Chickamauga and Chattanooga
National Military Park, 1892
Wilder Brigade Monument, Chickamauga Battlefield
U.S. Custom House, Knoxville, Tennessee
John T. Wilder
Dr. Dora Lee Wilder
John T. Wilder Residence, Knoxville, Tennessee
G.A.R. Monument, Knoxville, Tennessee
Imperial Hotel, Monterey, Tennessee
John T. Wilder Residence, Monterey, Tennessee
John T. Wilder in Monterey, Tennessee, 1913
Lightning Brigade Reunion, Chickamauga, 1903
Wilder Point, Signal Mountain, Tennessee
G.A.R. Encampment, Chattanooga, Tennessee, 1913
John T. Wilder Grave, Forrest Hills Cemetery, Chattanooga, Tennessee
Wilder’s Children at His Funeral, 1917
John T. Wilder, c. 1900

maps
Map 1. Battle of Munfordville 36
Map 2. Battle of Hoover’s Gap 86
Map 3. Crossing the Chickamauga 126
Map 4. John T. Wilder’s East Tennessee 236
 Acknowledgments

John T. Wilder was dedicated to the idea of collaboration.

In that spirit, my heartfelt thanks go out to the individuals and entities
who gave their time, expertise, and opinions to help shape this biogra-
phy of General John T. Wilder: Dr. Anthony Hodges; Patrice Glass; Jeanie
Watts at the Calvin M. McClung Historical Collection in Knoxville; the
staff of the Chattanooga Public Library; Ron Westphal, Curator of Science
and Technology at the Tennessee State Museum; Russell Wilhoit and Lynn
Saler, Decatur County Historical Society; Traci Cromwell, Indiana State
Museum; Brittany Kropf and the staff of the Indiana State Library Rare
Books and Manuscripts Collection; W. Calvin Dickinson, professor emeritus
of history at Tennessee Technological University; Julie Bohannon and Dale
Welch, Monterey Depot Museum; Glenn Jones, Putnam County Archives;
Ruth Ann Woodbright; Michael A. Gibson, professor of geology at the
University of Tennessee at Martin; Carolyn Runyon and the staff of the
University of Tennessee at Chattanooga Special Collections; Kyle Hovious,
University of Tennessee Special Collections; Kate Scott, Indiana Historical
Society; Ethan Wright, Indiana War Memorials; Sharon Brackett, Register of
Deeds of Roane County; Denise Zeigler, Decatur County Deputy Recorder;
Jarrod Ellis, Carter County Register of Deeds; Teresa Bowman, Washington
County Register of Deeds; Lindsay Hager and the staff of the Tennessee
State Library and Archives; Alan Boehm, special collections, Walker Library,
Middle Tennessee State University; Michelle Jarrell, historian/archivist, Eli
Lilly and Company; Maxwell Zupke, UCLA Library Special Collections;
Jennifer Dewar, Tennessee Tech University Archives and Special Collections;
and Thomas Wells, Jonathan Boggs, Linsey Perry, and the staff of the Uni-
versity of Tennessee Press. To the extent that I have inadvertently omitted
anyone, I apologize and will get you back the next time around.
xii ack now l edgm e n ts

Special thanks to Tom Maher, the great-grandson of John T. Wilder, who

desired and labored to see a comprehensive biography published. Thank you
for your enthusiasm and willingness to share your research and family stories.
I hope you are pleased with (and occasionally infuriated by) the results.
And special thanks to Michael “Birdie” Birdwell, professor of history at
Tennessee Technological University. A discussion of Tennessee history with
you always became a fireworks of connections and ideas for how to take a
project to the next level. Thank you for leading a day-long expedition to find
the remains of the Wilder mining town in the Upper Cumberland; it was a
day I will not soon forget. Your enthusiasm and friendship will be missed.
This book is dedicated to Jenny, Charles, and William.
Forging a New South
 Prologue

Mid-summer in the woods of northwest Georgia. Suppertime yet the air is

hot and thick. Humidity drips from the trees surrounding the field; those
waiting can feel the dampness at their collars.
At the far side of the meadow, a murmur rises. The first few emerge from
the thickets, weighed down by the trappings flung over their shoulders. They
do not pause at the tree line but step out into the open. Irregular drum bursts
and the braying of horns draw them across the field. Others fall in step be-
hind, freshly cut hay crunching beneath their feet as they enter the clearing.
They reach the middle of the field. Wordlessly they toss down their blan-
kets. Styrofoam coolers plunk to the ground with a squeak and the clinking
of bottles. Tee shirts are pulled from sticky torsos, toes let out to wiggle
in the crisp browned grass of early July. Quilts, their corners pinned down
with discarded sandals, scatter the ground like a patchwork.
At the crest of a small rise, a red, white, and blue flag hangs from a stone
tower, fluttering in the slightest of breezes. At the foot of the tower, musi-
cians tune their instruments, tightening pegs and wiping brows. Frisbees
and footballs arc overhead.
The laughter and chatter subside as a man with a baton steps from behind
the tower and raises his hands.
Silence and a thick heat hang over the field for a long second.
It begins with a crash of sound.

The Wilder Brigade Monument is an emblematic symbol of the Chicka-

mauga military park. From a roughly paved pull-off at Tour Stop 6, visi-
tors walk through an iron gate and climb a winding stone staircase to the
2 prologu e

highest point in the park, from which the battlefield spreads out into the
distance, undulating fields bisected by woods and creeks, the foothills of
the mountains at the horizon. Shadowing the iron tablets, green-weathered
cannon, and sculptures littering the spot where widow Eliza Glenn’s cabin
once stood, the tower overlooks the field like a massive chess piece, a general
surveying the terrain with upthrust chin, squinting through battlesmoke
toward the enemy.
Celebrating the United States Bicentennial, on July 4, 1976, the Chat-
tanooga Symphony played a “Pops in the Park” concert at the foot of the
historic tower. It soon became an annual event, drawing thousands to listen
to the patriotic music of Copland, Tchaikovsky, and Sousa. Most of those in
attendance, however, were little aware of the tactical movements that took
place on the ground where they sat, the story of the iconic stone tower, or
the achievements of its namesake.

John Thomas Wilder enlisted in the 17th Indiana Infantry (17 IN) regiment
in a patriotic fit in April 1861; he rose to command the regiment, then its
brigade. In the aftermath of Chickamauga, where Wilder’s Brigade delayed
the Confederate advance and helped to save the Union Army, he was bre-
veted a brigadier-general. “Many believe General Wilder to be the greatest
military genius and soldier developed during the war,” a 1905 biographical
article gushed. Plagued by a nagging illness, however, he retired from the
war in October 1864, his military career spanning roughly three years and
six months.1
Perhaps rightfully so, biographies of the notable, colorful, and notorious
figures of the American Civil War tend to focus almost exclusively upon
the four-year period between 1861 and 1865—their postbellum careers are
often a footnote to their wartime exploits. Wars, of course, make for excit-
ing reading—more so than business partnerships and financial investments.
As such, biographers focus upon the thrilling wartime adventures of their
subjects, in comparison to which their civilian lives often pale.
Many Civil War icons, moreover, had less-than-prosperous peacetime
careers. The war was the highlight of their public lives, inspiring otherwise
average men to heroic (or notorious) deeds. Many reentered civilian life only
to settle into dull mediocrity or failure—the qualities that had served them
in the heat of battle ill-suited to the humdrum of daily existence. For many
war heroes, there was not much beyond the war worth telling.
Such was not the case with Wilder. “It would take a book of space and
great time to enumerate the successful undertakings of this one man,” pro-
 prologu e 3

posed an 1891 newspaper article. “A volume would hardly suffice to tell

the story of his life,” echoed a turn-of-the-century profile. He was a fasci-
nating, if relatively minor, Civil War officer. He was bold and innovative,
his ingenuity and incapacity for boredom spurring him to take advantage
of technological advances spurred by the war and pioneer tactical innova-
tions of his own devising. His “Lightning Brigade,” which modernized the
nineteenth-century art of war, was “known from Maine to Mexico, without
whom no history of the Civil War can be written.”2
War, though, occupied but four years in the eighty-seven-year life of
John T. Wilder. Even before the rebellion, he was a successful Indiana busi-
nessman. In the wake of the conflict, recognizing the business opportunities
in the southern mountains where he had recently fought, he relocated to
East Tennessee. He would spend the remainder of his life there, charging
into the industrial arena as he had done on the battlefield. Congenitally
frustrated by idleness, always on the prowl for new opportunities, he was
a New South visionary who created dozens of businesses, factories, mines,
hotels, and towns in his adopted home. “His name was a household word
in the South,” one writer praised. “Industry after industry here and in upper
East Tennessee were inaugurated by Gen. Wilder or through his influence.”3
He ventured South into a region under the yoke of Reconstruction, where
the term “carpetbagger” was a pejorative for the Northerners flowing in to
capitalize on the federal occupation of the South. In sharply divided East
Tennessee, ugly guerilla violence would linger for years. A Union veteran
seeking to set up shop in the former Confederacy doubtlessly did so at con-
siderable personal risk. Wilder came, however, not as a conquering warrior
claiming the spoils of war, but as a champion of sectional reconciliation and
the development of a new South.
Throughout his career, he exhibited a deep commitment to binding the
wounds created by the war; at every possible turn, he sought to affiliate
with former Confederates as well as Union veterans in his business efforts,
and he was well-respected despite his former status as a “Yankee invader.”
Of Wilder, one former rebel officer offered that “no man did more . . . in
bringing order out of the chaos” of the war. His goal was not to simply wring
wealth from the region; he cast his lot with the defeated South, optimistic
that together they would create a new economy and society. His mindset was
encapsulated upon his death by an associate who remarked, “Gen. Wilder
told me thirty-five years ago that doing well was mighty hard to beat.”4
The story of John T. Wilder is more than a Civil War biography. This
is the story of a man—a soldier and industrialist—who not only made his
mark in the crucible of war, but also led the effort to forge a new South in
the wake of conflict.
 Part One
old northwest to old south
 One

O
n April 20, 2001, onlookers gathered for the unveiling of a historic
marker at the corner of Main and Lathrop Streets in the small
town of Greensburg, Indiana. A handful of mustachioed Civil War
reenactors, resplendent in blue-trimmed infantry coats and high-crowned
Model 1858 “Jeff Davis” dress hats, milled around among the crowd. They
were armed with reproduction muzzle-loading muskets—not the Spencer
repeating rifles that were the hallmark of the “Lightning Brigade,” the other-
wise-eponymous unit whose commander the crowd was gathered to honor.
Dedicated to “Civil War General John T. Wilder,” the iron marker stands
on a quiet residential street in front of the home built by Wilder and his
wife, Martha, during the closing years of the war. Although his sojourn in
Greensburg was fairly brief, Wilder is memorialized by of one of only three
historic markers in and around Greensburg. To that end, at the unveiling
of the marker, it was noted that it “commemorates the life of a man who,
although he spent only eleven of his eighty-seven years in Greensburg,
non-the-less was, and continues to be recognized as one of the community’s
finest citizens.”1
Throughout his long life, one enduring character trait of John Thomas
Wilder was a certain restlessness, an “itchy heel” that kept him surveying
the horizon for new opportunities, leaping from one to the next. He was
always lured more by the prospect of a new challenge than by the daily
drudgery of maintaining his affairs. “I am essentially a pioneer by disposi-
tion,” he advised a newspaper reporter in 1887. “Whenever an enterprise
gets to running along smoothly in a rut, I get out of it.” This opinion was
consistent with American attitudes of the time. “The American has always
something better in his eye, further west,” one visitor to the young country
wrote in 1823, “he therefore lives and dies on hope, a mere gypsy in this
8 pa rt 1

particular.” This restiveness, coupled with a bold confidence that at times

bordered on recklessness, led Wilder to embark headlong upon new ideas
and projects from the time he was a young man to the end of his days.2
Wilder’s temperament is not at all surprising when set against the many
migrations of his ancestors, who came quite early from England to the Amer-
ican colonies. Around 1584, his great-great-great-great-great-grandfather,
Thomas Wilder, was born at Shiplake-on-Thames, a rural community on
the west bank of the River Thames in Berkshire, one of the oldest counties
in England. The family have been labeled “Puritans,” and upon Thomas’
death on October 23, 1634, his widow, Martha, possibly motivated by the
persecution of Protestants under King Charles I, emigrated to America. In
May 1638, she sailed from Southampton on the Confidence, bound for Mas-
sachusetts Bay; while the evidence is inconclusive, she may have sent some
of her children ahead on the perilous journey while settling her affairs in
England. She died in April 1652 in Massachusetts, where the family would
remain for a handful of generations.
Born in 1623, Edward Wilder received a ten-acre land grant in Hingham
(Suffolk County), a town on Boston Harbor that was settled in 1635 and
purchased three decades later from the native Wampanoag tribe. In 1651,
he married another English colonist, Elizabeth Eames (or Ames), with whom
he had eleven children. He was made a freeman in 1644, which provided
him with the rights to own land and become a member of the church; this
advancement suggests that he had served a term as an indentured servant,
possibly in exchange for his passage to America. His rise within the com-
munity was complete when, in 1667, he became a selectman, a member of
the local assembly that administered the town of Hingham. In 1675 (age
52), he was impressed into military service during King Philip’s War, the first
native war in America, after the Wampanoag tribe attacked colonial towns
throughout New England; in that way, the Wilder family came quite early to
military service in America. Edward Wilder died in 1690, Elizabeth in 1692.
Few facts have survived with respect to the next two generations of
Wilders. John Wilder (1653–1724) married Rebecca Doggett (1655–1728) in
1675. His son, Ephraim (1696–1770), a blacksmith by trade, married Mary
Lane (d. 1770) in Hingham. He is the first Wilder documented as working
with iron, a trade upon which subsequent generations would build. At some
point, he relocated to Abington (Plymouth County), Massachusetts, midway
between Boston and Plymouth, where he died in 1770.
The eighth of nine children, Seth Wilder (c. 1738–1814) married Mariam
Beal in 1761 and moved west to the fairly new town of Cummington, Mas-
sachusetts, around 1773, possibly after a chimney fire destroyed their home
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 9

in Hingham. Like his father, he was a blacksmith. It has been claimed that
he was involved in the Boston Tea Party uprising, but the sole source, a
newspaper claim made by a descendant in 1858, cannot be validated.
John T. Wilder’s grandfather, Seth Wilder, Jr. (1764–1813), married
Tabitha (or Dorcas) Briggs (1766–1825) around 1788. He died at age forty-
nine in 1813 and is buried in Cummington.
Reuben Wilder (1797–1880) was John T. Wilder’s father. Like many New
Englanders in the decades following the Revolution, he sought his fortune in
the green lands of the advancing frontier, venturing west to Hunter Village
(Greene County), New York, a small town in the Catskill Mountains. It was
a pristine region. Designated as Lot 25 of the two million-acre Hardenbergh
Patent granted by Queen Anne in 1708, the land was purchased by John
Hunter in the 1790s and christened “Greenland” because of the rich forest
lands surrounding the village. After Col. William Edwards established a
tannery to exploit the vast hemlock forests whose bark was used for tan-
ning hides, it was renamed “Edwardsville,” but after the tannery failed the
chagrinned townspeople substituted Hunter’s name in 1814. The villagers
continued to make use of the forests, establishing lumber mills and furniture
factories that supported the town until a bristling tourist trade developed
in the mid-nineteenth century.
In 1825, Reuben Wilder married Mary Merritt, born in 1793 in Hunter
Village. He was a farmer and millwright, described as a “mill contractor
and prosperous” and praised as “a man of sturdy self-reliance; a strong
man who never used his strength; without ambition beyond living well and
educating his children; [and] noted for his broad, practical good sense.”
Politically, he was a Whig, although he became a Republican after the col-
lapse of the Whig party.3

John Thomas Wilder was born on January 31, 1830, in Hunter Village. The
details of his early life are sparse and have been oft-repeated in biographies
over the years. He was the third of five children, following sisters Elizabeth
(1826) and Clarissa (1828), and preceding Mary Ann (1832) and Horace
(1834). He is said to have attended the local common (public) schools, where
accounts uniformly report that he obtained “a fairly adequate education
for that day.” Even as a youngster, he was clear-eyed and ambitious. An
alert and inquisitive young man, he was interested in natural curiosities,
collecting a cabinet full of stones and minerals that he studied throughout
his childhood. “Though essentially a business man,” it was later remarked,
10 pa rt 1

“he has scholarly attainments, especially in geology, mining and engineer-

ing, which he took up and mastered without a teacher, and on which his
advice is constantly sought.” A relative described the youthful Wilder as “a
handsome young man, of fine physique, mentally alert, fond of research
[and possessed of a] genial and hospitable nature.” He grew to be six feet,
two inches tall and of solid build, or as one biographer pronounced, “well
proportioned.”4
Wilder’s family background and interest in the study of minerals naturally
drew him toward the manufacture of iron. Although an 1886 campaign
biography employed the stock claim for political aspirants that Wilder
“started in life a poor boy and has risen to be a prominent man,” his father
was a successful master millwright who established mills throughout the
frontier. Wilder almost certainly completed a period of apprenticeship under
his father, learning the various aspects of the millwright trade, as did his
brother Horace.5
“I was born on the Hudson and went west in ’44,” Wilder declared in
later years. “From the age of fourteen to twenty-one,” one account echoed,
“he served an apprenticeship of seven years as a founder, machinist, mill
wright and pattern-maker.” In reality, he did not leave home quite so early;
the 1850 census lists him as a millwright living with his parents in the town
of Olive (Ulster County), New York, immediately south of Hunter Village.
It was around that time that the twenty-year-old Wilder, having completed
his schooling (and reportedly against the wishes of his family), determined
to head west, where new lands and opportunities beckoned. “Though his
father was a man of means,” one profile recounted, “he was too proud to
ask him for anything, and left home when a boy, and has made his way by
industry and push and vim and snap ever since.”6
His initial destination was Columbus, Ohio. “As a boy,” offered an em-
bellished newspaper account, he “had run away from the school at which
his father’s care had placed him, and had supported himself by serving an
apprenticeship to a master machinist in Ohio.” During the early years of
the republic, the Appalachian Mountains stood as a formidable barrier to
western expansion. Then, in 1825, the 363-mile Erie Canal was completed,
connecting the Atlantic Ocean via the Hudson River (and New York City) to
the Great Lakes at Buffalo, New York. It was an engineering marvel. The suc-
cess of the canal enabled New York to commercially eclipse other Northern
cities, and the Northwest frontier, with newfound access to eastern markets,
was inundated with settlers pouring into the region by way of the canal.
From Buffalo, travelers continued by boat along the southern edge of
Lake Erie to Cleveland. From that point, the Ohio & Erie Canal pierced
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 11

the interior of the state. An eleven-mile feeder channel branched off from
the canal toward Columbus, which was laid out as the capital of Ohio in
1812 due to its central location. Until the Cleveland, Columbus & Cincin-
nati Railroad reached the city around 1851, the canal remained the primary
means of reaching the capital.
For a time, Wilder was unable to find work in Columbus. “Too poor to
enjoy the society of people of the station in life which his father’s family
occupied, and too proud to associate with those of pecuniary circumstances
like his own,” it was noted, “he took up the study of mineralogy and geology
in order to have some occupation for his leisure moments. Of keen powers
of observation and marked quickness of the true inwardness of whatever he
read, the young man succeeded in thoroughly mastering the sciences which
he pursued.” Though this account ignored the fact that the young man had
studied mineralogy since boyhood, it did confirm that his scientific interests
were not simply a passing childhood fascination.
Gilded Age newspapers often printed colorful but apocryphal morality
stories about the childhoods of public figures; Wilder was no exception.
“Practically penniless,” the young apprentice was said to have at one point
found a coin on the street and, famished, raced to High Street (the main
north-south thoroughfare in Columbus) to buy a bun. Once there, however,
he determined that he could wait until he was even more starved before
parting with the coin. His persistence and frugality were highlighted by the
claim that “he kept that coin in his pocket through all of his eventful days.”
No evidence exists of Wilder sharing this anecdote himself.
He eventually secured an apprenticeship at the Ridgway Foundry (Co-
lumbus Foundry) at the corner of Broad and Water Streets on the west
bank of the Scioto River. The foundry was built in 1822 by New York na-
tive Joseph Ridgway, who advertised in the Columbus Gazette that he was
“preparing a large plough for the special use of breaking up new prairies
and barrens.” Operated initially by horse (as opposed to steam) power, the
foundry produced the cast-iron “Wood’s Plow,” touted as especially durable
for use in the tough fields of the Midwest. “When I came here in 1826,”
a competitor recalled, “Ridgway’s foundry was the only manufacturing
establishment in the place. For several years all the pig metal was hauled
from Granville furnace in a two-horse wagon, which made three trips a
week, aggregating about five tons in that time. This was principally used in
the manufacture of plows.”
In 1830, the firm converted to steam power, which enabled production of
a wide variety of products, including steam engines, stoves, firedogs (which
held logs in a fireplace), and gudgeons (flat, circular bearings). It was at the
12 pa rt 1

Ridgway Foundry that the young Wilder “learned the iron business from ore
beds to steel ingots.” He was taught the various phases of the trade, includ-
ing drafting (drawing images of a metal item to be manufactured), pattern
making (transforming the drawing into a mold, into which molten iron was
poured to create the item), and mill-wrighting (building mill machinery that
was correctly aligned so as to operate properly). Wilder later asserted that he
“served seven years apprenticeship at the trade of a millwright,” after which
he “acted as foreman of a machine shop for one year,” an apprenticeship
that would provide him with the skills and knowledge he would employ
throughout his business career.
Impressed with the young man’s skill and work ethic, Ridgway eventu-
ally offered Wilder a one-half share in the foundry (the other half offered to
Ridgway’s son). Though he was surely appreciative of the mark of respect
conveyed by the proposal, Wilder rejected the offer; he had set his sights
higher than managing another man’s business. His ambition would lead him
farther westward, where he would strike out on his own.7
From Ohio, Wilder’s travels carried him to the neighboring state of Indi-
ana. By 1850, railroads linked Columbus to Cincinnati; it was a small leap
across the state line to Lawrenceburg, Indiana, on the Ohio River downriver
from Cincinnati. Settling there in 1857, he was involved in several business
enterprises, including a contracting partnership with William Probasco, a
New Jersey native millwright who had come west a decade earlier. The busi-
ness fell apart due to a difference in moral principles. Although he was by
no means prudish, Wilder “never drank, never gambled, [and] never used
tobacco or dissipated in any way.” Probasco did not share those attitudes,
and when the business obtained a contract to build a large distillery in
Petersburg, Kentucky, Wilder ended the partnership.8
After a brief spell in Lawrenceburg, Wilder in 1857 pulled up stakes
and moved to Greensburg, a small town midway between Cincinnati and
Indianapolis. After the Delaware Indians ceded the surrounding land to the
United States in the 1819 Treaty of St. Mary’s, Col. Thomas Hendricks, a
Pennsylvania veteran of the War of 1812 and early Indiana legislator, was
one of two men selected to survey the area—a plum job he likely obtained
because his brother, William, was the governor of the state at the time.
Hendricks donated one hundred acres on which to locate the town, with
the hope it would be selected as the seat of Decatur County. The name
“Greensburg” was selected by his wife, Elizabeth, in honor of her Pennsyl-
vania hometown.
By 1857, Greensburg was home to twenty-five hundred residents, two
steam flouring mills, ten dry goods stores, twelve groceries, two carriage
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 13

and wagon shops, two drug stores, four hotels, and four churches. It also
boasted one of the finest courthouses in the state, a $100,000 Italianate
structure that had replaced the original courthouse, Hendricks’ log cabin.9
The advance of the western frontier was fostered by technological innova-
tion, particularly the spread of rail lines. Most Indianans initially clung to
the southern fringe of the state along the Ohio River, “the only important
navigable river flowing to the west in eastern North America,” which led
to important markets, primarily New Orleans. New infrastructure opened
the interior of the state (as when a road connecting the Ohio to Lake
Michigan was lain through Greensburg), and as railroads replaced rivers,
canals, and rudimentary roads, the population boomed. During the 1850s,
railroad mileage within Indiana increased from 212 to 2,163 miles; as a
result, the population swelled from 988,416 to 1,350,428, making it the
sixth most populous state in the nation. This growth benefited Greensburg
directly when the Lawrenceburg & Indianapolis Railroad reached the town
in 1853; the following year, the L&I was completed to Indianapolis, forg-
ing a vital link between the Indiana capital and Cincinnati (reached from
Lawrenceburg via the steamer Forrest Queen).10
With the L&I providing efficient, reliable access to commercial markets
within the state (and to the Ohio River, connecting the Old Northwest to
the South), Greensburg was a fitting choice for Wilder to focus his busi-
ness interests on. During the antebellum period, Indiana, with abundant
limestone deposits, ready access to extensive coal beds, and fields of timber
to be converted to charcoal (key ingredients for the manufacture of iron),
was a prime site for the construction of blast furnaces. A combination of
natural resources, transportation to markets, and available land provided
Wilder with a good chance for success in Greensburg.11
Wilder exhibited no caution or doubt as he laid down stakes in his new
hometown. As he would do time and again, he leaped immediately into the
Greensburg business community, prompting a later assessment that “perhaps
no one from that era left a more lasting legacy from his time in Decatur
County than John Wilder.” His most significant business involvement was
an iron foundry and machine works begun “on a modest scale” across the
tracks from the L&I depot, at the corner of Montfort Street and Railroad
Avenue. The business quickly boomed, employing nearly one hundred em-
ployees by 1861, such that “at the breaking out of the war [Wilder] was at
the head of and half owner of the largest establishment of its kind west of
the Ohio.”12 Wilder’s Machine Works sold equipment and erected mills in
six states, including Indiana, Illinois, Tennessee, Wisconsin, Virginia, and
Kentucky, leading to plaudits that Wilder “built more mills than any man
14 pa rt 1

west of the Allegheny mountains.” The business made him a wealthy man.
In the census of July 1860, Wilder, a “30 year old Mill-wright from New
York,” was said to possess $6,900 in real estate and $25,600 in personal
estate—a substantial sum at the time, particularly for a young man.
Part of his success may be traced to innovations Wilder developed while
in Greensburg, chief among them the low head water turbine, which he
would patent three times over the years. The novel device was first patented
on October 18, 1859, as the “Improved Horizontal Water-Wheel” (Patent
No. 25,859). The design proved far more efficient than the typical over-
shot waterwheel, which was powered by water pouring down from above.
Wilder’s turbine was set on its side; water was introduced from the side,
funneling through the entire encased wheel, maximizing the water pressure
powering the mill. As a result of this and other innovations, he became a
nationally recognized hydraulics expert, such that “he was called to serve as
a witness or umpire in [disputes occurring in] distant parts of the country.”
Tireless and enthusiastic, Wilder leaped into various other enterprises
in Greensburg. He contributed funds to erect the three-story brick Wilder
Building on the courthouse square, at the corner of Washington and Franklin
Streets. It is said that the International Order of Odd Fellows contributed
funds for the top floor, while Wilder funded the first two. He maintained
an interest in the building well into the 1870s, long after he had left the
town. The Greensburg Woolen Mills, situated on land that he owned at the
corner of Main and Lincoln Streets, was built after he agreed to relocate the
channel of a creek on the property so that the lot would be large enough to
accommodate the mill. He also developed a residential area labeled “Wilder’s
Addition,” where he would erect his own substantial home.13
Through the success of his business endeavors, or simple good fortune,
within a year of his arrival in Greensburg, on May 18, 1858, Wilder married
twenty-year-old Martha Stewart, “a lady of great charm” whose father, Silas
Stewart, was “a prominent citizen and one of the founders of the town.”
The Stewart family was “banished from Scotland, in 1752, for following the
fortunes of Charles in the last Scottish rebellion,” before coming to Indiana.
In a photograph of the newly wedded couple, he holds her left hand, which
rests lightly upon his knee. The image, the earliest portrait of Wilder to
survive (and possibly the first taken), depicts him with the short chin-beard,
without sideburns or mustache, which he “sported since early manhood”
and which would serve as a distinguishing facial feature throughout his life.
By all accounts, the marriage was a first-rate match. “His genial and
hospitable nature was equaled by that of his remarkable wife,” a relative
recalled decades later. While Wilder seems to have left no personal diary
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 15

reflecting his inner thoughts, his correspondence with Martha, whom he

(and other family members) called “Pet,” reveals a caring couple dedicated
to one another. Described as “a plain, straight forward, sensible, unassuming,
charitable Christian mother and wife, and utterly without vanity,” Martha
was said to have “possessed many fine qualities of heart and mind, and was
most devoted to the welfare of her husband and children.”
Nine months to the day after the wedding, on February 18, 1859, Martha
gave birth to the couple’s first child, Mary. The young family is believed to
have lived at 515 East Washington in the first house built on that street. In
addition to Wilder, Martha (listed in the 1860 census as a “housewife from
Indiana”) and little Mary, a nineteen-year-old domestic servant named Kate
Snell lived in the household.14
In a short time, Wilder had become a respected member of the Greens-
burg community. His businesses flourished. He was said to have an “easy
kind-hearted temper” and was considered an “honest and trustworthy”
businessman. His business endeavors occupied much of his energy and at-
tention, and letters sent to Wilder during his time in Greensburg frequently
complain of a lack of response, indicating that he may not have been an
avid correspondent.
Despite running off to the Old Northwest, Wilder maintained a close,
caring relationship with his parents and siblings in New York. As secession
and the possibility of war wafted in the breeze in early 1861, he was asked
to travel to Cleveland, Ohio, to escort his parents, who wanted to visit but
were wary of the arduous trip, to Greensburg. “Ma is so anxious to see little
Mary,” sister Mary Ann Elmendorf wrote, encouraging the busy new father
to make the trip. It is unclear whether the visit took place, but it would not
be long before the clouds of war would intervene and carry Wilder in a
different direction, far from family, business ventures, and Indiana.15
 Two

A
t 2:30 p.m. on April 13, 1861, the thirty-six-hour bombardment of
Fort Sumter at the mouth of Charleston harbor in South Carolina
ended with the surrender of US Maj. Robert Anderson and his small
garrison. The American Civil War had begun.
Before Sumter, most in the State of Indiana had taken a temperate posi-
tion on the secession question. Among the states of the Old Northwest,
Indiana had the largest population of native Southerners—in 1860, sixty-five
thousand Kentucky natives lived in Indiana. There existed a natural affin-
ity toward the South in the Hoosier state, “the most southern of northern
states.” With its southern border on the Ohio River, Indiana was tied to
and reliant upon Southern markets, including New Orleans. Indianans were
therefore wary of a self-destructive war with the South.
Attitudes shifted immediately when news of Sumter reached Indianapolis.
War fever engulfed the state. Geography played a role, as Indiana, poised
north of the wavering border state of Kentucky, was thought to be particu-
larly vulnerable to Confederate invasion. “In every quarter, and especially in
the counties bordering on the Ohio River,” Indiana Adjutant Gen. W. H. H.
Terrell recounted, “the most serious fears were entertained that the State
would be invaded by rebel bands, known to be organizing in Kentucky,
the towns on the border plundered, and the country devastated.” This ap-
prehension, coupled with patriotic fervor, sparked a rush of enlistments.
On April 15, Abraham Lincoln issued a call for seventy-five thousand
three-month volunteers. Though the Indiana contribution was fixed by the
Secretary of War at six regiments of infantry (4,683 men), in less than a week
twelve thousand were tendered by the state. When the US adjutant general
visited Indianapolis in October, he commented that the state had raised
and equipped a greater number of troops per capita than any other state.
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 17

There was little question that the purpose of the war in the minds of
most Indianans was preservation of the Union—not subjugating the South
or emancipating Southern slaves. Although the 1850s had observed the rise
of the Republican Party throughout Indiana (the towns along the Ohio River
remaining the only solidly Democratic portion of the state), that affiliation
did not equate with an anti-slavery mindset. Racist sentiment was prevalent
in Indiana, and many residents, particularly those along the state’s southern
border, feared an influx of newly freed blacks competing for jobs, land, and
other benefits of citizenship (in violation of Article XIII of the 1851 state
constitution, which provided that “No negro or mulatto shall come into or
settle in the State”). As war loomed, a special session of the legislature in
early 1861 stressed that Indiana soldiers and taxes would not be used “in
any aggression upon the institution of slavery or any other Constitutional
right belonging to any of the states.” The Indianapolis Sentinel summed up
local sentiment when it declared that “the Union must and will be preserved
. . . [but] it can never be preserved by an anti-slavery policy. Secession and
abolition must go down together.”1
The citizens of Decatur County rallied to the flag following the fall of
Sumter. The county contributed twenty-five hundred soldiers to the war
effort, including six future Medal of Honor recipients, ten colonels, fifteen
regimental officers, and six brevetted brigadier generals—including John T.
Wilder.2
Successive generations of Wilders had distinguished themselves through
wartime service. Henry VIII reportedly gifted Nicholas Wilder the “beauti-
ful estate” of Parley Hall on the Thames in Berkshire as well as a crest with
the motto Courage conquers walls for “his manly conduct in attacking
and carrying the castle in which Richard III had taken refuge during the
[1485] battle of Bosworth.” Wilder’s great-grandfather Capt. Seth Wilder
commanded a company of minutemen in the American Revolution before
losing a leg at Bunker Hill; his sixteen-year-old son, Seth Wilder Jr., took his
place, serving as a mechanic in the militia through the battles of Saratoga,
Monmouth, and Stony Point, where he suffered a bayonet wound. In the
same conflict, Wilder’s maternal grandfather, Samuel Merritt, enlisted at age
sixteen to serve under a pre-treasonous Benedict Arnold. During the War of
1812, Wilder’s father raised a company of New York light horse, fighting
at Plattsburg and Sackett’s Harbor. Without question, Wilder came from
“revolutionary stock.”3
Anticipating the outbreak of hostilities, Wilder, who ventured far and
wide in association with his foundry business, recruited volunteers from
among those customers whom he thought might make good army officers.
18 pa rt 1

“Why not organize a company and get a commission,” he reportedly urged

one acquaintance, “instead of waiting to be drafted?” Within a week after
receiving the news of Sumter, he volunteered his services to help put down
the rebellion. Such bold, decisive action was entirely within his character;
nevertheless, the impulsive nature of his enlistment raised concerns among
his family and associates—after all, he was responsible for the livelihood
of nearly one hundred employees and was expecting a second child (Annie,
born on May 6, 1861, only weeks after his enlistment). While he may have
been swept up in post-Sumter fervor and may have felt that honor demanded
that he volunteer, some felt that he had acted rashly. David E. Rees, one of
Wilder’s closest business associates, remained displeased by the decision
months later. “I still have fears for the result some day of your rashness &
impudence,” the forty-four-year-old Rees cautioned. “No one doubts your
courage—many do your discretion.”4
Spurning pleas for caution, Wilder cast two six-pound wrought-iron
cannon at a cost of $3,200 at his Greensburg foundry, which he then closed
after producing bullets from the remaining metal on hand. On April 21, he
volunteered as a private in the First Independent Battery of Artillery, the
first three-year regiment in the state, for which he recruited a company of
volunteers. On his second day of service, he was elected captain. Artillery
was not a priority, however, as the state needed to fill its infantry ranks; the
company was not accepted into service, and Wilder and his recruits were
reassigned to the infantry.5
As Indiana infantry in the Mexican War had been assigned regiment
numbers one to five, new regiments would pick up with the number six.
Regiments six to eleven were organized into the First Brigade of Indiana
Volunteers. Camps were established on May 6 for additional regiments;
after regiments twelve through sixteen were filled, any surplus men would
be placed in the Seventeenth Indiana (17 IN), which would eventually tally
984 enlisted men, forty-nine commissioned officers, and thirty noncommis-
sioned officers and musicians. Mostly sixteen to twenty years of age, they
came from every county in Indiana, twenty other states, and almost every
country in Europe. Wilder’s rejected artillery unit would become Company A
of the 17 IN. The fair grounds of the Indiana State Board of Agriculture were
repurposed as a mustering ground, with horse pens converted into barracks;
at that hastily erected facility, designated “Camp Morton” in honor of the
governor, Wilder and his company were mustered into service on June 12.
Identifying qualified military leadership was a challenge in Indiana. There
had been no regular militia in the state for fifteen years, and only a handful
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 19

of West Point graduates could be found. There were a few veterans of the
Mexican War, and some volunteers were awarded commissions in return for
their recruiting efforts throughout the state. Republican governor Oliver P.
Morton appointed both Republicans and Democrats to military posts,
regardless of political affiliation (although some complained that he was
simply surrounding himself with lackeys devoted to him); for example, the
brigadier-general commanding Indiana’s new regiments was Col. Joseph J.
Reynolds, a Lafayette grocer who had not been a Morton supporter but
who had served in the army after graduating from West Point.
Wilder, a prewar Democrat, was commissioned a lieutenant-colonel by
Morton on June 4, bypassing the rank of major. His recruiting efforts may
have played a role in his speedy rise through the ranks—in fact, he was of-
fered the opportunity to leap forward to the rank of colonel but declined, as
he “did not think himself fit for such a high position with so little experience
in, or knowledge of, military affairs.” Goshen lawyer and railroad promoter
(and West Point graduate) Milo S. Hascall was instead commissioned colonel
of the 17 IN; George Gorman, a printer from Owensville who had served
in the Mexican War, assumed the post of major. When the Secretary of War
called for four regiments to increase their commitment from a single year to
three years or the duration of the war to enable more ambitious campaigns
by Union commanders, the 17 IN readily volunteered.6

Though nominally part of the rebel state of Virginia (the state of West Vir-
ginia would not be carved out until June 1863), the Unionist counties of
western Virginia held fierce antisecession sentiments. In the early months
of the rebellion, Union forces were dispatched to the region to assuage the
fears of local Unionists and protect the adjacent states of Ohio and Penn-
sylvania from a Southern invasion. Key objectives included the Staunton-
Parkersburg Pike (linking the rich Shenandoah Valley to Parkersburg on
the Ohio River) and the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, which connected the
western and eastern theaters of the war. Union control of western Virginia
would also open the way to the Great Valley of Virginia and East Tennessee.
On July 1, 1861, the 17 IN and its sister regiments boarded trains in
Indianapolis destined for Parkersburg. Before departing Camp Morton,
Wilder joined a group of 17 IN officers to contribute funds to purchase a
memorial sword and sash for Adj. Gen. Lazarus Noble, a former business
partner of Governor Morton who served as the principal military advisor
20 pa rt 1

to the State of Indiana at the start of the war. The politically savvy Wilder,
who appears to have drafted the pact and may have conceived the plan,
donated five dollars himself.7
Passing through the counties of southeast Indiana, the green troops were
treated to “one continued ovation” by cheering crowds expecting a swift,
decisive end to the Southern revolt. After a three-day layover in Cincinnati,
on July 5 they detrained at Parkersburg and set off on a twenty-three-mile
march through a steady rain to the town of Elizabeth, Virginia. Along the
way, it was reported to readers back in Indiana that Wilder and Hascall
“are quite energetic and do all they can for the welfare, safety and comfort
of the men under their charge.”
After a two-day respite, Wilder was instructed to take 380 men twenty-
six miles south to Spencer to determine whether rebels held the town and,
if so, drive them out. The assignment was a minor piece of a broad Union
effort to secure two key mountain passes deemed by Confederates to be
“the gates to the northwestern country.” “See to it that your men commit no
depredations upon the persons or property of . . . citizens,” Hascall counseled
his eager subordinate; it was critical in the early stages of the conflict that
nothing be done to risk alienating the local population and causing them
to shift their allegiances to the Confederacy.
Nearing Spencer, Wilder split his force, taking 160 men on a laborious
march over the mountains to entrap the several hundred rebel troops sus-
pected to be in the town. After sporadic clashes over nine miles of broken
terrain, they burst into Spencer to find that the Confederates had fled. “The
villains did not dare to fight us fairly, but kept in the brush and on the hills,”
a scuffle-flushed Wilder wrote to Martha. “The route was very difficult, as
the road wound through ravines and over mountains and around points
where they would lay in wait for us, but we kept flanking parties out ahead
that came in behind them when they would run to some other point.” They
did kill one rebel, wounding another and capturing five prisoners and three
horses, suffering a single casualty shot through the thigh. Though it was a
largely bloodless skirmish, Wilder was exhilarated; as his men set up camp
on the courthouse lawn, he claimed a “first rate Quarters” in a lawyer’s
office in the courthouse.8
Hascall dispatched troops, arms, and supplies to bolster Wilder, who was
expecting a counterattack. “We are farther out in their country than any
other party and if they make any stand at all, we will probably have a fight
soon,” the brash lieutenant-colonel informed his wife. “They have at least
three times our number within 18 miles of us, but if they attack us I think we
can whip them.” No attack developed. Dislodged from their entrenchments
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 21

at Rich Mountain, the Confederates pulled back to secondary defensive lodg-

ments in the mountain passes. While George B. McClellan’s self-promoting
boast that “secession is killed in this country” was premature, the clash at
Rich Mountain did loosen Confederate control of the region and embolden
loyal Unionists to push for separation from Virginia.9
The engagement at Spencer was a minor sideshow to the Rich Mountain
victory, but Hascall proclaimed it a “glorious” triumph. Tales of the “battle”
were swirling about, he wrote Wilder, “such as that you had to fight your
way from Elizabeth to Spencer killing 8 or 10 of the enemy . . . and that
there was a force of 1500 or 2000 of the enemy at Arnoldsville and that
you was surrounded in all directions.” Rumors trickled back to the home
front, and a July 22 letter published in Indiana newspapers crowed that four
companies of the 17 IN (along with the 22 OH) had snared sixty rebels in
western Virginia. “I am much pleased at the spirit and determination your
command has manifested,” Hascall praised. He did remind Wilder to remain
vigilant as to the pilfering of civilian property: “I have drummed two men
out of the service since you left for similar offenses.” Looting would become
more commonplace as the war progressed; Wilder’s men would not be above
committing indiscriminate thievery from time to time.
Though relieved that her husband had survived his first engagement,
Martha Wilder was concerned for his safety. “I do hope your life may be
spared,” she wrote in late July. Perhaps alluding to the sobering losses on
July 21 at Manassas, the first real battle of the war, she prayed that he would
not be sent to eastern Virginia, and she counseled him to caution. “Don’t
be too rash,” she pleaded. “Consider well before you take any step[,] you
know you are very hasty.”10
On July 22, McClellan, fresh from the success at Rich Mountain, was called
east to command the Army of the Potomac, leaving Brig. Gen. William S.
Rosecrans (Ohio) in command in western Virginia. The following day, the
17 IN traveled by rail to Oakland, Maryland, and marched sixteen miles
to the northern branch of the Potomac River to assist in the construction
of a blockhouse that would become Fort Pendleton.11
Wilder used the lull following Rich Mountain to correspond with his
business partners, who sought advice on financial matters, lawsuits, and the
payment of amounts owed in his absence. His decision to enlist still rankled
some of his associates. “I feel that you have treated me badly in going off and
leaving things so unsettled,” David E. Rees castigated from Lawrenceburg on
August 18, “and neglecting—apparently purposefully—to inform me on the
many points of which you know me to be ignorant, and which of course you
know to be important that I should know something.” Wilder’s colleagues
22 pa rt 1

would have to be content with an occasional letter to assist in divining his

plans and instructions as the otherwise-occupied lieutenant-colonel tramped
along with his regiment on the far side of the Appalachians.12
Buoyed by success, federal forces in West Virginia pushed south to oc-
cupy Cheat Mountain Pass, settling into strong fortified positions while
the Confederacy mulled plans to retake western Virginia. Joseph Reynolds
established three federal fortifications in the “Cheat Mountain District”: the
Elkwater camp sat astride the Huttonsville-Huntersville Turnpike, which led
south to the Virginia Central Railroad (and Richmond); Cheat Summit Fort,
four thousand feet above sea level, commanded the Staunton-Parkersburg
Pike; and reinforcements and supplies were concentrated at Cheat Mountain
Pass for deployment to either spot as needed.
In late July, Robert E. Lee, yet to take troops into battle, arrived in
western Virginia with orders to push back the federal forces. The ensuing
Cheat Mountain campaign, however, was muddled, in part because Lee did
not supplant a resentful Brig. Gen. William W. Loring, on the basis that the
older man was a Seminole and Mexican War veteran who had outranked
him in the old army; instead, Lee issued his orders through Loring, which
diluted the clarity of his plans.
“We are ready for a fight most any time,” reported Second Lieut. Isaiah B.
McDonald (Co. D) to Wilder on July 31 from “Head Quarters, Army of
Occupation, W. Va.” at Cheat Mountain Pass, where a portion of the 17 IN
was entrenched, waiting. Of the “Fleet Footed Virginians” who had run in
the face of the advancing federals at Spencer, he scorned, “they don’t like the
Hoosier boys very well.” By mid-August, the entire 17 IN was concentrated
at the Elkwater camp.
Avoiding the strong defenses at the pass, Lee devised a plan for a two-
pronged assault upon Elkwater and Cheat Mountain on September 12. The
attack, however, was plagued by a lack of coordination, misinformation
provided by captured Union soldiers, fog, rain, and the rugged terrain.
Approaching Cheat Summit, Col. Albert Rust (3 AR), whose charge was
to provide the signal for the attack to begin in the valley below, became
convinced that the federal defenses were impenetrable and withdrew, even
though he vastly outnumbered the enemy; as a result, the plan for a co-
ordinated assault fizzled. Confederate losses were likely embellished by
Reynolds, who claimed one hundred killed and twenty prisoners captured;
he tallied federal losses much lower, at ten killed, fourteen wounded, and
about sixty captured.
Reynolds’ report briefly mentioned the 17 IN, two companies of which
had checked the rebel advance at Elkwater before falling back. An elated
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 23

Wilder wrote home on September 26, proclaiming the recent events “such
a busy exciting time” and explaining that, despite “desperate odds” pitting
six thousand federal troops against twenty-six rebel regiments, “we whipped
them with about 600 men thrown out as Skirmishers . . . who fought like
tigers.” He was unimpressed by the “cowardise” [sic] of the rebels, who
had stalled and fallen back in the face of a smaller Union force. “They had
brought 80 empty wagons with them to haul away our stores,” he wrote.
“They [instead] used them to haul off their wounded.”13
A notable episode occurred on September 13 when Lee sent out a small
party to reconnoiter the Union right at Elkwater, probing for any weakness
that might be exploited by a renewed attack. The detail included his son,
Maj. W. H. F. (Rooney) Lee, and Col. John Augustine Washington, a nephew
and topographical engineer who served as Lee’s chief of staff.14
Sgt. J. J. Weiler (17 IN) and ten men were meanwhile scouting the flank
of the mountain in response to reports that rebel troops had been spotted in
the area. Halfway up a foggy ridge, they encountered three men on horse-
back “evidently scouting around to see what could be seen.” As the rebels
wheeled to escape, Weiler shouted to his men, “who were good shots,” to
“take the middle one.” Struck three times in the back, Washington fell from
his horse. Rooney Lee, his horse shot, scrambled onto Washington’s and fled.
Mortally wounded, Washington asked the clustering bluecoats for water,
but by the time a cupful was retrieved from a nearby stream he was dead.
His personal items were claimed as souvenirs, including his sword, two
revolvers, a field glass, one hundred-fifty dollars, and “a remarkable accurate
map of the federal camp.” At the site of the ambush, a bitter inscription
was carved: “Under this tree, on the 13th of Sept, 1861 fell Col. John A.
Washington, the degenerate descendent of the Father of his Country.”
Lee soon learned of the confrontation, but not the result. “His
[Washington’s] zeal for the cause to which he had devoted himself carried
him, I fear, too far,” he worried in a note to the governor of Virginia. If
Washington had been killed, Lee wrote in a message sent across the lines
on September 14, “I request that you shall deliver to me his dead body.”
The flag of truce carrying this inquiry was met by an ambulance bearing
Washington’s body to the rebel camp. A subsequent account described
Wilder with a detail of soldiers delivering the body to the Confederate
general. “Gen. Lee’s kindly eyes filled with tears of gratitude, mingled with
those of grief,” it was said, “for he was most grateful for the courtesy ex-
tended by the enemy.” Weiler, however, did not mention Wilder in his own
reminiscence, stating that he drove the ambulance while Hascall and Adj.
Edward Kerstetter rode ahead with a flag of truce.
24 pa rt 1

Disheartened by the failure of the Confederate attack and the loss of

his nephew, Lee drew his forces back into their camps, downplaying the
abortive expedition as a “forced reconnaissance.” Lee “felt the death of his
relative very keenly,” Confederate chaplain C. T. Quintard observed. His
own emotions aside, however, Lee comforted the widowed Washington’s
seven children with an air of obligatory stoicism: “He is now happy in
Heaven. I trust with her [his deceased wife] he so loved on earth. We ought
not to wish him back.”15
After the disappointment at Cheat Mountain, Confederate forces retired
twelve miles to Camp Bartow, where the Staunton-Parkersburg Turnpike
crossed the Greenbrier River. Flush with success and directed to “worry
and harass” the rebels out of western Virginia, Reynolds planned his own
“armed reconnaissance” of the entrenched Confederates. A preliminary
excursion on September 26, however, was countermanded after only half a
mile due to foul weather. “We were very much disappointed,” Wilder wrote
to Martha. He was itching for a fight and hinted that “there will be stirring
times here within a few days.” He added that he had slept in a tent only
two nights over the prior two weeks, having sheltered four nights under a
cannon.16
At midnight on October 2, five thousand federal troops and six pieces of
artillery set out on the twelve-mile march from Cheat Mountain to Green-
brier. The 17 IN, like other units, had been “reduced by continuous hard
service and sickness to about half regiments.” “I had been out sick for nearly
two weeks and did not know whether I could ride a horse or not,” Wilder
informed Martha on October 5, but he was determined not to miss out on
the action: “I was bound to be in the fight if I had to be carried.” By eight
o’clock on the morning of October 3, the illness-depleted force approached
the fortified rebel camp, driving in the rebel pickets. Wilder was fortified
by the promise of action, writing afterward that “the nearer we came to
the enemy the stronger I got.” Inside the works waited eighteen hundred
Virginia, Georgia, and Arkansas Confederates commanded by Brig. Gen.
Henry R. Jackson.
A lively artillery duel ensued, during which the 17 IN protected the right
flank of six Parrott guns manned by the 1 MI light artillery. The firing,
though “almost incessant,” was largely bloodless. “The first gun fired by the
enemy threw a twenty pound ball directly over my head, the wind it made
took my cap off, but I caught it,” wrote Wilder. “The ball struck the earth
within ten feet of General Reynolds, who was in the rear.” A six-pound shell
“stuck in the ground under Lt. [Greenbury] Shields[’] feet,” knocking him
down, “but did not hurt him in the least,” while another “sailed between
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 25

me and another officer as we were talking, and stuck in the hillside behind
us.” Newspapers described soldiers knocked from their feet as shells struck
the hillside, “fortunately without injury, save a few scratches,” and a four-
pound ball passing within a few inches of George Gorman, “causing his
horse to crouch nearly to the earth” as the shell skimmed across Gorman’s
back. More men would have been injured, Wilder estimated, but for the
rebels “forgetting to cut the fuses” on their shells, preventing them from
exploding in the federal ranks.
A lull followed the artillery barrage, after which Reynolds ordered his
forces forward to test the rebel defenses. Crossing the Greenbrier, the 17
IN would assist the attempt to turn the rebel left. “I formed the regiment
and told them that any man who was not willing to storm the enemy’s bat-
teries with me, and follow wherever I led the way, could fall out of ranks,”
Wilder recounted. “Not a man stirred or spoke. I could see them clutch their
muskets tighter and straighten a little taller, and when I gave the order to
advance double-quick, every man started off with a promptness and will
that convinced me they would follow me to Mobile if I led the way.”
Moving forward “under a perfect rain of canister, shot and shell,” the 17
IN came upon a hesitant, halted 25 OH infantry. In his battle report, Lieut.
Col. William P. Richardson (25 OH) wrote that an animated Wilder “asked
me why I did not move forward.” Responding that he was “waiting for the
commencement of the charge,” Richardson was told that “I was mistaken;
that your [Reynolds’] order was that I should proceed to the enemy’s right;
and that if I did not immediately proceed he would occupy my place.”
Either inspired or intimidated by Wilder’s bold directive, Richardson “at
once complied with the demand” and compelled his men to press forward
toward the rebel earthworks. For his part, Wilder wrote of the encounter
only that “we passed the Ohio Regiments who were halting and wavering.”
Wilder shifted to the left to steady the 7 IN, “whose men had scattered
through the woods, recoiling from the iron hail.” After a half hour standing
“steady as mile-posts” while waiting for orders, they were drawn back. The
attack failed to carry the rebel works. “We distinctly saw heavy reinforce-
ments of infantry and artillery arrive while we were in front of the works,”
Reynolds explained; after almost five hours of faltering action, he called off
the attack. “You are the only regiment in order,” he advised Wilder. “Can
you cover those batteries and bring them off the field?” The 17 IN covered
the withdrawal of the federal guns and “brought them safely into camp.”
“Rapidly and in disorder they returned into the turnpike,” Jackson
gloated, “and soon thereafter the entire force of the enemy—artillery, in-
fantry, and cavalry—retreated in confusion along the road and adjacent
26 pa rt 1

fields.” Reynolds, on the other hand, claimed that he had met his objective,
reporting that “after having fully and successfully accomplished the object of
the expedition [we] retired leisurely and in good order to Cheat Mountain.”
The battle at Greenbrier River was indecisive. The official Union tally was
eight killed and thirty-five wounded; the Confederates suffered six killed,
thirty-three wounded, and thirteen missing. Wilder claimed that his regiment
alone killed thirty-eight Confederates. The 17 IN suffered three wounded
and one killed—Pvt. E. T. Dukes, who was “cut in two by a cannon ball.”
The federal dead were buried at Cheat Mountain Summit.17
The thrill of battle was soon replaced by the dullness of camp life. In
October, Co. A of the 17 IN was peeled off and reassigned to the artillery
service (26 IN). Wilder, however, would stay with regiment in western Vir-
ginia. Although his health was “getting first rate again,” he was unenthused
by the prospect of wintering in the mountains. “I liked this country as well
as any, but to lay here all winter is rather a dreary prospect,” he grumbled
in a letter home on October 25.18
With winter looming, rebel troops were drawn off to be deployed at
other needed points, and the focus of the war effort shifted from western
Virginia to the Potomac in the eastern theater and Tennessee and Kentucky
in the west. “We have been partially promised a campaign in Ky. this winter,”
Wilder informed Martha, “and earnestly hope we will be ordered there.”
On November 9, the Department of the Ohio was reorganized to include
the states of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Tennessee, and Kentucky (east of
the Cumberland River). Assigned to command was Brig. Gen. Don Carlos
Buell, a forty-three-year-old career army officer who had spent part of his
childhood in Lawrenceburg, Indiana, and had been commissioned to West
Point from that state. Ten days later, before western Virginia could be hit
by harsh winter weather, the 17 IN was directed to report to Louisville; the
regiment would remain in the western theater for the remainder of the war.19
 Three

D
uring the war, Indiana troops fought in 308 engagements in seven-
teen states, the great majority in the western theater. In the winter
of 1861–1862, federal manpower in the west was concentrated in
Kentucky, “an area about which there was particular concern because of its
proximity [to Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois].” Reassigned to the Bluegrass State,
on November 30 the 17 IN joined the Fifteenth Brigade (under Col. Milo S.
Hascall) of the Fourth Division (led by a six-foot two-inch, three-hundred-
pound naval veteran, the profane and quarrelsome Maj. Gen. William “Bull”
Nelson) of Buell’s Army of the Ohio. The regiment camped briefly at the old
Oakland Race Course before moving into winter quarters near Hodgenville,
where it would remain for two months. On New Year’s Day 1862, Wilder,
who denigrated Camp Wyckliffe as “the unhealthiest camp I have ever seen,”
contracted pneumonia; he was ill for several weeks, as were others in the
regiment, which was “about half fit for duty.”1
In February, the brigade was reassigned to the Sixth Division of the Army
of the Ohio, “raw troops” commanded by Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Wood, a
thirty-nine-year-old Kentuckian and career soldier. “All like the change, very
much,” Wilder informed “Pet.”
When Buell assumed command, the Confederate line extended across
southern Kentucky, from the Mississippi to the Cumberland Gap. Side-
stepping the formidable rebel defenses at Columbus, Kentucky, the Union
high command determined to plunge south along the Tennessee and Cum-
berland Rivers to the Mississippi River Valley. The capture of Forts Henry
and Donelson in February 1862 opened the door to the rebel-held capital
of Tennessee. “If you can occupy Nashville,” McClellan urged Buell from
Washington, “it will end the war in Tennessee.”
28 pa rt 1

Two days after the fall of Fort Donelson (February 18), therefore,
Hascall’s brigade was ordered to march on Nashville. Issued seven days’ ra-
tions and one hundred rounds of ammunition, they slogged ten miles through
what Wilder called “one of the worst storms you ever saw” to Munfordville,
a key river crossing along the Louisville & Nashville Railroad. “You may
expect to hear a good account of the 17th if the rebels dont run as usual, or
surrender without much of a fight,” Wilder wrote to Martha on February 23.
Although he struggled under the lingering effects of his recent illness, the
prospect of battle had fortified him somewhat. “Hope we will get through in
time to plant the Old flag on the dome of the Capitol of Tennesee [sic],” he
reflected. “Think I would be willing to lose an arm for the privilege of doing
it myself.” He was confident that the end of the war was in sight. “Think the
rebellion is about played out,” he predicted, “and we will get home with the
proud conciousness of having been among the first to volunteer in defence
of our country, and of having been successful in its defence.”2
Wilder’s medical issues—possibly a recurrence of his Virginia ailment—
persisted, as noted on March 26 by Samuel E. Munford, surgeon for the
17 IN, who recommended that the patient “remain quiet for some time”
due to dysentery and hemorrhaging of the bowels, which had reappeared
with “renewed severity.” This notion was set aside when Wilder, described
by the Evansville Journal as “a worthy and efficient officer,” was promoted
to colonel on March 29. His Model 1850 foot officer’s sword, upon which
had been scrolled “Capt. Of Wilder’s Battery April, 1861,” was sent home
for “Col. 17th Ind. Vols. 1862” to be added to the scabbard.3
By March, Ulysses S. Grant’s Army of the Tennessee had driven south to
take possession of Pittsburgh Landing along the Tennessee River, twenty-
two miles north of the strategic rail crossroads of Corinth, Mississippi.
Albert Sidney Johnston (CSA) sought to take advantage of Grant’s isolated
position by attacking from Corinth. Sensing the danger, Henry Halleck, in
overall command of the western theater, ordered Buell to press his Army of
the Ohio to Pittsburgh Landing to support Grant. On March 29, the 17 IN
raced south from Nashville, anxious not to miss the fight. Along the ten-day
journey, though, the regiment was diverted to Lawrenceburg, Tennessee,
“to disperse a gang of rebels,” wounding two “secesh Cavalry” and seizing
large stores of bacon and other supplies.
On the morning of April 6, Johnston surprised Grant, driving the shocked
bluecoats to the Tennessee River; the following day, bolstered by Buell’s
reinforcements, Grant turned the tide, forcing the rebels to fall back in
confusion. The battle of Shiloh was a revelation—the bloodiest day in U.S.
history, with 13,047 federal and 10,699 rebel casualties. The 17 IN, how-
 old nort h w est to old sou t h 29

ever, was not among the fourteen Indiana regiments that saw action on the
bloody field—the exhausted Hoosiers arrived the day after the battle had
ended. “I telegraphed you immediately after the great battle to let you know
there was nothing the matter with us,” a slightly disappointed Wilder wrote
home on April 16. “The rebels are very much demoralized,” he concluded.
“I think their cause is nearly used up, at least their army is.”4
In Virginia, Milo S. Hascall had urged Wilder to restrain his men from
plundering the countryside. Whether by 1862 soldiers had become more
hard-boiled or the admonition fell flat when the property belonged to reb-
els, by the spring of 1862 Wilder himself was shipping home souvenirs of
the war, a few of which became subjects of no small intrigue. An April 3
letter from brother-in-law Daniel Stewart pleaded that “special U.S. Detec-
tives are here, seizing all property that now belongs or has belonged to the
Government . . . They have accurate descriptions of every horse that has
come into this county, whether taken in Western Virginia or Missouri.”
George Anderson, an associate to whom Wilder had presented a gray stal-
lion, asked him to explain in writing “all you know about the Horse, how
he was procured and how you got possession of him.” Wilder’s father-in-
law, moreover, was said to feel “a little uneasy in reference to a certain little
grey colt in his possession[,] as the detectives are on the scent of it.” No
further correspondence discusses the fate of the suspect horseflesh shipped
home by Wilder, but it is evident that the wartime chaos provided him the
opportunity to make personal gifts of government property.5
After the setback at Shiloh, the Confederates fell back to Corinth, “the
great rallying point in the central South.” The Tishomingo County town sat
at the intersection of two critical railroads: the Memphis & Charleston, the
key east-west corridor of the Confederacy, connecting the Mississippi to
the East Coast; and the Baltimore & Ohio, striking north from the Gulf of
Mexico to Columbus, Kentucky. Corinth was a key strategic objective. As
Halleck wrote to Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton on May 25, “Rich-
mond and Corinth are now the great strategical points of war, and our
success at these points should be insured at all hazards.”
Rising to command after the death of Albert Sidney Johnston at Shiloh,
P. G. T. Beauregard sought to render Corinth unassailable. A seven-mile line
of fortifications, the “Beauregard Line,” was strung along the ridgelines north
and east of the town; beyond lay marshy ground that would complicate
a federal offensive. Five crescent-shaped works manned with siege guns
covered the roads leading to the town. Reinforcements poured in from the
south and west, and by the end of April seventy-thousand Confederates
were stationed in and around Corinth.
30 pa rt 1

At Pittsburgh Landing, the victorious but exhausted Union armies recu-

perated. For two weeks, the Army of the Ohio camped on the battleground.
In their haste to join the battle, the 17 IN had left their trains and baggage
at nearby Savannah, Tennessee; as a result, Wilder grumbled, “we lay in
the woods without tents, and have to carry our provisions 5 miles on our
backs.” Of Shiloh, he described “hundreds of trees shivered to splinters,
gun carriages torn to bits, dead horses by the drove, heads, arms, legs and
mangled bodies strewn around, all combined to make a picture of horrors
that it would be well for our infernal political leaders to look on.” Even so,
he professed a renewed sense of vitality and looked forward to the next
stage of the offensive.
Halleck amassed a staggering one hundred thousand troops for the ad-
vance upon Corinth. Buell’s Army of the Ohio, poised upon the bluffs
overlooking Lick Creek, would occupy the center of the federal line. “They
have fallen back to Corinth and are busily intrenching,” Wilder wrote of
the rebels, “but they cannot stand our determined attack, which will be
made within a short time.” He was confident that victory was imminent. “A
great many deserters come into our lines,” he advised Martha on April 28,
“all [saying] that their army is very much demoralized . . . I think I shall
not soldier longer than through the spring campaign.”
On April 29, the order came to advance. Plagued by thick heat and bad
water, the Army of the Ohio trudged three and one-half miles toward Lick
Creek, building corduroy roads over the twisting creek beds and marshlands.
With the other federal columns bogged down in the difficult terrain, John
Pope’s Army of the Mississippi became isolated at the front of the advance.
Beauregard sensed an opportunity, and although his May 9 attack failed
to eliminate Pope, it alarmed Halleck, who became nervous and wary that
the Confederates might repeat the strategy and destroy the Union forces
piecemeal. The result was an excess of caution. Frustrated federal troops, en-
trenching continually as they inched forward through the muck, bequeathed
their commander the nickname “Grandmother Halleck.”6
As the jittery federal columns crept toward Corinth amid constant skir-
mishing, the bold war governor of Indiana, Oliver P. Morton, visited the
lines to check in on his citizen soldiers. Shells crashing about, an officer
cautioned Morton: “too much danger for a governor here.” “No more for
me than for you,” the governor countered, although he was soon convinced
to move to the rear for his own safety.
After a painstaking month, a concentrated push brought Halleck to the
outskirts of Corinth. Opting against a costly frontal attack, he determined
to besiege the town. Beauregard, aware that he could not wait for Halleck to
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—— (882) On the fructification and affinities of Archaeopteris
hibernica, Forbes sp. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. [6] vol. ii.
—— (89) On the fossil plants in the Ravenhead Collection in the
Free Library and Museum, Liverpool. Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol.
xxxv. pt. ii.
—— (892) Additional notes on some British Carboniferous Lycopods.
Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. vol. iv. p. 60.
—— (893) On some fossil plants from Teilia quarry, Gwaenysgor,
near Prestatyn, Flintshire. Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xxxv. pt. ii.
—— (91) On the fructification of Sphenophyllum trichomatosum,
Stern. from the Yorkshire Coal-field. Proc. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xi.
p. 56.
—— (912) On the fructification and internal structure of
Carboniferous ferns in their relation to those of existing genera.
Trans. Geol. Soc. Glasgow, vol. ix. pt. i.
—— (913) On the Fossil Flora of the Staffordshire Coal-fields. II.
Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xxxvi. p. 63.
—— (93) On Lepidophloios, and on the British species of the genus.
Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xxxvii. pt. iii. p. 529.
—— (94) On the various divisions of British Carboniferous rocks as
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183.
—— (96) On the Fossil Flora of the Yorkshire Coal-fields. I. Trans. R.
Soc. Edinb. vol. xxxviii. p. 203.
—— (97) On the Fossil Flora of the Yorkshire Coal-fields. II. Trans.
R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xxxix. pt. i. p. 33.
—— (01) Carboniferous Lycopods and Sphenophylls. Trans. Nat.
Hist. Soc. Glasgow, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 25.
—— (012) The flora of the Carboniferous Period. Proc. Yorks. Geol.
Polyt. Soc. vol. xiv. pt. ii.
—— (02) The flora &c. Second Paper. Ibid. vol. xiv. pt. iii. p. 344.
—— (03) The fossil plants of the Carboniferous rocks of Canonbie,
Dumfriesshire, and of parts of Cumberland and Northumberland.
Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xl. pt. iv. p. 741.
—— (05) On the internal structure of Sigillaria elegans of
Brongniart’s “Histoire des Végétaux Fossiles.” Ibid. vol. xli. pt.
iii. p. 533.
—— (052) On the fructification of Neuropteris heterophylla. Trans. R.
Soc. London, vol. cxcvii. p. 1.
—— (06) On the microsporangia of the Pteridospermeae, with
remarks on their relationship to existing Ferns. Phil. Trans. R.
Soc. vol. cxcviii. p. 413.
—— (07) Note on a new species of Lepidodendron from Pettycur (L.
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—— (072) Preliminary note on the internal structure of Sigillaria
mammillaris Brongniart and S. scutellata Brongniart. Ibid. vol.
xxvii. p. 203.
—— (08) On a new species of Dineuron and of Botryopteris from
Pettycur, Fife. Trans. R. Soc. Edinb. vol. xlvi. pt. ii. p. 361.
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759.
—— (08) Ibid. pt. II. loc. cit. vol. xlvi. pt. ii. p. 213.
—— (09) Ibid. pt. III. loc. cit. vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 651.
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des Orients, Bd. x. Heft 3.
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Wiss. Wien, Bd. lxx.
—— (06) Ueber die fossile Kreideflora von Grünbach in
Niederösterreich. Sitzb. K. Akad. Wiss. Wien (Anz. iii.).
—— (09) Die Diagnosen der von D. Stur in der obertriadischen Flora
der Lunzerschichten als Marattiaceenarten unterschiedenen
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Kühn, R. (90) Untersuchungen über die Anatomie der Marattiaceen.
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Lang, W. H. (99) The prothallus of Lycopodium clavatum L. Annals
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—— (08) Preliminary statement on the morphology of the cone of
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—— (90) Ueber das angebliche Vorkommen von Geschieben des
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—— (022) Beiträge zur Kenntniss Mesozoischen Cycadophyten. Ibid.
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—— (04) Die Oberdevonische Flora des Ellesmere Landes. Rep.
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—— (082) Recherches comparatives sur la structure de la racine
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—— (05) Ibid. Lief. iii.
—— (06) Ibid. Lief. iii.
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Prantl, K. (81) Untersuchungen zur Morphologie der
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—— (02) See Engler, A. and K. Prantl.
Pritzel, E. (02) Lycopodiales. Engler and Prantl: Die natürlichen
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—— (76) Étude du genre Botryopteris. Ann. Sci. nat. [6], vol. i. p.
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—— (76) Étude du genre Myelopteris. Mém. Acad. Sci. l’Instit.
France, Tome xxii.
—— (79) Structure comparée de quelques tiges de la Flore
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—— (81) Étude sur les Stigmaria. Ann. Sci. Géol. tome xii.
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Renault, B. and C. Grand’Eury. (75) Recherches sur les végétaux
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Saxelby, E. M. (08) The origin of the roots in Lycopodium Selago.
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—— (00) Studies in fossil botany. London.
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—— (07) The present position of Palaeozoic botany. Progressus Rei
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—— (08) Studies in fossil botany (edit. ii). Vol. i. London.
—— (09) Ibid. Vol. ii.
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Scott, D. H. and A. J. Maslen. (06) On the structure of
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—— (08) On Bensonites fusiformis, sp. nov., a fossil associated with
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Sellards, E. H. (00) A new genus of ferns from the Permian of
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