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Women and Society in the
Roman World

By their social and material context as markers of graves, dedications and

public signs of honour, inscriptions offer a distinct perspective on the social
lives, occupations, family belonging, mobility, ethnicity, religious affiliations,
public honour and legal status of Roman women ranging from slaves and
freedwomen to women of the elite and the imperial family, both in Rome
and in Italian and provincial towns. They thus shed light on women who are
largely overlooked by the literary sources. The wide range of inscriptions and
graffiti included in this book show women participating not only in their
families and households but also in the social and professional life of their
cities. Moreover, they offer us a glimpse of women’s own voices. Marital ideals
and problems, love and hate, friendship, birth and bereavement, joy and
hardship all figure in inscriptions, revealing some of the richness and variety
of life in the ancient world.

EMILY A. HEMELRIJK is Professor of Ancient History at the University of

Amsterdam. Her research focuses on Roman women and gender. Her books
include Matrona Docta: Educated Women in the Roman Élite from Cornelia to
Julia Domna (1999/2004), Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic
Life in the Roman West (2015) and Women and the Roman City in the Latin
West (2013, edited with Greg Woolf).
Women and Society
in the
Roman World
A Sourcebook of Inscriptions from the Roman West

EMILY A. HEMELRIJK
Universiteit van Amsterdam
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
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It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107142459
DOI: 10.1017/9781316536087
© Emily A. Hemelrijk 2021
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2021
Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd, Padstow Cornwall
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Hemelrijk, Emily Ann, 1953– author.
Title: Women and society in the Roman world : a sourcebook of inscriptions from the Roman West /
Emily A. Hemelrijk.
Description: [New York, New York] : Cambridge University Press, [2020] | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020023814 (print) | LCCN 2020023815 (ebook) | ISBN 9781107142459 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781316509050 (paperback) | ISBN 9781316536087 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Women–Rome–History–Sources. | Inscriptions, Latin–Rome. | Inscriptions,
Latin–Translations into English. | Women–Rome–Social conditions. | Roman provinces–Social
conditions. | Rome–History–Empire, 30 B.C.–284 A.D.
Classification: LCC HQ1136 .H46 2020 (print) | LCC HQ1136 (ebook) | DDC 305.40937–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023814
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023815
ISBN 978-1-107-14245-9 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
 Contents

List of Figures [vi]

Preface [xi]
Glossary [xii]
List of Abbreviations [xvi]
Maps [xx]

Introduction [1]
1 Family Life [15]
2 Legal Status, Citizenship and Ethnicity [68]
3 Occupations [124]
4 Social Relations, Travel and Migration [183]
5 Religion [221]
6 Public Life [266]
7 Imperial Women [299]

References [331]
Index [342]

v
 Figures

1. Mausoleum of Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia. The brief inscription

on the marble tablet reads: ‘(Tomb) of Caecilia Metella, daughter of
Quintus Creticus, wife of Crassus’. Photo author. [6]
2. Columbarium of Pomponius Hylas in Rome. Photo Kit Morrell. [7]
3. Limestone stele showing the portrait of the deceased and a wool
basket. Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche.
Photo D-DAI-ROM-81.2213 (Helmut Schwanke). [17]
4. Limestone sarcophagus of Veturia from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest
National Museum inv. RD 132; 19.1868.1. Lupa.at/3019. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [22]
5. Funerary relief of Aurelius Hermia and Aurelia Philematium from the
Via Nomentana in Rome (British Museum inv. 2274). Photo Roger
B. Ulrich. [25]
6. Marble altar with verse epitaph for Pedana. Port Sunlight (UK),
Lady Lever Art Gallery inv. H 278. Photo Arachne archive
FA2106-00_25417,01. [28]
7. Anteroom and sarcophagus in the tomb of the Pancratii at the Via Latina
in Rome. Photos author. [34]
8. Funerary stele for a husband and his two wives (Florence, Museo
Archeologico Nazionale inv. 1914). Photo D-DAI-ROM-80.1138
(Werner Eck). [36]
9. Altar of Julia Secunda and Cornelia Tyche (Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.
MA 1331; photo William Chevillon) and anonymous sixteenth-century
drawing in the Codex Coburgensis of the altar of Julia Secunda and
Cornelia Tyche. Photo Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, Germany,
inv. Hz.002.Nr.158. [41]
10. Funerary stele from Intercisa in Pannonia portraying a couple with
their four children, the mother breastfeeding her youngest child. Budapest
National Museum inv. 22.1905.3. Lupa.at/3513. Photo Ortolf Harl. [44]
11. Limestone funerary stele of Bella with her swaddled baby. Römisch–
Germanisches Museum in Cologne inv. 62.274. Photo courtesy of the
museum. [46]

vi
 List of Figures vii

12. Graffito of Juvenilla, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in

1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron. [47]
13. Sandstone funerary stele of a small girl from Mogontiacum (Mainz).
Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 996. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz
(Ursula Rudischer). [53]
14. Marble plaque with verse epitaph for Geminia Agathe. Rome, Capitoline
Museums CE 795. Photo author. [57]
15. Limestone stele from Aquincum, Pannonia, showing the deceased with a
swaddled baby. Aquincum Museum Budapest inv. 64.10.10. Lupa.at/2854.
Photo Ortolf Harl. [62]
16. Marble funerary plaque from the columbarium of the Statilii in Rome.
Museo Nazionale Romano inv. 33258. Photo author. [70]
17. Granite funerary stele with rounded top from Turgalium in Lusitania.
Cáceres, Museo Arqueológico Provincial. Photo author. [78]
18. Marble plaque recording the testamentary regulations of Junia Libertas in
Ostia. Photo author. [81]
19. Marble funerary relief with the portrait busts of Lucius Antistius Sarculo
and Antistia Plutia from Rome. British Museum inv. 2275. Photo the
Trustees of the British Museum. [82]
20. Funerary reliefs of Claudia Prepontis and her patron-husband,
Tiberius Claudius Dionysius (Vatican Museums inv. 9836 and
9830). Photos Arachne archive FA 1778-08_21604 and FA
1778-03_21601. [85]
21. Limestone funerary stele from Brigetio, Pannonia. Komáron (Hungary),
Klapka György Múzeum inv. 73.25.1. Lupa.at/784. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [87]
22. Reconstruction of the family tomb of Acilia Plecusa in Singilia Barba.
Municipal Museum of Antequera. Photo author. [88]
23. Funerary relief of two freedwomen clasping their right hands. British
Museum inv. 1973, 0109. Photo Egisto Sani. [92]
24. Detail of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche in Pompeii. Photo D-DAI-ROM-
77.2085 (Christoph Rossa). [97]
25. Marble plaque of the tomb of Allia Potestas in Rome. Museo Nazionale
Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 58694. Photo author. [99]
26. Limestone funerary stele of Menimane and Blussus from Mogontiacum.
Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 146. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz
(Ursula Rudischer). [108]
27. Marble portrait stele showing a family from Noricum. Graz,
Universalmuseum Joanneum inv. 155. Lupa.at/1165. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [110]
viii List of Figures

28. Funerary relief and inscription from the church in Neumarkt im

Tauchental (Austria). Lupa.at/448 and 3176. Photos Ortolf Harl. [111]
29. Limestone funerary stele of Flavia Usaiu in Gorsium. Szabadtéri Múzeum,
Tác, Hungary. Lupa.at/805. Photo Ortolf Harl. [112]
30. Portrait stele of a woman from Aquincum. Szent István Király Múzeum
Székesfehérvár, Hungary, inv. 50.76.1. Lupa.at/803. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [114]
31. Tombstone of Regina. Photo Arbeia South Shields Roman Fort: Tyne and
Wear Archives and Museums, TWCMS T765. [115]
32. Re-used funerary stele from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest National
Museum inv. 62.70.1. Lupa.at/3121. Photo Ortolf Harl. [117]
33. Marble funerary stele of Comminia Valagenta and her family from Savaria,
Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. RD 172. Lupa.at/685. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [120]
34. Limestone funerary stele of a female physician. Museum of Metz, inv.
E. 4346. Photo author. [126]
35. Terracotta funerary relief showing Scribonia Attice helping a woman giving
birth. Ostia, Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 5203. Photo Archivio
Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica. [129]
36. Limestone funerary altar of the wet nurse Severina. Cologne, Römisch–
Germanisches Museum inv. 74.414. Photos Rheinisches Bildarchiv
(Anja Wegner). [135]
37. Small marble funerary plaque from a columbarium in Rome
commemorating the slave hairdresser Gnome. Museo Nazionale
Romano, Terme di Diocleziano. Photo author. [141]
38. Marble urn of Sellia Ephyre from a columbarium in Rome. Museo
Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 29316. Photo
author. [145]
39. Marble funerary plaque of the shoemaker Septimia Stratonice. Ostia,
Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 1418. Photo Archivio Fotografico del
Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica. [147]
40. Limestone funerary stele of the street vendor Trosia Hilara. Aquileia Museo
Archeologico Nazionale inv. 49941, su concessione del Ministero per
i beni e le attivatà culturali, Polo Museale del Friuli Venezia Giulia.
Lupa.at/13410. Photo Ortolf Harl. [151]
41. Marble funerary altar of Aurelia Nais with three compartments for urns.
Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 248.
Photos author. [154]
42. Cast of the stele for Lucius Calidius Eroticus and Fannia Voluptas
(Paris, Louvre inv. 3165). Photo D-DAI-ROM-72.22 (Max Hutzel). [168]
 List of Figures ix

43. Marble funerary relief of Sentia Amarantis. Mérida, Museo Nacional de

Arte Romano, inv. 676. Photo Archivo Fotográfico MNAR. [169]
44. Upper part of the statue base of Carvilia Censonilla. Municipal Museum of
Antequera. Photo author. [188]
45. Curse against Rhodine on a thin sheet of lead. Rome, Museo Nazionale
Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 65037. Photo author. [191]
46. Graffito of Fortunata, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in
1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron. [195]
47. Statue of Eumachia from the Building of Eumachia by the forum at
Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 6232. Photo D-DAI-
ROM-89.113 (Anger). [223]
48. Tomb on the Via Appia with marble funerary relief of Gaius Rabirius
Hermodorus, Rabiria Demaris and Usia Prima. Museo Nazionale Romano,
Palazzo Massimo, inv. 196633. Photos author. [231]
49. Statue base for Fabia Bira in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania
Tingitana. Photo author. [238]
50. Incomplete statue base in honour of Alfia Domitia Severina. Museo
Arqueológico of Cadiz. Photo author. [240]
51. Limestone plaque of magistrae of Bona Dea from Aquileia. Civico Museo
di Storia ed Arte Trieste inv. 31597. Lupa.at/15995. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [244]
52. Dedication to the Nutrices Augustae from Poetovio in Pannonia.
Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj-Ormoz, inv. RL 972. Lupa.at/8762. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [255]
53. Marble altar for Magna Mater depicting Claudia Quinta leading the ship
with Magna Mater to Rome. Musei Capitolini 321/ Montmartini, NCE
2405. Photo Arachne archive Mal317-02 (B. Malter). [258]
54. Sandstone statue base for Virtus Bellona from Borbetomagus in Germania.
Speyer, Historisches Museum der Pfalz. Lupa.at/16798. Photo
Ortolf Harl. [259]
55. Tufa votive statue of a woman with two swaddled babies on her lap. Capua,
Museo Provinciale Campano. Photo author. [262]
56. Limestone altar for the Matronae Boudunneihae, Cologne, Römisch–
Germanisches Museum inv. 74.438. Photo courtesy of the museum. [263]
57. Votive stele for Mars Mider (Medru) from Marienthal. Musée Archéologique
de Strasbourg inv. 30377. Photo Musées de Strasbourg, M. Bertola. [265]
58. Statue base of Agusia Priscilla in the Villa Borghese in Rome. Photo
author. [271]
59. Relief of Cassia Victoria and her husband in the pediment of the temple of
the Augustales in Misenum. Archaeological museum of the Castle of Baia.
x List of Figures

Photo courtesy of the Parco Archeologico dei Campi Flegrei, Ministero per
i Beni e le Attività Culturali. [274]
60. Statute of the collegium of Aesculapius and Hygieia in Rome recording the
donations of Salvia Marcellina, ‘mother’ of the collegium. Rome, Vatican
Museums. Photo author. [286]
61. Statue of Minia Procula from Bulla Regia in the Bardo Museum in Tunis.
Photo author. [290]
62. Headless statue and inscribed base of Clodia Anthianilla. Archaeological
museum of Brindisi. Photos author. [291]
63. Statue base of Aemilia Sextina in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania.
Photo author. [295]
64. Statue base of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi. Rome, Musei Capitolini.
Photo author. [300]
65. Marble block from the Mausoleum of Augustus with a cavity in the top to
hold the urn of Agrippina Major. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2924.
Photo author. [305]
66. Cast of a decurial decree in Ostia ordering bridal couples to offer
supplications to the statues of Antoninus Pius and Faustina Major. Ostia
Antica. Photo author. [309]
67. Inscription and relief of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna on the arch of
the Argentarii in Rome. Photos author. [317]
68. Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating a couple freed by
Antonia Minor. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 49. Photo author. [324]
69. Marble plaque from the columbarium of Livia commemorating her
masseuse. Musei Capitolini. Photo author. [325]
70. Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating Livia’s hairdresser.
Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2557. Photo author. [326]
71. Marble plaque from the columbarium of the Statillii. Rome, Museo
Nazionale Romano, inv. 33266. Photo author. [328]

Maps
1. Italy and the Augustan regions, from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives,
Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and
Oxford: Oxford University Press. [xx]
2. Roman Italy, from the Ancient World Mapping Centre http://awmc.unc
.edu/wordpress/free-maps/ [xxi]
3. Provinces of the Roman Empire (AD 211), from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015).
Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West,
New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. [xxii]
Preface

This sourcebook aims to present a selection of the rich epigraphic evidence

(inscriptions and graffiti) for the lives of women in the Roman world to a non-
specialist audience. Apart from providing translations, the book offers brief
introductions to the various themes, and to each individual inscription, explain-
ing its social and material context. Select bibliographical references are intended
for readers interested in a specific topic. To enhance its usefulness for teaching,
the book is complemented by a PDF with the texts of the inscriptions on the
website of Cambridge University Press (www.cambridge.org/9781107142459).
The book differs from the much-used sourcebook on ancient women by Mary
Lefkowitz and Maureen Fant (Women’s Life in Greece and Rome: A Source Book
in Translation) in focusing on the Roman West from the last century BC to the
late third AD and using only inscriptions. Where there is an occasional overlap
with inscriptions translated by Lefkowitz and Fant, this book offers original
introductions and fresh translations. I hope that the range of topics included in
this book will prove useful for the study of Roman women in university courses,
for specialists both inside and outside the field of classics and for general
readers interested in the history of women.
Special thanks are due to several people. Kit Morrell went through the entire
book offering numerous helpful suggestions. For the selection, translation and
transcription of the Greek inscriptions, the epigraphic expertise of Rolf Tybout
was invaluable. I also thank Anique Hamelink for her inspiring discussions on
issues of Roman and local dress, and the anonymous readers of CUP for their
helpful comments. Obviously, all faults remain my own. Josiah Osgood and Alan
Bowman kindly allowed me to reproduce a selection from their translations of
the Laudatio Turiae and the Vindolanda Tablets. Ortolf Harl generously pro-
vided photos from the database Ubi Erat Lupa (lupa.at), Stefan Vranka of Oxford
University Press kindly allowed reuse of the two maps from E. A. Hemelrijk
(2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West,
New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, and Vincent Hunink and Gerrit
van Oord of Apeiron generously gave permission to reproduce two graffiti from
V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste:
Apeiron. Michael Sharp's cheerful support during the process of publication
was invaluable. My cordial thanks to all. Finally, I dedicate this book to Sjoerd
for his unfailing love and support.

xi
 Glossary

agnomen additional name that was occasionally given as an honour

or to distinguish a person from others with the same name.
ascia (sub ascia) ‘under the axe’. This formula – often accompanied by a
depiction of an axe (or adze) – is used almost exclusively in
Gaul and northern Italy in the second and early third
centuries AD. The meaning is debated. Dedicating a tomb
while still under the axe may have signified that the grave
marker was a locus religiosus, thus placing it under divine
protection. A less likely interpretation is that the ascia was
meant to bar outsiders from using the tomb.
Augustales order of wealthy freedmen (including some freeborn men)
involved in the imperial cult. It counted as an honour to be
elected into this civic body.
bisellium seat of honour at public occasions, for instance in the
theatre (literally: double seat). It was awarded by the city
council to (freed)men of special merit.
bulla amulet worn by freeborn boys before they reached man-
hood (symbolised by the toga virilis).
Cara Cognatio annual festival (22 February) celebrating the family.
castitas chastity, sexual purity (not virginity or celibacy).
cognomen third name for male Roman citizens (alongside praenomen
and gentilicium) and, in the imperial period, second name
for female citizens (after the gentilicium). It distinguishes
individuals or branches of families within a clan (gens) and
is therefore the name that was used most in informal
contexts.
collegium voluntary association (professional, religious and social).
colonia Roman colony. Under the principate, a provincial city of
privileged status enjoying full Roman citizenship.
columbarium communal tomb with underground chambers containing
niches for urns.

xii
 Glossary xiii

columella headstone, a stele in the form of a stylised human head and

shoulders, which was a common grave marker in Pompeii
and some other cities in Campania.
coniunx spouse married under Roman law.
contubernalis partner, used for slaves and others unable to marry under
Roman law.
contubernium de facto marriage between slaves or persons without
Roman citizenship.
cooptatio co-optation, i.e. official appointment of a patron or patron-
ess of a city or association.
decuriones decurions, i.e. members of the council of a city or association.
denarius 1 denarius = 4 sesterces (sestertii) = 16 asses.
dextrarum iunctio the clasping of right hands symbolising a legitimate Roman
marriage.
dipinto text painted on walls or objects (e.g. on pottery).
Dis Pluto, deity of the Underworld.
duoviri/duumviri chief magistrates of Roman cities or associations.
fullonica fullery, workshop of cloth-fullers.
genius divine guardian spirit (female equivalent: Iuno).
gentilicium family name.
HMHNS h(oc) m(onumentum) h(eredem) n(on) s(equetur): this
tomb will not pass to the heir (or: extraneous heir). For-
mula to prevent the tomb falling outside the family group
(see Introduction).
Ides thirteenth or fifteenth day of a month.
infamia legal disgrace. Persons who were infames were subject to
various legal disabilities.
infula knotted priestly band; also used on sacrificial animals as a
sign of religious consecration.
ius liberorum the right of children; a set of privileges bestowed by Augus-
tus on parents of three (or, for freedwomen, four) children.
Kalends first day of a month.
loculus burial-niche in a communal tomb or catacomb.
Manes divine spirits of the departed.
manus power (literally: hand) of a husband over his wife and
children. If a woman married without manus (sine manu),
she remained under the potestas (legal power) of her father.
matrona respectable married Roman citizen woman.
xiv Glossary

medimnos Greek unit of volume (approximately 51 litres, but subject

to regional variation).
municipium Roman city (in the provinces, the city elite enjoyed full
Roman citizenship).
Nones fifth or seventh day of a month (the ninth day before
the Ides).
palla mantle.
Parcae three goddesses of Fate, who spun, measured and cut the
thread of life.
patera libation bowl.
peculium small savings of money or property that a master allowed a
slave to keep or use for business on his behalf.
pietas loyalty and devotion to one’s family and to the gods.
pronaos vestibule, or ante-temple, in front of a temple.
pudicitia sexual purity; not virginity or celibacy (see Introduction).
quinquennalis chief town magistrate elected every five years as a censor.
Roman foot unit of measurement: almost 30 centimetres.
Roman pound unit of volume: almost 330 grams.
schola clubhouse, meeting place.
schola (tomb) high-backed semi-circular bench with carved lions’ paws or
griffin feet.
seviri Augustales chief magistrates of the Augustales.
signum unofficial name or nickname.
sistrum rattle used in the cult of Isis.
stadion Greek unit of length measuring 600 feet, which varies
between 185 and 192 metres.
stele rectangular stone slab set up as a funerary or votive
monument.
stola ceremonial dress traditionally worn between the tunica and
the palla symbolising the virtues of the Roman matrona
(lawfully married Roman citizen woman).
sui iuris in their own right. A woman became sui iuris after the
death of her father or other male ascendant (when
married sine manu) or husband (when married cum
manu).
tabula ansata rectangular inscription panel with triangular handles.
tabula patronatus bronze tablet commemorating the co-optation of a patron
or patroness of a city or association.
 Glossary xv

testamentary perpetual fund bequeathed by will to a city or collegium.

foundation
thermopolium cook-shop.
toga praetexta purple bordered toga worn by Roman citizen children until
puberty.
torques Gallic twisted neck ring of precious metal.
tumulus burial mound.
tunica tunic (short for men and long for women).
 Abbreviations

Ancient authors and their works are abbreviated according to the standard
practice used in Liddell–Scott–Jones’ A Greek–English Lexicon, Lewis and
Short’s A Latin Dictionary and the Oxford Classical Dictionary. Abbreviations
of periodicals are those of L’Année philologique. Additional abbreviations used
in this book are listed below. For the sake of clarity, only the titles of epigraphic
corpora and journals are recorded; for full details, see the website of EDCS:
http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/hinweise/abkuerz.html.

AE L’Année épigraphique (Paris 1888– ).

Arachne Arachne photo archive: www.arachne.uni-koeln.de.
CapriAnt Capri Antica: dalla preistoria alla fine dell’età Romana
(Capri 1998).
CBI Der römische Weihebezirk von Osterburken I: Corpus der
griechischen und lateinischen Beneficiarier-Inschriften des
Römischen Reiches (Stuttgart 1990).
CCCA Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque (Leiden 1977–89).
CCID Corpus Cultus Iovis Dolicheni (Leiden 1987).
CEACelio La collezione epigrafica dell’Antiquarium comunale del Celio
(Rome 2001).
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin 1828–77).
CIJ Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum (Rome 1936–52).
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin 1863– ).
CILA Corpus de Inscripciones Latinas de Andalucía, 7 vols. (Sevilla
1989–2002).
CLE Carmina Latina Epigraphica (Leipzig 1930).
CLEAfrique Vie, mort et poésie dans l’Afrique romaine d’après un choix de
Carmina Latina Epigraphica (Brussels 2011).
Conimbri Fouilles de Conimbriga II: épigraphie et sculpture (Paris 1976).
CSIR D Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Deutschland (Bonn
1973–2005).
CSIR GB Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Great Britain
(Oxford 1994).
CSIR Oe Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Österreich (Vienna
1967– ).

xvi
 List of Abbreviations xvii

DefTab Defixionum tabellae quotquot innotuerunt tam in Graecis

Orientis quam in totius Occidentis partibus praeter Atticas in
CIA editas (Paris 1904).
Dougga Dougga, fragments d’histoire: choix d’inscriptions latines
éditées, traduites et commentées (Bordeaux and Tunis 2000).
EAOR Epigrafia Anfiteatrale dell’Occidente Romano (Rome 1988– ).
EDCS Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby: www.manfredclauss.de
EDH Epigraphic Database Heidelberg: www.adw.uni-heidelberg.de
EDR Epigraphic Database Rome: www.edr-edr.it
ERBeturi Epigrafía Romana de la Beturia céltica (Madrid 1997).
ERPLeon Epigrafía Romana de la Provincia de León: revisión y
actualización (León 2001).
HAE Hispania Antiqua Epigraphica (Madrid 1950–69).
IAM Inscriptions Antiques du Maroc 2: Inscriptions latines
(Paris 1982).
IBR Inscriptiones Baivariae Romanae, sive inscriptiones provinciae
Raetiae adiectis Noricis Italicisve (Munich 1915).
ICUR Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae: Nova series (Rome
1922– ).
IDR Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae (Bucharest 1975– ).
IEAquil Itinerari Epigrafici Aquileiesi (Trieste 2003).
IG Inscriptiones Graecae (1873– ).
IGRRP Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (Paris
1906/1927).
IGUR Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae (Rome 1968–90).
IIFDR Inscriptiones Intra Fines Dacoromaniae Repertae Graecae et
Latinae anno CCLXXXIV recentiores (Bucharest 1976).
IKoeln Die römischen Steininschriften aus Köln (Mainz 2010; second
impression of RSK).
ILA Inscriptions Latines d’Aquitaine, Bordeaux (Bordeaux 2010).
Bordeaux
ILAfr Inscriptions Latines d’Afrique (Tripolitaine, Tunisie, Maroc)
(Paris 1923).
ILAlg Inscriptions Latines d’Algérie (Paris 1922– ).
ILCV Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres (Berlin 1925–67).
ILGN Inscriptions Latines de Gaule Narbonnaise (Paris 1929).
ILJug Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia . . . repertae et editae
sunt (Ljubljana 1963–86).
ILLRP Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae (Florence 1965).
ILN Inscriptions Latines de Narbonnaise (Paris 1985–2012).
ILPaestum Le Iscrizioni Latine di Paestum (Naples 1968–9).
ILPBardo Catalogue des Inscriptions Latines Paiennes du musée du
Bardo (Rome 1986).
xviii List of Abbreviations

ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols. (Berlin 1892–1916).

ILSicilia Iscrizioni Latine nuove e vecchie della Sicilia, Epigraphica 51
(1989): 161–209.
ILTG Inscriptions Latines des Trois Gaules (Paris 1963).
ILTun Inscriptions Latines de la Tunisie (Paris 1944).
IMCCatania Le iscrizioni del museo civico di Catania (Tammisaari 2004).
ImpPomp Un impegno per Pompei (Milan 1983).
IMS Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure (Belgrade 1976– ).
I Napoli Iscrizioni greche d’Italia: Napoli, 2 vols. (Rome 1990–5).
InscrAqu Inscriptiones Aquileiae, 3 vols. (Udine 1991–3).
InscrIt Inscriptiones Italiae (Rome 1931– ).
IPOstie Inscriptions du port d’Ostie (Lund 1952).
IRAlmeria Inscripciones Romanas de Almería (Almería 1980).
IRC Inscriptions Romaines de Catalogne, 4 vols. (Paris 1985–97).
IRCPacen Inscricoes Romanas do Conventus Pacensis (Coimbra 1984).
IRPCadiz Inscripciones Romanas de la Provincia de Cádiz (Cadiz 1982).
IRSAT Inscriptiones Romanes de Saguntum y el seu Territori
(Valencia 2002).
IRT Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania (enhanced electronic
reissue 2009).
IScM 2 Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae 2 (Bucharest
1980– ).
ISIS Le Iscrizioni Sepolcrali latine nell’ Isola Sacra (Rome 2007).
JIWE Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe (Cambridge 1993– ).
Legio XXX Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix: ihre Geschichte, ihre Soldaten, ihre
Denkmäler (Darmstadt 2012).
LICS Latin Inscriptions from Central Spain (Berkeley 1992).
LIKelsey Latin Inscriptions in the Kelsey Museum: The Dennison and
De Criscio Collections (Ann Arbor 2005).
Lupa.at F. and O. Harl, Ubi Erat Lupa (Bilddatenbank zu antiken
Steindenkmälern) http://lupa.at.
MAD Mourir à Dougga: receuil des inscriptions funéraires
(Bordeaux and Tunis 2002).
MNR Museo Nazionale Romano.
PCV Praeteritae Carmina Vitae: pietre e parole di Numidia
(Rome 2011).
Pisaurum Pisaurum 1: le iscrizioni della colonia (Pisa 1984).
RECapua Museo provinciale Campano di Capua: la raccolta epigrafica
(Capua 2005).
RIB The Roman Inscriptions of Britain (Oxford 1990–2009).
RICIS Receuil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques
(Paris 2005).
RIS Die römerzeitlichen Inschriften der Steiermark (Graz 1969).
 List of Abbreviations xix

RIT Die römischen Inschriften von Tarraco (Berlin 1975).

RIU Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns (Budapest 1972– ).
RSK Die römischen Steininschriften aus Köln (Cologne 1975; for
second impression: IKoeln).
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden 1923– ).
SupIt Supplementa Italica (Rome 1981– ).
Tab. Vindol. The Vindolanda Writing-Tablets (London 1994).
TH Tabulae Herculanenses (Rome 2016– ).
TitAq Tituli Aquincenses (Budapest 2009– ).
TPN Neue Rechtsurkunden aus Pompeji: Tabulae Pompeianae
Novae. Lateinisch und Deutsch (Darmstadt 2010).
TPSulp Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum: edizione critica
dell’archivio puteolano dei Sulpicii (Rome 1999).
 Maps

XI X
0 100 Mi

IX VIII
0 100 Km

VI
VII V

IV
I
II

I Latium et Campania
II Apulia et Calabria
III
III Lucania et Bruttium
IV Samnium
V Picenum
VI Umbria
VII Etruria
VIII Aemilia
IX Liguria
X Venetia et Histria
XI Transpadana

Map 1 Italy and the Augustan regions, from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives,
Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford:
Oxford University Press.

xx
 Maps xxi

Map 2 Roman Italy, from the Ancient World Mapping Centre http://awmc.unc.edu/
wordpress/free-maps/
 BRITANNIA
INFERIOR
BRITANNIA
SUPERIOR

GERMANIA
INFERIOR
G
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DUN BELGICA
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IS

A T L A N T I C GERMANIA RAETIA
O C E A N SUPERIOR
NORICUM
AQUITANIA PANNONIA
TA SUPERIOR Caspian

ALPES
RR
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H ON
NARBONENSIS
IS E
C ITALIA PANNONIA
PA NS
A DA INFERIOR
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LUSITANIA
I
S LM
Ad AT MOESIA SIA B l a c k S e a
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CORSICA tic INF
S ARMENIA
BA Se TU
ETI a THRACIA
-P ON
CA IA
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SARDINIA MACEDONIA HY

A
T

TI
BI

LA
EP
IR CAPPADOCIA

GA
U ASIA
MAURETANIA S
TINGITANA MESOPOTAMIA PARTHIA
SICILIA A
MAURETANIA LYCIA ICI
CARSARIENSIS CIL
NUMIDIA ACHAIA SYRIA

SYRIA
PHOENICIA
A
M e d i t e r r a n e a n S e a
FR

E TA
IC

SYRIA
A

PALAESTINA
PR

CR
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O

NS

T
UL E
A RI CY R E N A I C A
S
ARABIA

AEGYPTUS 0 300 Mi
PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
AT THE DEATH OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 0 300 Km

Map 3 Provinces of the Roman Empire (AD 211), from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman
West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Introduction

Women’s Lives from Inscriptions

Two inscriptions from Casinum in central Italy record lavish donations
bestowed by a senatorial lady, Ummidia Quadratilla. She endowed her town
with a temple and an amphitheatre and – provided that the emendations to the
mutilated inscription are correct – also restored the local theatre, which had
‘collapsed due to old age’. To celebrate its dedication, she gave a banquet to the
decurions, the people and the women of the town. Because of these generous
benefactions, the remains of which are still visible, Ummidia Quadratilla must
have been a prominent figure in her town. By an unusual stroke of luck, this
same Ummidia Quadratilla was the subject of an obituary letter by Pliny the
Younger after her death at the age of almost seventy-nine.1 Though Pliny
vividly describes her healthy constitution, her lifestyle and daily occupations,
he says no word about her remarkable generosity. Without these inscriptions,
therefore, we would only have known that she gave her grandson a decent
upbringing despite her luxurious lifestyle and her unsuitable fondness for
theatre shows, but not that she was an important civic benefactress, who left
her mark on the city. Thus, the inscriptions offer an unexpected view of her life
that draws her into the urban society of her days.
Inscriptions on women’s lives have been under-studied. Tucked away in the
storerooms and courtyards of modern museums, or displayed high on the walls
of epigraphic galleries, inscriptions are overlooked by most visitors.2 Recut and
re-used through the ages as building blocks for walls and pavement, they have
mostly been found outside their original display context, which severely com-
plicates their interpretation. Apart from this, the texts are often difficult to read
because of damage to the stone, not to mention the frequent use of abbrevi-
ations. Finding one’s way through the epigraphic corpora and journals, such as
the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL) or L'Année épigraphique (AE), can
be a bewildering experience, despite the immense help offered by epigraphic
websites that provide the Latin texts with the abbreviations spelled out and with

1 Plin. Ep. 7.24. The inscriptions are translated in Chapter 6 no. 7.

2 This is currently changing; see the exemplary presentation of inscriptions in the Museo
Nazionale Romano (in the Baths of Diocletian) in Rome. For more examples of excellent
epigraphical presentation, see Rodà (2012).

1
2 Introduction

restorations and modern reconstructions of missing words and lines.3 For all
these reasons, inscriptions largely remain the field of specialists. Yet, immersing
oneself into the world of inscriptions is highly rewarding. Though ancient
women (and children) are underrepresented in the epigraphic record, as in
other types of evidence, inscriptions allow us a glimpse of the lives of groups of
women who remain largely invisible in the literary sources: women of the upper
and middle classes in Italian and provincial towns, freedwomen, and even some
household slaves. Though of widely varying descent and social status, they had
in common that they belonged to the (partly) literate classes, who set store on
inscriptions commemorating themselves or their dear ones. Besides, inscrip-
tions offer a different perspective: not only do they often focus on issues of daily
life and death, but they also represent the voices of men and women outside the
senatorial and equestrian elite who usually dominate the historical record.
Thus, inscriptions reveal some of the richness and variety of life in the ancient
world and may throw new light on the conventional virtues (and vices)
repeatedly attributed to women in the literary sources.

Aims, Organisation and Limitations

Inscriptions set up by and for men predominate in the Roman world. Even so,
the volume of epigraphic evidence related to women is overwhelming, and any
compilation will necessarily be selective. Therefore, my aims and criteria for
selection have to be briefly set out, along with the limitations of this book. The
primary aim of the book is to present a selection of inscriptions on various
aspects of women’s lives, their social and family relations, legal status, occupa-
tions, religious roles, public activities, travels and migration, and to interpret
these within their social and material context. Because of their special position,
a separate chapter is devoted to women of the imperial family. In selecting the
inscriptions I have not aimed at comprehensiveness, nor is this collection
representative of the mass of women’s inscriptions, which are brief, formulaic
epitaphs merely recording the name and, sometimes, the age of the deceased
and the relationship to the dedicator of the stone. Though a few such inscrip-
tions are included, I have foregrounded inscriptions that allow a glimpse of the
variety of women’s lives, relations, activities and ideals, which – I hope – will
prove useful for students of antiquity and for others interested in the study of
(Roman) women.

3 The most comprehensive is Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby (EDCS): www.

manfredclauss.de; see further the Epigraphic Database Heidelberg (EDH): www.adw.uni-
heidelberg.de and the Epigraphic Database Rome (EDR): www.edr-edr.it. For Greek
inscriptions, see the database of searchable Greek inscriptions of the Packard Humanities
Institute (PHI): https://inscriptions.packhum.org. For graffiti, see the website of the Ancient
Graffiti Project: http://ancientgraffiti.org; for stone monuments, especially reliefs, see the
Bilddatenbank Ubi Erat Lupa: http://lupa.at. For the Vindolanda Tablets, see http://
vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk.
 Introduction 3

For reasons of feasibility and coherence this book covers only Italy and the
Latin-speaking provinces of the Roman West. The Greek East in the Hellenistic
and Roman periods will be covered in a companion volume to be compiled by
Riet van Bremen. The aim of coherence and the availability of epigraphic
evidence also determine its chronological scope, which with a few exceptions
ranges from the first century BC to the late third century AD, thus largely
excluding Christian epigraphy.4 The focus on Italy and the West implies that
the majority of the inscriptions in this book are translated from Latin, which
was the main epigraphic language in the Roman West. However, to do justice to
the greater variety of languages used in the western part of the Roman Empire
and in particular to the Greek evidence from the West, a few bilingual and
Greek inscriptions have been included in translation. As is to be expected,
these Greek inscriptions mostly come from Rome and Naples, which had large
Greek-speaking populations.
Throughout the book, I have tried to cover all regions and provinces of the
Roman West. Yet, an emphasis on Rome and central Italy cannot be avoided, since
they show the highest epigraphic density and produce numerous inscriptions by,
and for, women. This holds especially for the epigraphic evidence for slaves and
freedwomen (Chapter 2) and for women’s occupations (Chapter 3), which is
mostly from Rome. Also, the chronological spread of the inscriptions in this book
is somewhat skewed towards the period between the mid-first and early third
centuries AD, which aligns with broader trends in the production of inscriptions
and with the curve of the so-called epigraphic habit in the Roman West.5
The book includes inscriptions carved in stone or bronze and incised in, or
stamped on, other types of metal (for instance, lead curse tablets and water
pipes). Apart from these, painted messages (dipinti) and graffiti on walls and
objects (such as pottery) have been incorporated, as well as a few wooden
tablets, though these are usually considered to be the field of papyrologists. The
selected inscriptions have been organised thematically into seven chapters,
divided into several sections each with subheadings and short introductions
to the various subthemes. Within each subtheme the texts are presented in a
roughly chronological order but, given the problems of dating inscriptions, this
can only be tentative.
The translation of each inscription is preceded by a brief description of the
monument or object on which it was inscribed and its material and/or social
context. In my translation, I offer what is to my mind the most plausible
interpretation of the inscription. Variant readings and modern corrections or
restorations of the text are not indicated, but the reader can easily find them
through the PDF accompanying the book. Throughout this book, I have checked

4 For Christian epigraphy, a good start is Cooley (2012) 228–50.

5 For discussion of the Roman epigraphic habit(s), see MacMullen (1982); Mann (1985); Meyer
(1990); Woolf (1996); Bodel (2001) 6–10; and Hemelrijk (2015) 29–35. For the concept of
‘epigraphic density’, see Harris (1989) 265–8 and Woolf (1998) 82–105.
4 Introduction

my reading and interpretation of the inscriptions against modern publications

and epigraphic corpora, but I have refrained from citing references to these
readings and discussions so as not to overburden the text. I also checked my
interpretation as much as possible by autopsy of the original monuments and
inscriptions. A few highly selective references to further reading, limited (with
a few exceptions) to English-language publications, are provided under the
introductions to the various themes and subthemes, in order to help readers
interested in the subject to find their way into the discussions.

Epigraphic Culture
In the Roman world, inscriptions were a predominantly urban phenomenon.
Building inscriptions and inscriptions on statue bases honouring local and
imperial worthies were set up in public places throughout the towns; rows of
inscribed altars were to be seen in front of the temples; the walls of the houses
along the main streets were covered with painted notices (dipinti) and with
graffiti conveying all sorts of messages and countless inscribed tombs lined the
roads leading into the city. In comparison to the towns, inscriptions and graffiti
were scarce in the countryside, except for a few rural sanctuaries and, of course,
Roman military camps. Only a small percentage of the inscriptions from
ancient times have survived until today, and their survival rate is skewed not
only by ancient conditions and modern excavation and publication practices,
but also by the material that the texts were inscribed on. For instance, most
tablets of bronze and precious metal have been melted down, and marble
inscriptions – if not burnt in limekilns – were re-cut and re-used as building
blocks, often destroying part of the text. Dipinti and graffiti have admittedly
been preserved in large numbers in Pompeii and occasionally elsewhere, but
must have been ubiquitous in all Roman towns.6 As a consequence, the
surviving inscriptions are not necessarily representative of ancient epigraphic
practice. Moreover, they are mostly found outside their original display context.
This must be kept in mind when working with this kind of evidence.
When using inscriptions as a historical source, we should also be aware of the
fact that inscriptions are by nature selective. The limited space on the stone and
the costs of the stonecutter forced people commissioning inscriptions to con-
sider carefully what to inscribe and what to omit. Almost all inscriptions
include the name of the dedicator, honorand or deceased, which was often
carved in larger letters at the head of the text. The additional text depended on
the nature of the inscription, with standardised formulas for each type. To save
space and costs most words were abbreviated, so that even quite long expres-
sions could be reduced to a few letters. For instance, abbreviations were adopted
for frequently used expressions such as D(is) M(anibus) (‘to the spirits of the

6 Generally, Cooley (2012); see also Baird and Taylor (2011) on graffiti.
 Introduction 5

departed’, written as DM) on tombs, v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) (VSLM:

‘he or she fulfilled the vow willingly and deservedly’) in dedications to deities
and l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) (LDDD: ‘the location was granted by
decurial decree’) on bases of public statues. In accordance with the purpose and
genre of the inscription, commissioners further selected what was of import-
ance to their intended public or sufficiently noteworthy to be inscribed. For
instance, epitaphs praised the achievements of the deceased or their exemplary
virtues, votive inscriptions conveyed the piety of the dedicator and building
inscriptions the generosity of the donor. In sum, inscriptions mostly highlight
details that were cause for pride while omitting failures and what was con-
sidered obvious. Though an important source for social ideals and aspirations,
such messages should not be taken for a direct reflection of reality.
Women are underrepresented in all types of inscriptions but to differing
degrees, depending on the type or ‘genre’ of inscription. Among the inscribed
statue bases and portrait statues adorning the public areas of Roman towns, those
portraying women formed a minority. Since women were formally excluded
from political functions and administration (with the exception of some priestly
functions), there were fewer reasons for honouring them in public. Yet, women
of substance participated in public life in other roles which could earn them a
statue. In Roman towns across Italy and the West, numerous public priestesses,
benefactresses and patronesses of cities and civic associations were honoured
with public statues, and public buildings funded by women displayed inscriptions
recording their benefactions to the towns.7 In addition, a public statue might be
set up for a woman of a high-ranking family in return for, or in anticipation of,
unidentified favours to the town or to console her family for her early death. In
this book, honorific and building inscriptions of women outside the imperial
family are found mainly in Chapters 5 and 6. The city of Rome was an exception
in this respect, since in the imperial period public building and public statues in
Rome were increasingly restricted to the imperial family (Chapter 7).8 Only very
rarely has an honorific inscription on a statue base for a woman been found
together with the statue that once crowned the base. Together with the loss of the
original display context (i.e. the exact location of the statue and its relation to
neighbouring statues and buildings) this makes it hard to assess the impression
the combined statue and inscription made on the ancient public.9
Unlike honorific and building inscriptions, women are recorded only slightly
less than men in funerary inscriptions. Women set up and were commemor-
ated in various types of tombs ranging from the monumental mausoleum of
Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia (Figure 1) to small inscribed niches for burial
urns in columbaria, communal tombs with underground chambers for urns
that were built by propertied families and civic associations (collegia) (Figure 2).

7 Hemelrijk (2004b), (2008), (2013) and (2015). See Chapters 5 and 6 below.
8 Eck (1984) and (1992); see also Alföldy (1991) 296–7.
9 For a full discussion of this issue, see Hemelrijk (2015) 271–338.
6 Introduction

Figure 1 Mausoleum of Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia. The brief inscription on
the marble tablet reads: ‘(Tomb) of Caecilia Metella, daughter of Quintus Creticus,
wife of Crassus’.
Photo author.

In between these two, tombs and grave monuments of all types and sizes –
funerary steles, altars and free-standing tomb buildings – testify to women’s
lives, family relations, occupations, social or ethnic background and age at
death. Cremation was the predominant form of burial in the early imperial
period, but inhumation continued to be practised, and recurred in the second
century AD. After cremation the bones and ashes were collected in an urn that
was placed in a cavity in a funerary altar (Figure 41.c) or in a niche of a
columbarium or family tomb. When someone had died abroad, relatives might
undertake the considerable trouble and expense of repatriating the bones of
their beloved for burial in the home town. This might even lead to a double
burial: the ashes were interred at the place of death and the bones were
transported for burial in the home town (see Chapter 4 no. 70).
Women also figure fairly frequently as dedicators of votive inscriptions to
deities. Alone, or together with relatives, they put up inscribed votive altars and
steles for male and female deities, testifying to their adherence to a wide range
of cults across the religious spectrum, not merely to the so-called women’s cults
that have often been ascribed to them.10 Further, women’s names are found in
graffiti and painted announcements, both as writers or commissioners and as
objects of greetings and of (erotic) messages scratched into the walls of houses
and public buildings.11 Finally, curse tablets commissioned by women and/or
targeted at them offer a glimpse of their enmities (Chapter 4); water pipes, tiles

10 As has been argued convincingly by Schultz (2000) and (2006); see also Hemelrijk (2015) 44–7.
11 Benefiel (2011).
 Introduction 7

Figure 2 Columbarium of Pomponius Hylas in Rome.

Photo Kit Morrell.

and pottery record the names of female landowners and workshop managers
(Chapter 3); and military diplomas granting Roman citizenship to veterans of
the auxiliary units of the Roman army may include the names and origins of
their female relatives (Chapter 2). In short, though a minority in the epigraphic
landscape, women had a distinct presence in inscriptions, especially in funerary
inscriptions, which constitute the majority of all surviving inscriptions.
When considering the predominance of funerary inscriptions, we have to keep
in mind that, in the Roman world, funerary monuments were of the utmost
importance to men and women alike: they perpetuated the memory of the
deceased and publicly displayed their social status, achievements and family ties
in the accompanying inscription.12 Though the poorest members of society were
buried anonymously in simple uninscribed containers or occasionally even in
mass graves, and though not even everyone buried in a family tomb was
mentioned in an inscription (this holds especially for family slaves), those who
could afford it set great store on individual remembrance after death. The
simplest and cheapest kinds of commemoration were names carved or painted
on stone tablets under the niches housing the urns in a columbarium. Since each

12 The literature on death and burial customs in the Roman world is vast. I here refer only to
Carroll (2011a) for an excellent study of Roman funerary inscriptions, to the edited volume
by Carroll and Rempel (2011) and to Graham (2006) for the burial of the urban poor.
8 Introduction

niche contained two cinerary urns, the small marble or limestone plaques
identifying the deceased were usually divided into two sections recording the
names of the deceased, their occupation or age at death and, if space permitted,
the name of the dedicator and some terms of endearment. Such columbaria were
usually set up by members of elite families, including the imperial family, for
their slave and freed staff (Chapters 2 and 7) and by collegia (civic associations)
for their members, but niches could also be sold or granted as a favour to
outsiders. This holds even more for privately owned columbaria among the less
wealthy classes, who commonly sold niches for gain. Unlike inscriptions on
tombs along the roads, those inside a columbarium were visible only for relatives
and social peers who visited the tomb for commemorative events or a new burial.
This did not deter people from creating a hierarchy within the columbarium,
with more costly and better-placed niches distinguishing some individuals and
families from others. For all, however, a burial place with an inscription meant
perpetuation of one’s memory, and was therefore of the utmost importance.
A free-standing family tomb, funerary altar or stele ensured those who could
afford it public perpetuation of the family name as well as individual remem-
brance. Family tombs of various kinds were built by men and women for
themselves, their partners, children, freedmen, freedwomen and their descend-
ants. Unlike the family members buried in the tomb, the family’s freedmen and
freedwomen generally did not enjoy individual commemoration. They were
included collectively with the standard formula: ‘for their freedmen and freed-
women and their descendants’ (libertis libertabusque posterisque eorum; abbre-
viated in varying ways). In return for their inclusion, moreover, the freedmen
and freedwomen were expected to maintain the tomb, perform the celebrations
at the annual feasts for the dead and perpetuate the family name when this
threatened to become extinct (Chapter 2 no. 26). The standard formula (with
some variants), translated as ‘this tomb will not pass to the heir’ or ‘will not fall
to the share of the heir’ (hoc monumentum heredem non sequetur, often
abbreviated as HMHNS), reflects similar concerns. Since the family tomb was
intended only for those who bore the family name, which includes freedmen
and freedwomen, heirs outside the family were excluded from inheriting the
tomb as they would have no interest in upholding the memory of the family,
and alienation of the tomb was prohibited. The tomb and its surrounding plot
of land – the exact dimensions of which could be recorded in Roman feet in the
inscription (in width and depth) – were considered a sacred place (locus
religiosus). For this reason, violation of the tomb, removal of the bones or
unauthorised introduction of other bodies into the tomb were punishable
offences, which were sometimes also explicitly prohibited in the inscription.
In Gaul and northern Italy in the second and early third centuries AD, tombs
were often dedicated ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia). The meaning of this dedicatory
formula, which is often accompanied by a depiction of an axe in relief, is
debated. The most likely interpretation is that it placed the tomb under divine
protection, thus rendering it inviolable.
 Introduction 9

The inscription on the tomb was meant to keep the name of the deceased
alive. Since many tombs were set up along the streets leading to or from the city
they drew the attention of the passers-by. The red paint of the letters and the
habit of carving the name of the deceased and/or the dedicator of the inscription
in larger letters heightened its legibility. Though full literacy was restricted to a
small proportion of the population, many more people were able to read brief
formulaic inscriptions picking out at least the name of the deceased, the
honorand of a public statue or the donor of a public building. This made
inscriptions at least roughly understandable even to the semi-literate who were
able to read the ‘stonecutters’ letters’.13 Since, in the ancient world, inscriptions
were designed to be read aloud, passers-by reading the epitaphs called out the
name of the deceased, thus securing their remembrance. In some inscriptions,
the deceased is presented as speaking to the passer-by, creating a fictive dialogue
between the living and the dead. The farewell (vale) the passer-by was asked to
say to the deceased repeated the ritual of farewell at the funeral and created an
impression of emotional communication.14 Given the importance of preserving
the name of the deceased, the deliberate removal of a name from an inscription
was a sign of conflict or revenge: it eradicated the memory of the deceased or, if
erased in a conspicuous way, served as a mark of disgrace for the person thus
targeted. Misbehaviour by relatives or disloyalty by freedpeople might also be
penalised by exclusion from the tomb, which condemned the culprits to oblivion
or, if excluded by name, eternally damaged their reputation. In the following
chapters, examples are found of all these practices.
A frequent phenomenon, especially in the Greek inscriptions, is the verse
epitaph. The reasons for composing or commissioning verse inscriptions, which
are often longer and more elaborate (and thus more expensive), are complex.
They may have included a mixture of status concerns presenting both deceased
and dedicator as cultured individuals and a desire to convey feelings of love and
sorrow that went beyond the standard, rather terse expressions in prose. Verse
epitaphs are mostly composed in hexameters, elegiac distichs (hexameters alter-
nating with pentameters) or iambic senarii (commonly used for prologues in
Roman comedy). Except in unusual cases where the metre is particularly mean-
ingful, the metre used is not mentioned in the introductions to the individual
inscriptions. In most cases, only part of the inscription is in verse. The heading
and last lines, containing the names of the deceased and the dedicator and some
terms of endearment or words of farewell, are usually in prose.
On the more elaborate tombs, the inscribed texts are accompanied by reliefs
portraying the deceased and their families. Portraits were meant to keep the
physical appearance of the deceased alive, and offered comfort and consolation

13 Cf. Petron. Sat. 58.7: lapidarias litteras scio. For ancient literacy, or rather literacies, see
Harris (1989); Beard et al. (1991); and Johnson and Parker (2009).
14 For an illuminating discussion of ‘re-enacted speech’ and of the emotional impact of reading
inscriptions aloud, see Chaniotis (2012).
10 Introduction

to relatives. Portrait statues of the deceased also served as a focus of affection

and commemoration: they were cleansed, anointed and crowned during cele-
brations for the dead. It is a matter of debate, however, if and to what extent
funerary portraits produced a truthful likeness of the deceased. Multi-person
reliefs on family tombs, funerary altars or steles were commissioned at the
death of one member of the family and depicted other family members at the
same time. Not always, however, were all eventually buried in the tomb.
Decorated sarcophagi might be bought from stock, the heads to be worked
into portraits at the death of the intended recipients, but sometimes the heads
were left unfinished for reasons unknown to us.15 Moreover, re-use of steles,
altars or sarcophagi for later burials led to the re-cutting of portraits (sometimes
even changing the gender of the individual portrayed) or to a mismatch
between the persons mentioned in the inscription and those depicted in the
relief. Therefore, we have to be very careful in interpreting the messages
conveyed by the images. In some cases, their relation to the inscription may
be tenuous or different from what we believe at first sight.16
What can we learn about women’s lives from these inscriptions? To my
mind, the most striking feature of the inscriptions in this book is that they
demonstrate the extent of women’s integration into ancient society and the
complexity and diversity of their lives. As is to be expected, women’s relation-
ships with their husbands and children take pride of place. This is bound up
with ancient ideals of women’s devotion to their homes and families, but also
with the fact that most inscriptions testifying to women’s lives are funerary
inscriptions set up by, or for, relatives. Thus, the genre of inscription partly
dictates the outcomes. We should also take into account that most funerary
inscriptions for women were set up by male relatives and reflect their views and
preconceptions. That said, a significant number of these funerary inscriptions
also record women’s jobs and paid occupations, which show a remarkable
variety ranging from the predictable hairdressers, nurses and midwives to
female craftswomen, merchants and managers and to women renting out urban
property (Chapter 3). Most of these working women were freedwomen, who
probably learned their trade as slaves. Their predominance may be connected
with the general overrepresentation of freedpeople in funerary inscriptions,
particularly in the city of Rome. Nevertheless, the fact that their occupations
were recorded on their tombs testifies to pride in their professions and to the
extent to which these were part of their social identity.17
Female slaves had much less chance of individual commemoration than
freeborn or freed women, but homeborn slaves and favoured household slaves

15 For discussion, see Huskinson (1998).

16 Davies (2007) offers an insightful introduction to the relationship between image and
inscription on Roman funerary monuments. See also Newby (2014) on Roman flexibility in
the use of myths on sarcophagi.
17 Joshel (1992).
 Introduction 11

dying prematurely did occasionally receive touching commemorations. This

may nuance our views of Roman slavery, but should not blind us to its dire
realities. Inscriptions attesting the complicated relationship between freed-
women and their former masters and mistresses, their internal social hier-
archy, their opportunities and the legal issues they faced may raise historical
awareness of the different experiences of individual slaves and freedwomen
(Chapter 2). Women’s travels, migration, ethnic affiliations and (Roman)
citizenship, their connections to the Roman army, their private friendships
and enmities, their involvement with civic associations and sports (Chapters 2
and 4) underline the complexity of their lives. Lastly, women’s religious
affiliations and priesthoods, their patronage of cities and associations and
their civic benefactions bring to light women of the local elites in the towns of
Italy and the provinces who, despite their wealth and rank, did not attract the
attention of the literary sources (Chapters 5 and 6). Hopefully, this diversity
helps the reader to move away from the uniform and reductionist view of the
homebound Roman woman that still lingers in some modern popular
accounts. Last but not least, I hope that this book convinces the readers that
inscriptions are not merely puzzling (though beautiful!) letters on mutilated
blocks of stone or illegible scribbles on walls but, taken together, offer a lively
view into a society of real people living, loving, learning and labouring in the
cities of the Roman Empire.

Practical Issues
This book is organised thematically, but within each theme or subtheme the
inscriptions are presented in a roughly chronological order. Brief introductions
to the various themes or subthemes and select recommendations for further
reading are added for the benefit of readers wishing to pursue these topics. All
inscriptions are numbered consecutively per chapter. For the dates of the
inscriptions I have relied on specialist epigraphical studies. Yet, unless dated
on internal evidence (such as imperial names and titles or consular dates),
dating inscriptions on the basis of other features, such as letter-form, archaeo-
logical context or epigraphic customs, can only be approximate and should not
be regarded as definitive. In many cases, the dating-range can be as broad as a
century or more.
Under the heading of each inscription, two (occasionally three) of the best
known and most accessible corpora are recorded for reference (for a full list, see
the Clauss/Slaby database of Latin inscriptions, EDCS). Next, I give the ancient
names of the town and province in which the inscription was found and its
approximate date. For Italy, the numbers of the Augustan regions have been
added in parentheses to provide a rough indication of the find-spot (Map 1).
Since this is superfluous for the city of Rome (Italy, regio 1), it is omitted there.
For Pompeii, the conventional indications of regions and city blocks have been
added for the convenience of the reader interested in the findspot of the
12 Introduction

graffiti.18 Each individual inscription is briefly introduced in smaller text to

distinguish the introduction from the translation that follows. In the transla-
tions, I have tried to find a balance between a literal translation that captures
the feeling of the original and one that is easy to read, or at least understandable
for the modern reader. Words that are presupposed but not explicitly men-
tioned in the original texts are added in parentheses (except for the ubiquitous
‘he/she set this up’) and the same holds for brief explanations of words or
names that may be unfamiliar to the reader. Square brackets have been reserved
for editorial comments about the condition of the stone, the organisation of the
text and for words missing due to damage to the stone, which is indicated as
[. . .]. Ancient erasures are spelled out between square brackets and words
inscribed on top of erasures are occasionally indicated by angular brackets
<< >>. With an eye to the readability of the translations, signs of missing
words or letters [. . .] and uncertain readings (?) have been used sparingly. Since
the majority of the inscriptions in this book were written in Latin, this is not
explicitly indicated for each individual inscription. Only when the inscription is
in another language, for instance in Greek, the language used is mentioned in
the introduction to the inscription.
In my translations, key words that are difficult to translate have been added
in parentheses in Latin or in transliterated Greek (in the nominative and
standardised spelling). This holds especially for the omnipresent female virtues,
for which uniform translations have been adopted here, although in fact they
have a wide range of meanings depending on the context in which they are
used. For example, the word pudicitia, here translated as (sexual) purity to
distinguish it from the translation of castitas (chastity), has a range of meanings
(such as chastity, modesty and purity) expressing women’s avoidance of what
was considered as sexual immorality and implying their modest dress and
reticent behaviour in public. However, pudicitia could also be used for men,
especially young men, and was then bound up with a respectful attitude and
political integrity.19 Nor is the meaning of castitas straightforward, for that
matter. Though consistently translated as chastity in this book, this does not
imply virginity or celibacy, but rather denotes women’s marital fidelity and
sexual integrity. In a religious context, castitas may indicate the ritual purity of
the worshipper.20 The female virtue of obsequium (literally: obedience) means
that women were expected to show affability and behave obligingly towards

18 Three numbers are used to indicate the region (I–IX), city block (insula) and individual
house or building; cf. Hunink (2014) for a selection and translation of more than a thousand
graffiti from Pompeii arranged according to findspot.
19 See Langlands (2006) for the various shades of meaning of pudicitia.
20 Hemelrijk (2015) 85–8. Men could also occasionally be praised for their marital chastity, in
the sense of being content with one wife alone: see Statius Silv. 5.1.41 (Abascantus’
castissimus ardor) and 55–6; Treggiari (1991) 232–3. The ideal of having only one wife and
being true to her is expressed, or implied, by several inscriptions translated below: see e.g.
Chapter 1 nos. 3, 7, 10, 15, 18, 25.
 Introduction 13

their husbands. Finally, pietas may be used for dutifulness, loyalty and devotion
in religious matters and towards one’s family, friends and fatherland and
sanctitas denotes a woman’s inviolability, sanctity, moral purity, piety or
holiness. To provide some idea of the range of meanings behind the standard-
ised translations, the Latin (or occasionally Greek) terms for such key virtues
are given in parentheses. Besides, brief explanations of these and other Latin
or technical terms used in the introductions and translations may be found in
the glossary.
In the interests of readability, some further features have been standardised
throughout the translations. Long names of towns including their juridical
status as a colonia, municipium or civitas are abbreviated in the translations,
since the name and status of a town are not the focus of this book. For instance,
the munic(ipium) C(ontributensi) Ipsc(ensi) is rendered as Ipsca and the
munic(ipium) Flor(entinum) Iliberrit(anum) as Illiberris. In rendering Greek
names, a compromise has been found between a literal transliteration of the
Greek and a Latinised form: all names for which there is a common form in
English have been Latinised (Alcestis instead of Alkestis), but infrequent Greek
names have been transliterated (for instance, Rhodogune and Epagatho). Some
common words and phrases not spelled out in the inscriptions, for instance ‘the
wife of’ which is implied by the name of the husband in the genitive case, have
been supplied in the translation.
As to the Roman naming system, it is useful to know that the ‘three names’
(tria nomina) typical of Roman citizens did not pertain to women.21 During the
Republic women bore the female form of the family name (nomen gentilicium or
gentilicium) occasionally with an informal addition to distinguish between indi-
vidual daughters. For example, the daughter of Marcus Tullius Cicero was called
Tullia. Two women with the same name within a family could be distinguished
by the addition Major (‘the elder’) and Minor (‘the younger’), a habit which
continued into the Empire. In the imperial period, female Roman citizens were
given two names: the female form of the family name and an individual, or
hereditary, cognomen (surname). Since Roman women usually lacked a praeno-
men (first name), their cognomen was the distinguishing feature and the name
used most in personal letters, and probably also in spoken language. Next to her
gentilicium and cognomen, a married woman was identified by the name of her
husband in the genitive case (‘wife of . . .’). In the later period (second to fourth
centuries AD) an unofficial name or nickname (signum) might be added, which
is usually introduced by the words quae et (‘who is also called’).
In inscriptions of the imperial period, which form the overwhelming major-
ity of this book, single names usually indicate slaves or foreign women without
Roman citizenship. However, occasionally a single name may be used for a
freeborn Roman woman, who is addressed by her cognomen only. Thus, names

21 For the Roman naming system, see Salway (1994).

14 Introduction

are a tricky basis for assessing legal status. This holds even more for combin-
ations of Roman and non-Roman names. Since on manumission slaves
received the family name of their former owner while adding their original
slave name as a cognomen, Greek cognomina are often taken as an indication of
freed status. However, a Greek cognomen may also point to descent from
freeborn immigrants from the Greek-speaking world, and the choice for Greek
or local names (for instance, in the northern regions) may have had an element
of fashion. This, along with the decline of the indication lib(ertus)/lib(erta)
(freedman/freedwoman) in inscriptions from the second century AD onwards,
makes it hard to recognise a freedman or freedwoman beyond doubt. We are in
a similar position with freeborn Roman citizens because of the decline of the
filiation (‘son or daughter of’) in inscriptions of the imperial period. For men,
the tria nomina alone are inconclusive evidence for Roman citizenship; it is the
voting tribe that proves their citizenship. Obviously, the same is not true for
women, since they could not vote. Nevertheless, two rare inscriptions in Spain
and North Africa attach a voting tribe to the name of a woman, possibly to
prove the Roman citizenship of her father’s family or perhaps out of sheer
ignorance of its meaning (Chapter 4 no. 52 and Chapter 5 no. 8). Without
further indications, inferences about the legal status or ethnic identity of
women on the basis of their names can only be tentative.
In order to provide an impression of the monument as a whole, I have
included photos of selected inscriptions and monuments with the accompany-
ing reliefs or statues. Inspecting the original inscription is important not only
for establishing the correct reading of the text, but also because of non-textual
messages, such as the size and material of the inscription, the relative scaling of
the text, decorative adornments of the stone and figurative reliefs. In some
cases, the original display context of an inscription is still extant (Figure 1). The
texts of several inscriptions that are now lost have come down to us through
drawings and travel diaries by travellers over the past centuries. For the
convenience of the reader, the PDF on the website that accompanies the book
reproduces the Latin and a few Greek texts with the same entry numbers and
titles as in the book.22 The transcriptions of the Latin texts are based on the
Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby (EDCS) with adaptations. For many
inscriptions photos can be found through this database and the databases
linked to it (such as EDH, EDR and Lupa.at). The existence of these and other
epigraphic databases with their references to modern corpora, studies and an
increasing number of images greatly facilitates working with inscriptions, and
we cannot be thankful enough for them. Last but not least, I hope readers will
enjoy this book and that the book and the PDF that goes with it will stimulate
readers new in this field to use inscriptions in their historical research or even to
take the step towards studying inscriptions in the original.

22 www.cambridge.org/9781107142459
1 | Family Life

This chapter deals with women’s various roles within the family and household,
starting with their central position as wives (section I), to be followed by
mothers (section II), daughters (section III), grandmothers (section IV), sib-
lings and other relations such as nieces and aunts (section V) and, finally, their
roles in foster families and stepfamilies (section VI). In this chapter, differences
between women due to class are not highlighted (see Chapter 2).

I | Marriage and the Traditional Virtues of Wives: Variations on a Theme

Roman women were often praised for a repetitive list of traditional female
virtues, such as modesty (modestia), chastity (castitas), sexual purity (pudicitia)
frugality (frugalitas), compliance (obsequium), dutifulness (pietas) and dedica-
tion to their homes and families. These virtues were visually expressed in
sculpture with heavily draped figures in the long tunica (tunic) and a volumin-
ous palla (cloak). In visual art and more markedly in the literary sources, the
virtues of the matrona, the respectable married citizen woman, were symbolised
also by the stola. This traditional garment had gone out of fashion in the
imperial period and was worn only on formal occasions. Yet, it kept its strong
moral connotations and was valued for the pristine Roman virtues it stood for.
Some funerary reliefs draw attention to several female qualities at once by
including jewellery boxes and mirrors to emphasise a woman’s beauty, while
a spindle and a wool basket suggest her domesticity. Wool working, especially
spinning, was seen as a mark of a woman’s domesticity and devotion to her
home and family. It symbolised a woman’s industry for the benefit of the
household. Moreover, keeping women occupied was thought to prevent wrong-
doing, particularly adultery, as is exemplified by the legendary story of Lucretia
(Livy 1.57–9).
In the Roman West, lists of feminine virtues are mainly found on women’s
tombs. Unlike in the Greek East, these are extremely rare in honorific inscrip-
tions and wholly absent from dedications and building inscriptions. Most
Latin epitaphs are brief, recording merely the name, and sometimes the age, of
the deceased, the name of the dedicator and the family connection between
them, but some record the full list of wifely virtues. A particular set of virtues
or extraordinary traits ascribed to the deceased may throw light on an

15
16 Family Life

individual relationship – or rather on how the dedicator, or dedicators,

wanted to present that relationship – and perhaps give a glimpse of the life
and personality of the deceased. In the course of the first century AD, marital
ideals such as mutual concord (concordia), fidelity, loyalty, love and affection
are increasingly expressed by reliefs showing the husband and wife clasping
their right hands (dextrarum iunctio) as an emblem of their marital harmony.
Some inscriptions express romantic love between the partners and passionate
grief at the death of one of them. They intend to bring across that the
harmony and love between husband and wife that were valued as ideals were
also experienced in reality, in spite of arranged marriages, which were
common among the upper classes.
Obviously, funerary inscriptions present social ideals and gendered values,
but norms and ideals also shape actual relations, and the open expression of
feelings of romantic love or grief influences the experience of such emotions. As
the following inscriptions show, such ideals and emotions are expressed by all
classes of society from the ruling families to freed slaves, but because of their
greater numbers and social aspirations the latter are overrepresented in our
evidence, especially in Rome and Italy. Since women’s legal status will be one of
the main themes of Chapter 2, some overlap between these two chapters is
inevitable.

Further Reading
Carroll (2011a) 180–208; Davies (2018); Dixon (1992b); Langlands (2006); Rawson
(2011); Scholz (1992); Treggiari (1991)

1 A dutiful wife
CIL 6, 26192 = ILS 8398
Rome. 40–20 BC
This verse epitaph was carved on a marble plaque under a portrait bust of the deceased.
It was found in a richly decorated tomb, which is now lost. Judging by her Greek
cognomen, Sempronia Moschis may have been a freedwoman.

Here lies Sempronia Moschis, dutiful (pia), frugal (frugi), chaste (casta) and
pure (pudica). Thanks are rendered for her merits by her husband.

2 Wool work as a symbol of matronal virtue

CIL 1, 1930
Ancona, Italy (10). Late first century BC
A relief on a partly preserved limestone stele (Figure 3) shows a crude portrait of the
deceased dressed in a mantle that covers the back of her head (capite velato). Her name
is lost. Next to her portrait a wool basket (calathus) is depicted, a symbol of her industry
and wifely virtues. The letter L on the basket indicates that it contained wool (lana).
Under the relief, there is a brief verse epitaph addressed to the passer-by.
 Family Life 17

Figure 3 Limestone stele showing the portrait of the deceased and a wool basket.
Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche.
Photo D-DAI-ROM-81.2213 (Helmut Schwanke).

[Above the wool basket] I took care of the wool basket(?).

[On the basket] Wool.

[Under the relief] Stranger, stand still and look at this eternal home. In return for her
merits the husband erected this for his wife and for himself.

3 Love and loyalty: fragments of the Laudatio Turiae

Extracts from CIL 6, 41062: column I, 27–34 and column II, 31–40
Rome. c. 9 BC
A long funeral eulogy of an unknown woman who is conventionally called Turia
(because of a superficial resemblance between her life and that of Turia in Appian’s
Bellum Civile 4.44 and Val.Max. 6.7.2) was carved on two large marble plaques on her
tomb. The text, of which substantial parts have been preserved, narrates her highly
eventful life. As an unmarried girl she avenged the death of her parents by bringing their
murderers to justice and successfully defended her and her sister’s inheritance against a
18 Family Life

challenge to her father’s will. During the civil wars she more than once saved her
husband’s life and successfully pleaded for him with the men in power. Though her
extraordinary courage and steadfastness in the public arena take up most of the surviv-
ing inscription, the husband also pays attention to more conventional topics, such as the
harmony of their marriage, his wish that he had died before her, and her traditional
female virtues. Their relationship is characterised by mutual love and loyalty. When
their marriage remained childless against their wishes, the husband describes her selfless
offer to make room for another wife (an offer which he rejected). The translation follows
that by Josiah Osgood with some adjustments.

[Column I, 27–34] Rare are marriages as long as ours – marriages ended by

death, not cut short by divorce. It was granted to us that ours lasted into its
forty-first year without any wrongdoing (sine offensa). I wish that our long-
enduring union had been altered by something happening to me, not you; it
would have been more just for the elder partner to yield to fate. Why should
I mention the virtues of your private life (domestica bona): your sexual purity
(pudicitia), your obedience (obsequium), your considerateness (comitas), your
reasonableness (facilitas), your wool work (lanificium), your religious devotion
free of superstition, your unassuming appearance and sober attire? Why should
I talk about your love and devotion (pietas) to family? You cared for my mother
as well as for your own parents and attended to her with the same disposition as
you did to your own people, and you have countless other things in common
with all married women (matronae) who cultivate a good reputation.
[Column II, 31–40] You were despairing of your fertility and pained by my
childlessness. So that I would not, by keeping you in marriage, have to put aside
any hope of having children and become unhappy on that account, you
mentioned the word ‘divorce’. You would, you said, turn our house over to
another woman’s fertility, but your plan was that in keeping with our well-
known marital harmony (concordia), you would find and arrange a suitable
match worthy of me; you insisted that you would regard the children born as
shared, and as though your own; nor would you require a separation of our
property, which up until then we had shared, but it would still remain in my
control and, if I wished, under your management; you would hold nothing
apart, nothing separate, and you would henceforward fulfil the duties and
devotion of a sister or mother-in-law.

Further Reading
Hemelrijk (2004a); Osgood (2014)

4 Praise of traditional virtues: the epitaph of Amymone

CIL 6, 11602 = ILS 8402
Rome. Mid-second century AD
The inscription commemorating Amymone was carved on the side of a large sacrophagus.
Within the sarcophagus there was a smaller chest without an inscription. Both are lost.
 Family Life 19

Here lies Amymone, the excellent and most beautiful wife of Marcus. She spun
wool (lanifica) and was dutiful (pia), pure (pudica), frugal (frugi) and chaste
(casta); she stayed at home (domiseda).

5 Mausoleum of Postumia Matronilla

CIL 8, 11294 = ILS 8444
Near Thelepte, Africa Proconsularis. Second century AD
This inscription shows that, within the family, women’s work was much valued. Since
the inscription does not specify a profession (see Chapter 3), we may assume that
Postumia Matronilla was praised for her industry and care for her home and family.
This usually meant hard work – in families of modest means probably with little help
from slaves – bearing and raising children, cleaning, preparing food, spinning, weaving,
washing and mending the clothing of the family and performing innumerable other
household chores. In addition to the more common praise for a woman married only
once (univira), Postumia is also praised for her marital fidelity: she was a woman of ‘one
bed’ only (unicuba). In the last line she is addressed as matrona (a respectable married
Roman citizen woman), which alludes to her cognomen Matronilla and also suggests
pride in her Roman citizenship.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Here lies Postumia Matronilla, an

incomparable wife, good mother and most devoted (piissima) grandmother,
pure (pudica), pious (religiosa), hard-working (laboriosa), frugal (frugi), effi-
cient, watchful, full of care, true to her one and only husband (univira and
unicuba), a matrona full of industry (industria) and trustworthiness (fides). She
lived fifty-three years, five months and three days.

6 A hard-working wife
CIL 9, 1913 = ILS 8437
Beneventum, Italy (2). Second or early third century AD
Like Postumia Matronilla (no. 5), Octavia Crescentina is praised on her tomb for her
industry as well as for her old-fashioned virtuousness.

To the departed spirits of Octavia Crescentina, who lived an old-fashioned life

(antiqua vita), most venerable for her trustworthiness (fides) and industry
(diligentia). Gaius Valerius Januarius, her husband, together with their chil-
dren, set this up for her, because she deserved well.

7 A virtuous wife
AE 1987, 179
Ostia, Italy (1). Late second–early third century AD
This epitaph was carved on a marble plaque in a tomb. Besides enumerating her
conjugal virtues, her husband praises their marriage and expresses the wish to have
20 Family Life

died before his wife. Such sentiments are found also in other epitaphs and are to some
extent stock themes, but this does not mean that they were not sincere.

To the spirits of the departed. Here lies [. . .]nia Sebotis, daughter of Publius.
Quintus Minucius Marcellus, son of Quintus, of the voting tribe Palatina, set this
up for his dearest spouse, a most dutiful (pientissima) and chaste (castissima) wife,
who never wanted to go out in public without me, either to the baths or anywhere
else. I married her when she was a virgin of fourteen and had a daughter from her.
I saw with her the sweet time of life; she made me happy. However, I would prefer
that you were alive: it would have been my delight, if I had left you behind
surviving me. She lived twenty-one years, two months and twenty-one days.

8 Putting the husband first

CIL 3, 7436
Nicopolis, Moesia Inferior. Late second–early third century AD

This verse epitaph is carved in a tabula ansata (rectangular inscription panel with
triangular handles) on a large marble sarcophagus that was later re-used as part of a
fountain. Fronto was dispensator Augustorum (treasurer of the Augusti) of Moesia
Inferior, a financial and administrative function for an imperial slave or freedman. His
poetic praise of his deceased wife, which contains literary allusions to Virgil, Catullus
and Sallust, resembles that of Allia Potestas (Chapter 2 no. 53) in its combination of
romantic love and traditional female virtues. Apart from her sexual purity and chastity,
she is praised for her obedience, frugality, industry and wool work, but also for her sharp
mind and good advice. The poem contains some metrical and grammatical errors and
was probably composed by the husband himself.

To the spirits of the departed and to her blessed memory. Fronto, dispensator of
our Augusti in Lower Moesia, set this up.
[In verse] May the limbs of my dear Aelia, now enclosed in this tomb, at least
rest amid lovely flowers. Queen of the great king Dis (i.e. Proserpina), I beg you
for this, for she deserved much from me for her praiseworthy deeds. Though
she did not deserve it, you quickly cut the thread of the goddesses, unwinding
the knot of the Fates (Parcae), who govern all. If I could describe her way of life,
how pure (pudica) she was, I would move the spirits of the underworld with my
cithera. First, she was chaste (casta) – you will hear this with pleasure – as the
world and the royal palace of the underworld know. I beseech you to bid her
dwell in the Elysian Fields and to crown her hair with myrtle and her temples
with flowers. Once she was my home, my hope, my one and only life. She
wanted what I wanted, and what I did not want, she also spurned. She had no
secret that was unknown to me. She did not eschew hard work, nor was she
inexperienced in wool work. Thrifty was her hand, but she was generous in her
love for me, her husband. Without me, she did not care for food nor for the
gifts of Bacchus. She was admirable in her advice, sharp-witted and of noble
reputation. Owner (i.e. of the land where she was buried), I pray you look
 Family Life 21

favourably on these verses and annually adorn the site of this tomb. I beg you to
cherish this eternal monument bedecking it, according to the time of the year,
with red roses or the pleasant flowers of the amaranth and all sorts of fresh
fruits of various kinds, so that it is taken care of at all times of the year.

9 Female virtues
CIL 12, 1972 = ILN 5, 1, 163
Vienna, Gallia Narbonensis. Late second or third century AD
A fragment of the front of a sarcophagus contains the epitaph of a woman in a tabula
ansata (rectangular inscription panel with triangular handles). The coarse surface of the
text and traces of previous letters suggest that the sarcophagus was re-used and that an
earlier inscription was removed to make room for the present text. The words matrona
honestissima suggest that the deceased belonged to a family of decurial or
equestrian rank.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Julia Severina, most distin-
guished matron (matrona honestissima), dearest (karissima) wife, most dutiful
(pientissima) mother and sweetest (dulcissima) (grand)parent. Priminius
Placidus set this up together with his daughters because of her merits [. . .].

10 Epitaph of Aufidia Severina

CIL 6, 12853 = CIL 6, 34060
Rome. Third century AD
In this verse epitaph, a husband praises his deceased wife for her traditional virtues and
marital love and expresses the wish that he had died before her. Though a conventional
topic in epitaphs (see also nos. 3, 7 and 17), it was probably no less heartfelt.

[Above] To the spirits of the departed.

[In verse] Here lies Aufidia Severina, nicknamed (signum) Florens, who lived
twice fifteen (i.e. thirty) years of life. In chaste faithfulness (casta fide) she
always cherished her marriage-bed. Sober (sobria), no adulterer, honest and
with a benevolent mind she was devoted to her husband alone and knew no
other (ignara alienum). Basileus made for his only, incomparable, sweet consort
(compar) what he wished was made by her (i.e. a tomb).

11 A fertile marriage
CIL 3, 3572 = TitAq 2, 745
Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. Third century AD
A limestone sarcophagus (Figure 4) with a verse epitaph in elegant letters presents the
deceased as speaking. In accordance with traditional ideals, Veturia was married only
once, which is expressed by the words unicuba (of one marriage-bed) and uniiuga (of
one marriage), both variations of the more common univira (wife of one man). She
married very young, at eleven or probably twelve (the minimum legal age for Roman
Another random document with
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myöskin totta; he tosiaan kokosivat kultaa. He omistivat koko joukon
koristeita ja talouskaluja tästä metallista. He olivat oikeastaan
saitureita, joiden mielihalu oli kehittynyt siihen suuntaan. Tämän
tosiseikan valossa tulee meidän nyt ajatuksissamme luetella kaikki
linnasta löytämämme esineet: timantit ilman kultarenkaitaan, kynttilät
ilman kultajalustojaan, nuuska ilman rasiata; lyijykynät ilman kultaista
vartta, kävelykeppi ilman kultanuppia, kellonsisukset ilman
kultakuoria j.n.e. Ja kuinka hassulta se kuuluneekin, oli sädekehät ja
Jumalan nimi raavittu pois vanhasta rukouskirjasta sen vuoksi, että
ne oli kullalla silattu."

Puutarha tuntui vaikenevan ja ruoho tulevan loistavan vihreäksi

voimistuvassa auringonvalossa, kun omituinen totuus tuli ilmi.
Flambeau sytytti savukkeen, ja hänen ystävänsä jatkoi:

"Kaikki oli otettu pois, mutta ei varastettu. Varkaat eivät koskaan

olisi jättäneet jälkeensä tällaista johtolankaa. He olisivat vieneet
kultaiset nuuskarasiat nuuskineen, kynänvarret lyijyineen. Me
olemme nyt tekemisissä miehen kanssa, jolla on omatunto, vaikkakin
hyvin merkillistä lajia.

"Archibald Ogilvie vainaja oli tavallaan kunnollisempi kuin yksikään

Glengylessä syntynyt suvun jäsen. Hänen kuntonsa katkeroitti hänet
kuitenkin ja teki hänestä ihmisvihaajan. Hän eli surren esi-isiensä
epärehellisyyttä ja teki siitä sen johtopäätöksen, että kaikki ihmiset
olivat epärehellisiä. Erikoinen epäluulo oli hänellä
hyväntekeväisyysharrastuksia ja vapaaehtoisia lahjoituksia kohtaan,
ja hän vannoi, että jos hän tapaisi sellaisen henkilön, joka ottaisi
tarkalleen vain sen, mikä hänellä oli oikeus ottaa, saisi tämä kaiken
Glengylessä olevan kullan. Sittenkun hän oli heittänyt tämän uhkan
ihmiskunnalle, sulkeutui hän linnaansa ajattelematta, että joku
saattaisi vastata uhkavaatimukseen. Kuitenkin tapahtui eräänä
päivänä, että kuuro ja kaikesta päättäen melkein vähäjärkinen poika
tuli käyden kaukaisesta kylästä tuomaan myöhästynyttä
sähkösanomaa, ja oli Glengyle miten saita hyvänsä, antoi hän
pojalle kuitenkin uuden neljännespennyn. Hän luuli ainakin
tehneensä niin, mutta kun hän sitten laski rahansa, huomasi hän,
että tuo uusi kuparikolikko oli tallella, mutta punnanraha puuttui.
Tapaus antoi hänelle aiheen pilkallisiin mietteihin. Teki poika miten
hyvänsä, ilmaisisi hän sentään sukukuntansa vastenmielisen
itsekkyyden. Hän joko pitäisi rahan ja olisi silloin varas, joka oli
anastanut sen, taikka tulisi hän kiltisti tuomaan sen takaisin ollen
silloin suosioon pyrkivä lurjus, joka toivoo korvausta. Keskellä
seuraavaa yötä herätti lordi Glengylen kolkutus portille ja hänen
täytyi, yksinäinen kun oli, mennä avaamaan tuolle kuurolle narrille.
Narri ei jättänyt hänelle saamaansa puntaa, vaan tasan
yhdeksäntoista shillinkiä, yhdeksän penseä ja kolme farthingiä.

"Tuo äärimmäinen tarkkuus tässä asiassa miellytti suuresti hullua

lordia. Hän sanoi olleensa Diogenes, joka kauan oli etsinyt rehellistä
ihmistä ja vihdoin löytänyt sellaisen. Hän teki uuden testamentin, ja
sen olen minä nähnyt. Hän otti tuon rehellisen pojan luokseen
suureen, hoitamattomaan taloonsa ja kasvatti hänestä ainoan
palvelijansa ja tavallaan — ainoan perillisensä. Ja ymmärtäköön
tämä omituinen olento muuten mitä hyvänsä, tai olkoon
ymmärtämättä, totta on vain, että hän käsitti isäntänsä päähänpistot:
ensiksi, että kirjaimellisesti oikea on ainoa oikea, toiseksi, että hän
itse saisi kaiken Glengylen kullan. Siinä oli kaikki ja se oli sangen
yksinkertaista. Hän on ottanut kaiken kullan, mitä talossa oli, mutta ei
unssiakaan siitä, mikä ei ollut kultaa — ei edes nuuskamurua. Hän
raaputti pois kullan vanhasta kirjaillusta kirjasta, varmana siitä, ettei
hän ollut vahingoittanut kirjaa.
 "Kaiken tuon ymmärsin minä, mutta pääkallon esiintymistä en
käsittänyt. Perunamaahan kaivettu pääkallo tuotti minulle paljon
päänvaivaa. Se ainoa huolestutti minua, kunnes Flambeau lausui
sanan.

"Tässä ei ole tapahtunut mitään vahinkoa. Hän panee varmasti

pään takaisin hautaan, otettuaan kultatäytteen hampaasta."

Kun Flambeau sitten hiukan myöhemmin aamupäivällä meni

kukkulan yli, näki hän tosiaan tuon omituisen olennon, tuon
oikeamielisen saiturin, seisovan kaivamassa häväistyn haudan
luona, pitkän kaulahuivin päät tuulessa liehuen, korkea, musta hattu
päässä.
VÄÄRÄ MUOTO

Useimmat niistä suurista teistä, jotka menevät Lontoosta pohjoiseen,

säilyttävät pitkän aikaa vielä maalle tultuaankin kadun piirteet. Vaikka
talojen välissä onkin leveitä aukkoja, seisovat ne sentään jatkuvasti
suorissa riveissä. Täällä on koko joukko kauppapuoteja, sitten
aidattu pelto, tai hevoshaka, etempänä paljon käytetty ravintola ja
sitten ehkä joku kauppapuutarha tai puutarhakoulu, suuri yksityinen
talo ja sitten taas pelto, tai ravintola j.n.e. Jos joku lähtisi kulkemaan
tällaista tietä pitkin, menisi hän erään talon ohi, joka luultavasti
vetäisi kulkijan huomiota puoleensa, vaikkei hän voi selittää, mistä
se johtuu. Se on pitkä, matala talo, joka on rakennettu
yhdensuuntaisesti tien kanssa, suurimmaksi osaksi vaaleanvihreäksi
ja valkoiseksi maalattu, varustettu parvekkeilla, markiiseilla ja
portaaleilla, joita kattavat nuo pienet, omituiset, puusateenvarjoja
muistuttavat kupukatot, niin kuin vanhanmallisissa taloissa usein
nähdään. Se onkin hyvin vanhanaikuinen talo, hyvin englantilainen,
ja esikaupunkilaisluontoinen, vanhaa varakkaalta vaikuttavaa
Clapham-tyyliä. Ja kuitenkin näyttää talo siltä kuin se olisi rakennettu
erikoisesti lämmintä vuoden aikaa varten. Kun näkee nuo vaaleat
värit ja markiisit, johtuu ajattelemaan intialaisia huntuja ja palmuja.
 En voi seurata tätä vaikutelmaa sen lähtökohtaan. Ehkäpä joku
englantilais-intialainen on rakennuttanut talon.

Kuka vain kulkisi tämän talon ohi, tuntisi sen vetävän omituisesti
puoleensa, tuntisi, että tuohon taloon täytyy liittyä jonkin tarinan. Ja
hän olisi oikeassa, niinkuin kohta saatte kuulla. Sillä tällainen on
tarina — tarina omituisista seikoista, jotka todella tapahtuivat siellä
helluntain aikoihin vuonna 18—.

Jos joku olisi kulkenut talon ohi torstaina ennen helluntaita noin
puoli neljän aikaan iltapäivällä, olisi hän nähnyt portin aukenevan ja
isä Brownin, joka palveli St. Mungon pienessä kirkossa, tulevan ulos
polttaen suurta piippua, seurassaan tuo suurikokoinen, ranskalainen
ystävänsä Flambeau, joka poltteli pientä savuketta. Miellyttäkööt
nämä ihmiset lukijaa tai ei, niin eivät he kuitenkaan olleet ainoat
mieltäkiinnittävät henkilöt, jotka tulivat näkyviin, kun vihreänvalkean
talon pääovi avautui. Tällä talolla oli monenlaisia omituisuuksia,
joista ensin täytyy tehdä selkoa, ei ainoastaan sen vuoksi, että lukija
ymmärtäisi tämän surullisen kertomuksen, vaan myöskin että hänelle
selviäisi, mitä avattu portti oikeastaan toi ilmi.

Talon pohjapiirros oli T:n muotoinen; poikkiviiva hyvin pitkä ja

kanta hyvin lyhyt. Poikkiviiva muodosti talon julkisivun joka oli
kadulle päin, pääovi keskellä. Se oli kaksikerroksinen ja siinä olivat
melkein kaikki paremmat huoneet. Lyhyt kanta tai varsi, joka lähti
talon takaosasta, vastapäätä pääkäytävää, oli vain yksikerroksinen
ja siinä oli ainoastaan kaksi pitkää, toistensa yhteydessä olevaa
huonetta. Se, johon ensin tultiin, oli työhuone, missä kuuluisa mr
Quinton sepitti mielikuvitusrikkaat itämaiset runonsa ja romaaninsa.
Toinen kamari oli jonkinlainen lasiseinäinen kasvihuone täynnä
troopillisia, harvinaisia, melkeinpä oudonkauniita kasveja; iltapäivisin,
sellaisena kuin nyt puheenaoleva, loisti se ihanasti auringon
paisteessa. Kun hallin ovi avattiin, ei siis ollut ihmeellistä, että monet
kadulla kulkijat pysähtyivät katselemaan ja ihmettelemään, sillä
heidän silmiensä eteen avautui, rikkaasti kalustettujen huoneiden
läpi, jotain mikä näytti satunäytelmän koristeilta: purppuraisia pilviä,
kultaisia aurinkoja ja kirkkaanpunaisia tähtiä, jotka, samalla kun
loistivat mitä elävimmässä väriloistossa, näyttivät kuitenkin
läpinäkyviltä ja kaukaisilta.

Runoilija Leonard Quinton oli itse järjestänyt tämän vaikutuksen

mitä suurimmalla huolella, ja on epäiltävää, onko hän yhdessäkään
runossaan antanut persoonallisuudelleen yhtä selvän leiman. Sillä
hän oli mies, joka eli ja liikkui väreissä, antautuipa nauttimaan
väreistä hiukan muodon, vieläpä hyvän maunkin kustannuksella. Ne
olivat kääntäneet hänen neronsa kaikki voimat itämaiseen taiteeseen
ja itämaiseen väriloistoon, saaneet hänet ihailemaan mattoja
selittämättömine kuvioineen, noine häikäisevine kirjokoristeineen,
joissa kaikenlaiset värit olivat yhtyneet onnistuneeksi kaaokseksi,
joka ei esittänyt eikä oikeastaan ilmaissut mitään. Hän oli koettanut
—-vaikkakaan ei täydellisellä taiteellisella menestyksellä, niin ainakin
tunnustusta ansaitsevalla kuvitusvoimalla ja keksimistaidolla -—
kirjoittaa runoja ja rakkaustarinoita, jotka välkkyivät mitä elävintä,
kiihkeintä väriloistoa. Hän oli koettanut kuvata troopillisen taivaan
palavaa kultaa ja verenpunaista kuparia. Hän oli koettanut kertoa
itämaisista sankareista, jotka pilvenkorkuiset turbaanit päässä
ratsastivat purppuranpunaisiksi ja ruohonvihreiksi maalatuilla
elefanteilla, jättiläismäisistä jalokivistä, joita, sata neekeriä tuskin
jaksoi nostaa, mutta joissa paloi ikivanha, oudonvärinen tuli.

Lyhyesti sanottuna ja tehdäksemme asian käsitettävämmäksi,

puuhaili hän paljon itämaisilla taivailla, jotka olivat melkein pahempia
kuin länsimaiset helvetit, itämaisilla hallitsijoilla, joita me
mahdollisesti olisimme pitäneet hulluina, ja itämaisilla jalokivillä, joita
kauppias ehkä ei olisi pitänyt oikeina, jos sata horjuvaa neekeriä olisi
kantaa retuuttanut ne sisään hänen jalokivikauppaansa Bond
Streetin varrella. Quinton oli nero, joskaan ei terveintä lajia. Hänen
luonteensa sairaaloisuus esiintyi melkein enemmän hänen
elämässään kuin hänen teoksissaan. Luonteenlaadultaan oli hän
arka ja helposti loukkaantuvana hänen terveytensä oli kärsinyt paljon
itämaisista opiumikokeista. Hänen vaimonsa — kaunis, ahkera,
vieläpä liiaksi rasittunut nainen — vastusti opiumin käyttöä ja vielä
ankarammin intialaista aaltoilevaan valkeankeltaiseen vaatteeseen
puettua eremiittiä, ukkoa, jota hänen miehensä oli pitänyt talossa
kuukausimääriä — hän oli Virgilius, joka johti hänen henkeään
itämaisten taivaitten ja helvettien halki.

Tästä taiteilija-asunnosta astuivat nyt isä Brown ja hänen toverinsa

ulkoportille, ja he huokaisivat sen tehdessään helpotuksesta, heidän
kasvojensa ilmeestä päättäen. Flambeau oli tutustunut Quintoniin
Parisin hurjassa ylioppilaselämässä ja oli nyt uudistanut tuttavuuden
sillä seurauksella, että Quinton oli pyytänyt hänet ja isä Brownin
luokseen pariksi päiväksi. Mutta ottamatta lukuun Flambeaussa
viime aikoina tapahtunutta muutosta, ei hän nyt enää oikein viihtynyt
runoilijan parissa. Opiumin savuuttaminen ja pienten lemmenrunojen
kirjoittaminen velinipaperille ei hänen käsityksensä mukaan ollut
oikean gentlemannin ajanvietettä. Kun ystävykset seisahtuivat
ulkoportille, ennenkuin aloittivat kävelynsä puutarhassa, lensi
esipihan veräjä räminällä auki ja nuori mies, leveälierinen hattu
niskaan sysättynä, syöksyi portaita ylös. Hän oli oikean juopporatin
näköinen. Suuri, punainen kaulahuivi oli vinossa, aivan kuin hän olisi
maannut se kaulassaan, ja hän heilutteli ja kieputteli lakkaamatta
pientä kävelykeppiään.
 "Kuulkaas", huusi hän hengästyneenä. "Minä haen ukko
Quintonia. Tahdon väittämättä tavata häntä. Eihän hän liene
matkustanut pois?"

"Luulen kyllä, että mr Quinton on kotona", sanoi isä Brown ja

puhdisti piippuaan. "Mutta en tiedä, saatteko tavata häntä nyt.
Lääkäri on juuri hänen luonaan."

Nuori mies, joka nähtävästi ei ollut täysin selvä, hoippuroi

eteiseen, ja samassa tuli lääkäri herra Quintonin työhuoneesta, sulki
oven ja alkoi vetää hansikkaita käsiinsä.

"Te tahdotte kai tavata mr Quintonia", sanoi tohtori kylmästi. "Se ei

nyt käy päinsä. Te ette saa tavata häntä missään tapauksessa.
Kukaan ei saa mennä hänen luokseen. Olen juuri antanut hänelle
unilääkettä."

"Mutta mitä te lörpötätte, vanha kunniankurki", sanoi punaliinainen

nuorukainen ja koetti tuttavallisen mielistelevästi tarttua lääkäriä
takin kaulukseen. "Katsokaas, olen tällä kertaa aivan pennitön.
Minä…"

"Älkää yrittäkö taivuttaa minua, mr. Atkinson", sanoi lääkäri ja

riistäytyi irti. "Jos voisin muuttaa unijuoman vaikutuksen, saattaisin
myöskin muuttaa, päätökseni."

Sitten painoi hän hatun päähänsä ja seurasi molempia toisia ulos

auringon paisteeseen. Hän oli paksunpuoleinen, hyväntuulinen
vanha herra, viikset lyhyiksi leikatut, ja hyvin jokapäiväisen näköinen,
mutta teki kuitenkin sen vaikutuksen kuin kykenisi hän johonkin.
 Nuori, huopahattuinen mies, joka ei nähtävästi ollut oppinut erittäin
tahdikasta seurustelutapaa — tarttuen vain ihmisten takin
kaulukseen, kun hänellä oli heille asiaa — seisoi portin ulkopuolella,
yhtä nolona kuin ulosheitetty, ja katseli vaieten noita kolmea, jotka
yhdessä kulkivat puutarhan läpi.

"Valehtelinpa äsken oikein aikamoisesti", huomautti lääkäri

nauraen. "Totuus on se, että mr Quinton parka saa unilääkkeensä
vasta puolen tunnin kuluttua. En tahdo kuitenkaan, että tuo pieni
villipeto pääsee sisälle häntä häiritsemään. Hänellä ei ollut mitään
muuta asiaa kuin rahanlainaaminen, ja lainansakin hän mieluimmin
jättää suorittamatta. Hän on hyvin vastenmielinen olio, vaikka hän
onkin mrs Quintonin veli, rouvan, joka on parhaita naisia mitä ajatella
voi."

"Niin", sanoi isä Brown. "Hän on hyvä nainen."

"Aion sen vuoksi pysytellä puutarhassa, siksi kunnes tuo junkkari

on mennyt tiehensä" jatkoi tohtori. "Sitten menen sisään antamaan
mr Quintonille lääkettä. Atkinson ei pääse sisään, sillä minä kiersin
oven kahteen lukkoon."

"Siinä tapauksessa, tri Harris", sanoi Flambeau, "voimme me hyvin

mennä toiselle puolelle taloa katsomaan kukkaishuonetta. Sillä
puolella ei ole sisäänkäytävää, mutta sitä kannattaa katsella
ulkopuoleltakin."

"Niin, ja minä voisin myöskin pitää silmällä sairastani", sanoi

tohtori hymyillen. "Hän loikoo mieluimmin turkkilaisella sohvalla
kukkaishuoneen toisessa päässä noiden veripunaisten korukukkien
keskellä. Minä rupeaisin voimaan pahoin siellä. Mutta mitä te
teette?"
 Isä Brown oli kumartunut ja ottanut korkeasta heinikosta, joka
melkein kätki sen, omituisen muotoisen itämaisen veitsen, joka oli
mitä hienoimmin koristeltu varteen upotetuilla kirjavilla kivillä ja
metalleilla.

"Mitäs tämä on?" sanoi isä Brown ja tarkasteli esinettä varsin

epäilevän näköisenä.

"Ah, se on kai Quintonin omaisuutta, luulen minä", sanoi tri Harris

huolimattomasti. "Hänellä on kaikenlaisia kiinalaisia pikku esineitä,
jotka huvittavat häntä. Tai ehkäpä se on tuon hindun, jota hän aina
pitää luonansa."

"Mikä hindu se on?" kysyi isä Brown yhä kiintyneenä tikariin, jota
hän piti kädessään.

"Niin, se on intialainen noita", sanoi tohtori kevyesti.

"Aika silmänlume luonnollisesti."

"Uskotteko salatieteeseen?" kysyi isä Brown ylös katsomatta.

"Mitä hittoa! Uskoa salatieteeseen!" sanoi tohtori.

"Tämä on hyvin kaunis", sanoi pappi matalalla, uneksivalla

äänellä.
"Värit ovat hyvin kauniit, mutta muoto on väärä."

"Kuinka niin?" kysyi Flambeau tuijottaen.

"Niin, kuinkahan lie. Sen muoto on väärä, abstraktisesti. Ettekö ole

koskaan huomannut sellaista itämaista taidetta tutkiessanne? Värit
ovat ihastuttavia, mutta muodot epäjaloja ja huonoja, tahallisesti.
Olen nähnyt hirveitä asioita turkkilaista maton mallia katsellessani."

"Mon Dieu!" sanoi Flambeau nauruun purskahtaen.

"Siinä on kirjaimia ja koukerolta minulle tuntemattomalla kielellä,

mutta minä tiedän, että ne tarkoittavat ilkeitä sanoja", jatkoi pappi
hänen äänensä yhä hiljetessä. "Reunaviivat koukistuvat
tarkoituksellisesti, niinkuin paetessaan kiemurtelevat käärmeet."

"Mitä hittoja te puhutte?" huudahti tohtori nauruun rähähtäen.

Flambeau vastasi hänelle hyvin tyynesti:

"Isä Brownin ylle laskeutuu joskus tuollainen mystillisyyden pilvi,

mutta voin teille sanoa, että sitä ei tapahdu, jollei jotain pahaa ole
läheisyydessä."

"Niin, rotat!" sanoi lääkäri.

"Katsokaapa tätä", sanoi isä Brown ja piteli omituisen käyrää

veistä käsivarren matkan päässä itsestään, niin kuin se olisi ollut
kiemuroiva käärme.

"Ettekö näe, että sen muoto on väärä? Ettekö näe, että siltä
puuttuu kirkas ja selvä tarkoitus? Se ei ojennu suoraksi kuin keihäs,
eikä käyristy kuin sirppi. Se ei ole aseen näköinen. Se on kuin
kidutusväline."

"Koska se ei ole makunne mukainen", sanoi myhäilevä Harris,

"lienee parasta antaa se takaisin omistajalleen. Emmekö vielä ole
päässeet tämän kirotun kukkaishuoneen päähän. Tällä talolla on kai
väärä muoto, jos millä."
 "Te ette ymmärrä minua", sanoi isä Brown päätään pudistellen.
"Tämän talon muoto on omituinen — melkeinpä naurettava. Mutta se
ei ole millään lailla väärä."

Puhuessaan olivat he kiertäneet lasiseinän, joka

keskeytymättömänä kaarena muodosti kukkaishuoneen ulkoseinän.
Lasi oli hyvin läpikuultavaa, ja aurinko, vaikka olikin laskemassa,
paistoi vielä kirkkaasti, niin etteivät he ainoastaan nähneet
värikylläisiä kukkia sisällä, vaan myöskin ravistaneen runoilijan, joka
ruskeaan samettitakkiin puettuna lepäsi sohvalla nukahtaneena
kirjain ääreen. Hän oli kalpea, hoikkarakenteinen mies, tukka pitkä,
kastanjanvärinen, ja parta, joka muodosti omituisen lisäyksen hänen
kasvoilleen, tehden ne vähemmän miehekkään näköisiksi, oli harva.
Hänen piirteensä olivat hyvin tutut kaikille kolmelle, mutta vaikka ne
eivät olisi olleetkaan, on kuitenkin epävarmaa, olisivatko he sillä
hetkellä katselleet Quintonia. Heidän silmänsä olivat imeytyneet
kiinni toiseen henkilöön.

Sillä aivan heidän edessään, lasirakennuksen pyöristetyn

kulmauksen päässä, seisoi suurikasvuinen mies, jonka puku
moitteettoman valkeana laskeutui jalkoihin, ja jonka paljas, ruskea
päälaki, kasvot ja kaula välkkyivät kuin pronssi laskevan auringon
valossa. Hän katseli nukkuvaa lasin läpi liikkumattomana kuin kallio.

"Kuka tuo on?" huudahti isä Brown ja veti kiivaasti henkeä.

"Ah, se on vain tuo petkuttaja hindu", mutisi Harris, "Mutta minä en

tiedä, mitä hittoa hän täällä tekee."

"Tuo näyttää hypnotisoimisaikeelta", sanoi Flambeau pureskellen

mustia viiksiään.
 "Miksikä te, lääketieteellisiin ilmiöihin tottumattomana, aina
puhutte pötyä hypnotismista?" sanoi tohtori. "Minusta tuo näyttää
paremmin murtovarkaussuunnitelmalta."

"Meidän täytyy kuitenkin puhutella häntä", sanoi Flambeau,

toiminnan mies. Yksi ainoa pitkä harppaus vei hänet sille paikalle,
missä hindu seisoi. Hän oli pitkä, mutta Flambeau oli vielä pitempi, ja
ranskalainen sanoi tyynen nenäkkäästi:

"Hyvää iltaa, herra! Vaivaako teitä mikään?"

Hitaasti, niin kuin suuri laiva, joka kääntyy satamassa, kääntyivät

suuret keltaiset kasvot pysähtyen viimein katselemaan
valkovaippaisen olan yli. Hänen takanaan seisovat miehet
hämmästyivät nähdessään, että keltaiset silmäluomet olivat suljetut,
aivan kuin nukkuvalla.

"Kiitos, ei mikään", vastasi mies mainiolla englannin kielellä.

"Minua ei vaivaa mikään."

Avaten puoleksi silmäluomensa, niin että vilahdus opaalinvärisistä

silmistä tuli näkyviin, toisti hän:

"Minua ei vaivaa mikään."

Sitten avautuivat silmät kokonaan ja tuijottivat kiivaalla ilmeellä

eteensä.

"Minua ei vaivaa mikään", sanoi hän vielä kerran ja katosi puvun

lainehtiessa nopeasti pimenevään puutarhaan.

"Kristitty olisi kainoluontoisempi", mutisi isä Brown. "Hän

myöntäisi, että häneltä puuttuu yhtä ja toista."
 "Mitä kummia hän sitten teki?" kysyi Flambeau otsa rypyssä
hiljaisella äänellä.

"Tahtoisin puhutella teitä jonkun ajan kuluttua", sanoi isä Brown.

Auringon valo kajasteli yhä, vaikka vain illan punaisessa

loisteessa, ja kaikki puut ja pensaat puutarhassa piirtyivät yhä
mustempina sitä vasten. Herrat kiersivät kukkaishuoneen
tuonpuoleisen pään ja menivät vaieten sen toista sivua pitkin
pääovea kohti. Heidän juuri kulkiessaan kuului kuin olisi lintu
säikähtynyt työhuoneen ja päärakennuksen välisessä kulmassa, ja
taas näkivät he valkopukuisen fakiirin hiipivän esiin varjosta ja
lähestyvän porttia. Suureksi ihmeekseen huomasivat he, että hän ei
ollutkaan ollut yksin, ja heidän täytyi kerrassaan luopua
epäilyksistään, kun he saivat nähdä mrs Quintonin paksuine,
kullankiiltävine hiuksineen ja selväpiirteisine kasvoineen tulevan
varjosta ja lähestyvän heitä. Hän näytti hiukan ankaralta, mutta oli
hyvin kohtelias.

"Hyvää iltaa, tohtori Harris", sanoi hän vain.

"Hyvää iltaa, rouva Quinton", sanoi pieni tohtori sydämellisesti.

"Menen juuri sisään antamaan miehellenne lääkettä."

"Onkin aika tehdä se", sanoi hän heleällä äänellä. Sitten hymyili
hän heille ja meni taloon.

"Tuo nainen on liian rasittunut", sanoi isä Brown. "Hän on niitä,

jotka täyttävät velvollisuutensa kaksikymmentä vuotta, tehden
lopuksi jotain kamalaa."

Ensi kerran silmäili pieni lääkäri pappia mielenkiintoisin katsein:

 "Oletteko joskus harjoittanut lääketieteellisiä opintoja?" kysyi hän.

"Teidän täytyy tietää jotain sielusta niin kuin ruumiistakin", vastasi

pappi. "Meidän täytyy yhtä hyvin tuntea sekä ruumis että sielu."

"Nyt kai menen antamaan Quintonille lääkettä", sanoi tohtori.

He olivat nyt kääntyneet kulman ympäri talon etupuolelle ja

lähestyivät pääovea. Samalla kun he astuivat sisään, tapasivat he
kolmannen kerran tuon valkopukuisen miehen. Hän lähestyi niin
suoraan porttia, että tuntui melkein mahdottomalta, ettei hän juuri
ollut tullut aivan sen vastapäätä olevasta työhuoneesta. Ja he
tiesivät kuitenkin, että työhuoneen ovi oli vahvasti suljettu.

Isä Brown ja Flambeau pitivät kuitenkin tämän omituisen seikan

omana tietonaan ja tohtori Harris ei ollut se mies, joka tuhlaa
ajatuksia mahdottomuuksien selvittelyyn. Hän antoi kaikkialla
läsnäolevan Aasian pojan mennä menojaan ja sitten astui reippaasti
halliin. Siellä oli olento, jonka hän jo oli unohtanut. Atkinson retkale
oli vielä siellä, käyskenteli hyräillen edestakaisin pistellen pienellä
pahkakepillään kaikkea. Lääkärin kasvot ilmaisivat ensin
vastenmielisyyttä ja sitten päättäväisyyttä, kun hän kuiskasi
naapurilleen:

"Minun täytyy taas sulkea ovi, muuten pujahtaa tuo rotta sisään.
Minä palaan parin minuutin kuluttua."

Hän avasi reippaasti oven, mutta sulki sen taas niin nopeasti, että
nuoren, huopahattuisen hyökkäys torjuttiin. Nuorukainen heittäytyi
kärsimättömästi tuolille hallissa. Flambeau seisoi katsellen
persialaista seinämattoa; isä Brown, joka näytti olevan
jonkunlaisessa huumaustilassa, loi hämäriä katseita oveen. Noin
neljän minuutin kuluttua aukeni se taas. Atkinson oli tällä kertaa
nopeampi liikkeissään. Hän hyppäsi esiin, piti ovea auki
silmänräpäyksen ja huusi:

"Kuules, Quinton, minä tahtoisin…!"

Työhuoneen toisesta päästä tuli Quintonin vastaus, puoleksi

pidätetyn haukotuksen ja heikon naurahduksen säestämänä.

"Tiedän erinomaisen hyvin mitä sinä tahdot. Tästä saat ja anna

minun olla rauhassa. Minä teen juuri runoa riikinkukoista."

Ennenkuin ovi suljettiin, tuli puolipuntanen lentäen sen läpi, ja

Atkinson sieppasi aarteen hyvin taitavasti.

"No nyt on se seikka selvä", sanoi tohtori, ja suljettuaan

huolellisesti oven hän meni muitten mukana puutarhaan.

"Nyt saa Leonard parka hiukan levätä", lisäsi hän isä Browniin
kääntyen. "Kukaan ei saa häiritä häntä tuntiin tai pariin."

"Vai niin", sanoi pappi. "Hänen äänensähän oli aika virkeä, kun te
läksitte hänen luotaan."

Katsahtaessaan ympärilleen puutarhassa huomasi hän velton

Atkinsonin leikkivän äsken saamallaan rahalla ja hindun istuvan
ruohopenkillä hänen takanaan punertavassa hämärässä, aivan
suorana, kasvot laskevaan aurinkoon käännettyinä. Äkkiä sanoi isä
Brown:

"Missä rouva Quinton on?"

 "Hän on mennyt huoneeseensa", vastasi tohtori. "Hänen varjonsa
piirtyy ikkunaverhoja vasten."

Isä Brown katsahti ylös ja tarkasteli otsa rypyssä valaistun

huoneen ikkunaan kuvastuvaa varjoa.

"Niin", sanoi hän. "Se on hänen varjonsa." Sitten astui hän pari
askelta ja istuutui puutarhan penkille.

Flambeau heittäytyi hänen viereensä, mutta tohtori kuului noihin

levottomiin luonteisiin, jotka enimmäkseen ovat liikkeellä. Hän meni
tiehensä poltellen sikanaan ja ystävykset jäivät kahden kesken.

"Isä", sanoi Flambeau ranskaksi. "Mikä teitä vaivaa?"

Isä Brown istui vaieten ja liikkumatta puolisen minuuttia, mutta

sitten sanoi hän:

"Taikausko on kyllä syntiä, mutta ilmassa on jotain kummallista

tässä paikassa. Hindu kai tekee sen niin painostavaksi — ainakin
johtuu se osaksi hänestä."

Hän vaikeni taas katse kiinnitettynä intialaiseen, joka yhä istui

jäykkänä, kaiketi rukoukseen vaipuneena. Ensi katsauksella näytti
hän liikkumattomalta, mutta kun isä Brown tarkkasi häntä lähemmin,
näki hän, että mies keinutteli ruumistaan edestakaisin rytmillisessä
tahdissa, niinkuin puun latvoja hiljaa liikutteli vieno tuuli, joka hiipi
puutarhan pimeitä käytäviä pitkin ja sai pudonneet lehdet
kahisemaan.

Maisema pimeni nopeasti kuin lähestyvän rajuilman edellä, mutta

yhä vielä saattoi erottaa eri henkilöt eri suunnilla. Atkinson seisoi
velton näköisenä puuhun nojaten. Quintonin vaimo istui yhä
ikkunansa ääressä; tohtori kulki edestakaisin kukkaismajan kaarevaa
seinää pitkin. Hänen sikarinsa välähteli silloin tällöin kuin kiiltomato
ja fakiiri istui jäykkänä ja kuitenkin vaappuen paikoillaan, puitten
hänen yläpuolellaan alkaessa heilua, melkeinpä suhista. Myrsky
lähestyi epäilemättä.

"Kun tuo intialainen puhui meille", jatkoi Brown

keskustelunhaluisena ja hiljensi ääntään, "näin minä jonkinlaisen
näyn, jossa luulin tuntevani hänet ja koko maailman. Ja kuitenkin
toisti hän vain saman seikan kolme kertaa. Kun hän ensi kerran
sanoi: 'minua ei vaivaa mikään', merkitsi se vain sitä, että hän oli
aivan suljettu, ja ettei Aasia ilmaise sisäistä olemustaan. Mutta kun
hän vielä kerran sanoi 'minua ei vaivaa mikään', ymmärsin minä, että
hän tarkoitti olevansa itselleen kylliksi, niinkuin maailman kaikkeus,
että hän ei tarvinnut Jumalaa, eikä pitänyt itseään syypäänä
mihinkään syntiin. Ja kun hän kolmannen kerran lausui, 'minua ei
vaivaa mikään', sanoi hän sen hehkuvin katsein. Ja minä ymmärsin,
että hän tarkoitti kirjaimellisesti mitä hän sanoi, että tyhjyys oli hänen
kotinsa ja hänen halujensa määrä, että hän halasi tyhjyyttä kuin
viiniä, että hänen päämääränään oli kadotus — kaiken ja kaikkien
täydellinen häviö…"

Putosi muutamia sadepisaroita ja, omituista kyllä, Flambeau

hätkähti katsahtaen ylös kuin olisivat ne polttaneet häntä. Samassa
tuli tohtori juosten heitä kohti kukkaishuoneen ulkoseinältä päin ja
huusi juostessaan kovasti jotain.

Kun hän pommin tavoin syöksyi ystävysten luo, oli Atkinson

kiertänyt talon etupuolelle ja palasi nyt sieltä. Tohtori tarttui kiivaasti
hänen kaulukseensa:
 "Tämä ei ole rehellistä peliä!" huusi hän. "Mitä te olette tehnyt
hänelle, roisto?"

Pappi oli hypännyt pystyyn ja sotapäällikön terässointu äänessään

komensi kylmästi:

"Ei väkivaltaa! Meitä on kyllin monta pidättääksemme kenet

hyvänsä, jos niin tahdomme. Mitä on tapahtunut, tohtori?"

"Quintonin laita on jotenkin hullusti", sanoi tohtori kasvot aivan

valkeina. "Näin hänet lasiseinän läpi ja minä en pitänyt hänen
asennostaan. Hän ei makaa samassa asennossa kuin silloin, kun
minä jätin hänet?"

"Mennään hänen luokseen", sanoi isä Brown lyhyesti. "Jättäkää

herra Atkinson rauhaan. En ole päästänyt häntä silmistäni sen
jälkeen, kun kuulin herra Quintonin äänen."

"Minä jään tänne häntä vartioimaan", sanoi Flambeau kiireesti.

"Menkää sisään katsomaan!"

Lääkäri ja pappi kiiruhtivat työhuoneen ovelle, avasivat sen ja

ryntäsivät huoneeseen. He olivat vähällä kompastua suureen
mahonkipöytään huoneen keskellä, missä runoilija tavallisesti istui
kirjoittamassa. Sisällä ei nimittäin ollut muuta valoa kuin hehku
pienestä valkeasta, joka aina paloi sairaan luona. Keskellä pöytää oli
yksi ainoa paperiarkki, joka oli kai tarkoituksella pantu siihen. Tohtori
tempasi sen käteensä, silmäsi sitä ja ojensi sen isä Brownille
huudahtaen:

"Herra Jumala! Katsokaa tätä!"

 Sitten syöksyi hän lasiseinäiseen huoneeseen, jossa nuo kamalat
kukkaset näyttivät säilyttäneen muiston auringonlaskun verisestä
punerruksesta.

Isä Brown luki sanat kolmeen kertaan, ennenkuin hän irroitti

silmänsä paperista.

"Kuolen oman käteni kautta ja kuitenkin murhattuna", seisoi siinä.

Sanat olivat kirjoitetut Leonard Quintonin käsialalla, jota oli
mahdoton jäljitellä, melkeinpä mahdoton lukeakin.

Paperi kädessään meni isä Brown nyt kukkaishuoneeseen, mutta

tiellä sinne kohtasi hänet lääkäri, joka tuli sieltä, ja jonka kasvot
ilmaisivat sekä varmuutta että hämmästystä.

"Hän on tehnyt sen", sanoi Harris.

Yhdessä kulkivat he sitten kukoistavien kaktuskukkien ja azaleojen

välitse ja löysivät Leonard Quintonin, runoilijan ja romaanin
kirjoittajan, lepäämässä pää riippuen alas ottomaanilta, tummat
kiharat maata viiltäen. Hänen vasempaan kylkeensä oli pistetty tuo
omituinen tikari, jonka he olivat löytäneet puutarhasta, ja hänen
veltto kätensä piteli vielä kahvaa.

Ulkona oli rajuilma puhjennut yht'äkkiä, niinkuin yö Coleridgen

runoissa, ja pieksävä sade pimensi sekä puutarhan että lasikaton.
Paperi näytti kiinnittävän isä Brownia paljon enemmän kuin vainaja.
Hän piti sitä aivan silmienpä edessä niin kuin olisi koettanut lukea
kirjoitusta voimakkaassa hämärässä. Sitten nosti hän sen heikkoa
valoa vasten ja samassa leimahti niin valkoinen salama, että paperi
näytti mustalta.