Jerry John Rawlings: Leadership and

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Felix Kumah-Abiwu
Sabella Ogbobode Abidde Editors

Jerry John
Rawlings
Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African
Perspective
Jerry John Rawlings
Felix Kumah-Abiwu • Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Editors

Jerry John Rawlings

Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African
Perspective
Editors
Felix Kumah-Abiwu Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Department of Africana Studies Department of History and Political Science
Kent State University Alabama State University
Kent, OH, USA Montgomery, AL, USA

ISBN 978-3-031-14666-4    ISBN 978-3-031-14667-1 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14667-1

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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To the memory of former President Jerry
John Rawlings
(June 22, 1947–November 12, 2020)
And to all past and future political leaders
of Africa.
The Africa we want for the future generation
is in our collective hands as Africans.
Let us continue to demand effective/servant
leadership from our leaders and promote a
culture of accountability across the African
continent.
Preface

The opportunity to lead this book project on the leadership and legacy of former
President Jerry John Rawlings has not only been a great honor for me in many ways,
but working with my co-editor on the project has been one of the rewarding moments
in my professional career as an academic/scholar on African politics and the field of
African affairs. Like many of our contemporaries who had their formative education
on the continent of Africa in the late 1980s, 1990s, and the 2000s, my co-editor and
I also had our formative educational years on the continent during these periods
when Jerry Rawlings could not be avoided in our educational pathways. Jerry
Rawlings did not only dominate Ghana’s political landscape but his name was pop-
ular across the African continent by his long stay in power as a military leader
(1981–1993) and a democratically elected President of Ghana (1993–2001). For
some, Rawlings epitomizes the leadership traits and ideals of some of our transfor-
mational/nationalist African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, and
Kenneth Kaunda, among many others, who not only fought for our freedom from
European colonial rule but were also outspoken about anti-imperialism and neoco-
lonialism in post-colonial Africa. These nationalist leaders promoted the ethos and
ideas of Pan-Africanism, African personality, and African unity. Jerry Rawlings also
promoted these ideas during his era.
Former President Rawlings was considered by most as a transformational leader,
and Ghana is today a shining example of stability, democracy, and development
because of the leading role he played in the country’s transition to democratic rule
in the early 1990s. Many of his admirers also share the view of how former President
Rawlings was a compassionate leader who devoted his life to improving the human
condition, especially the plight of ordinary people. He was a fearless, pragmatic,
and visionary leader with big ideas. It is also well-documented in the extant litera-
ture that the role and leadership of Jerry Rawlings concerning his pragmatic deci-
sion to accept and implement the external aid package that was negotiated in the
1980s were critically important in changing the direction of Ghana to growth/devel-
opment from a near economic collapse and social decay in the 1980s. While recog-
nizing the roles that have been played by previous political leaders of Ghana and
ordinary Ghanaians in the progress and development of the country since 1957,

vii
viii Preface

Ghana’s admiration today in the international community as one of Africa’s stable

and advancing democratic countries is partly due, as many have argued, to Jerry
Rawlings’ leadership. His post-presidency roles on the African continent with the
African Union (AU) on important issues of conflict resolution and peacebuilding
initiatives have also been widely applauded.
Yet, Jerry Rawlings has also been despised by some because of his authoritarian
style of leadership and human rights issues, especially during the military regime of
the AFRC and the PNDC eras. In sum, the name Jerry John Rawlings, or
J.J. Rawlings, as he was popularly known, like other political leaders of history,
tends to evoke mixed reactions and multifaceted views, opinions, and varied per-
spectives among scholars, public intellectuals, and ordinary Ghanaians and Africans.
His passing on November 12, 2020, not only shocked and saddened many Ghanaians,
Africans, and those in the African diaspora, but going through the process of think-
ing about J.J. Rawlings and the critical question of how his leadership and legacy
can be critically assessed/examined and how he can best be remembered, gave birth
to my idea to put this scholarly book together to honor his memory. Thanks to my
colleague, and co-editor, Dr. Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, who agreed to the idea of
us working together as co-editors on this important and timely book in a mutual
spirit of scholarly collaboration, Pan-Africanism, and African unity to honor late
former President Jerry Rawlings’ leadership and legacy.

Kent, OH, USA  Felix Kumah-Abiwu

Montgomery, AL, USA   Sabella Ogbobode Abidde
Fall 2022
Acknowledgment

The process of writing an important/timely book of this nature can be challenging,

but it can equally be rewarding when surrounded by loving family members, trusted
colleagues, and other great friends who provide constant support and encourage-
ment along the way.
We would like to express our profound thanks and appreciation to our immediate
family members for their extraordinary support and encouragement throughout the
process of working on this book.
To our colleagues and fellow scholars who have contributed to this edited vol-
ume, we say thank you for sharing your ideas and perspectives on Jerry Rawlings.
Special thanks to the anonymous reviewers of the proposal and the manuscript. Your
constructive comments and useful suggestions have enriched the book. Thank you!
Thanks to colleagues in our respective academic departments at Kent State
University and Alabama State University and other friends in the academy who
have continued to encourage us to keep the scholarly agenda on political leadership
in Africa and other critical issues on African affairs moving forward for a better
future for the continent.
We also appreciate the professionals at Springer Publishing for all their support.
To you, Lorraine Klimowich, for your extraordinary guidance and professionalism
throughout the process. Thanks to you, Mahalakshmi Saravanan, and the rest of the
team for your excellent work.
And thanks to you, the reader of this important book on the leadership and legacy
of Jerry John Rawlings. We hope that your knowledge and understanding of his
leadership and legacy in terms of his achievements and limitations as a political
leader will inspire and challenge us to create a brighter pathway for Africa’s effec-
tive leadership, peace, security, democracy, and overall development.

ix
Introduction

The literature on African politics and the broader field of African affairs has for
several decades underscored the importance of effective political leadership to
Africa’s peace, stability, and development. In other words, weak, corrupt, vision-
less, and ineffective political leadership as well as fragmented state institutions have
contributed largely to Africa’s current challenges. While the African continent con-
tinues to suffer from these challenging issues, especially with poor leadership,
Africa has also been blessed with transformational political leaders such as late
former President Jerry John Rawlings of Ghana among other extraordinary leaders
in the post-colonial era. To enhance our knowledge and understanding of former
President Jerry Rawlings’ political leadership and legacy as one of Africa’s transfor-
mational leaders, the idea emerged to produce this edited volume titled, Jerry John
Rawlings-Leadership and Legacy: A Pan-African Perspective.
The main thesis of the book focuses on the centrality of political leadership and
strong democratic institutions as important elements for Africa’s quest for develop-
ment with a focus on Jerry Rawlings. The emphasis on Rawlings’ leadership and
legacy is meant to provide a context of how his political leadership was instrumental
in changing the direction of Ghana from a near economic collapse and social decay
in the 1980s to a country that has embraced political reforms in the 1990s. While
former President Rawlings has generally been described as one of Africa’s transfor-
mational/compassionate leaders who devoted his life to improving the human con-
dition, especially the plight of the ordinary people, he was also criticized by some
for his authoritarian style of leadership and human rights issues. The central pur-
pose of the book is threefold. First, it examines the role and place of good and effec-
tive political leadership in the development of Africa. Second, it seeks to situate
Jerry Rawlings’ political leadership and legacy in post-colonial Ghana and the rest
of Africa. Finally, the book seeks to enhance our knowledge and understanding of
Jerry Rawlings as one of Africa’s preeminent political leaders, although he has also
been vilified by some for his limitations.

xi
xii Introduction

To achieve the above objectives of the book, we have been successful in gather-
ing leading experts/scholars on African politics and the broader field of African
affairs who have contributed outstanding chapters on various aspects or perspec-
tives on the leadership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings. These perspectives cover the
political eras of Jerry Rawlings on critical issues of political leadership, Ghana’s
foreign economic relations, policy making/administration, heritage tourism, gender
and women issues, Pan-Africanism, and the African diaspora. By systematically
examining the different viewpoints of Rawlings’ leadership and legacy, we have
provided a balanced perspective in our efforts to better understand his leadership/
legacy and Ghana’s political landscape during his eras. The Pan-African perspective
of the book with regards to the contributors and their interdisciplinary fields of
expertise also makes the book unique, timely, and novel.
The book contains a total of 20 chapters from contributors with backgrounds and
expertise in various disciplines in the social sciences. Areas of their expertise range
from the fields of political science, foreign policy, public administration, policy
studies, economics, legal studies, anthropology, geography/urban studies, and soci-
ology. The book is divided into three main parts. Part I provides an overview of
governance and leadership in Africa, while Part II examines Ghana’s political land-
scape with a focus on the political eras of Jerry Rawlings. Part III explores Rawlings’
leadership and legacy from a Pan-African perspective.
Chapter 1, which is titled “Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in
Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings Perspective,” draws on the leadership-institutions-­
development nexus or framework to examine leadership and development in Africa
with a focus on Jerry Rawlings. Written by Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu K. Kutor,
Elmond Bandauko, and Godwin Arku, the chapter argues that poor leadership and
weak institutions are still responsible for Africa’s development challenges.
Challenges such as poverty, inequalities, unemployment, conflicts, and poor public
service delivery are cases in point. With regards to Jerry Rawlings, the authors argue
that he has been hailed as one of Africa’s transformational leaders given the impor-
tance of his leadership in impacting state institutions and development in Ghana and
the rest of Africa.
Chapter 2, with the title, “Africa’s Nationalist and Transformational Leaders: A
Survey,” by Richmond Danso, looks at the life and politics of three African leaders-­
Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Jerry John Rawlings (Ghana), and Thomas Sankara
(Burkina Faso). The chapter argues that these leaders have not only left a lasting
footprint on the politics of their countries as well as the continent, but they also had
a huge impact on the political, economic, and social aspects of their respective
countries and the African continent. The chapter underscores the commonality of
the three leaders in their extraordinary impact and the way they have inspired each
other, especially Rawlings and Sankara. Thus, Jerry Rawlings drew inspiration from
Kwame Nkrumah’s political thought and ideas on Pan-Africanism, African unity,
and anti-imperialism, while Thomas Sankara was also inspired by Jerry Rawlings’
revolutionary ethos and ideas on anti-imperialism.
Introduction xiii

In Chap. 3, “One-Party and Military Dictatorship in Africa,” Samuel Kofi Darkwa

provides a compelling analysis or explanations for the emergence of one-party rule
and military regimes in post-colonial Africa. Describing these authoritarian govern-
ments as the “twin of African woes,” the chapter argues that the twin woes have
contributed adversely to the continent’s problems far more than any disaster the
continent had ever witnessed. The author is of the view that governance in Africa
has become a racketeering venture where political leaders assume and maintain
political power to benefit themselves and their collaborators with less concern for
the plight of the ordinary people. The author observes that Jerry Rawlings stood out
as one of the exceptions by carrying out a successful economic transformation of
Ghana and returning the country to a democratic rule, but his minuses appear to
overshadow his pluses.
Chapter 4 by Olusoji A. Odeyemi, titled “Kwame Nkrumah, Obafemi Awolowo,
and Jerry Rawlings: Continuity and Change in Political Leadership,” added to the
previous discussions on the challenges of Africa’s political leadership. The author
posits that Africa has had a mixture of tribulations and triumphs in its post-colonial
history and leadership. The author maintains that the absence of effective leadership
and good governance has continued to fuel instability and underdevelopment on the
continent. Amid these challenges, Kwame Nkrumah and Obafemi Awolowo were
transformational leaders because of their courage and commitment to addressing
the problems of Africa. Jerry Rawlings, the author argues, fits a similar category of
Africa’s transformational leaders because of the way he was decisive in his decision
that rescued Ghana from a near economic collapse in the 1980s.
In Chap. 5, titled “On the Question of Governance: Has Africa Seen the Last of
the Coup Years?”, Sabella Ogbobode Abidde examines the impact of military coups
on leadership and governance across Africa. The chapter begins by looking at coup
d’états and the question of whether Africa has seen the last of the coup years. The
chapter explores some of the fundamental factors that have contributed to coup
d’états and attempted coups in Africa since the independence era. While there have
been less than 20 successful coups from 2011 to 2022 given the acceptance of mul-
tiparty democracy by African states, the recent coups on the continent are raising
further concerns among scholars. At the same time, given the infrequency of coups
and the continuing acceptance of democratic rule, the author wonders if Africa has
indeed turned the corner to embrace multiparty and representative democracy.
Chapter 6 introduces the second part of the book authored by Kwame Badu
Antwi-Boasiako and Charles Fredrick Abel. In their chapter titled “Jerry Rawlings:
An Officer, a Statesman, and a Pan-Africanist,” the authors examine how Flight
Lieutenant Rawlings took up the leadership in Ghana in times of tumult, conflict,
and confusion. The chapter argues that Jerry Rawlings applied a model of governing
that was grounded in the insights of Machiavelli’s political thought, which main-
tains that in times of instability in a state, a strong leader is needed to save the
republic. The chapter concludes that Rawlings was not only a courageous military
officer but a statesman with a vision whose leadership spanned beyond Ghana as he
called for African unity, including those in the diaspora, which made him a
Pan-Africanist.
xiv Introduction

Michael Kpessa-Whyte’s Chap. 7, titled “Jerry John Rawlings and the Politics of
Risky Public Policy Decisions in Uncertain Times,” examines the lingering puzzle,
among others, about Jerry Rawlings as a military Head of State and later democrati-
cally elected civilian President of Ghana and his sudden foreign economic decision
to switch from socialist policies to neoliberal capitalism policies in the 1980s.
Drawing on prospects theory, the chapter offers fresh insights on Rawlings’ policy
shift from socialist policies to policies inspired by neo-liberal capitalism in the early
1980s. The chapter illustrates the central thesis of prospects theoretic decision anal-
ysis, which suggests that leaders opt for highly risky choices when faced with
threats to their survival, but are more cautious when confronting obvious gains.
In Chap. 8, “An Assessment of Social Development under Jerry John Rawlings,”
Emmanuel Adugu argues that Ghana’s implementation of the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank–supported Economic Recovery Program (ERP) and
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the 1980s and 1990s under the govern-
ment of Jerry John Rawlings was successful in reversing Ghana’s protracted eco-
nomic decline with its associated dysfunctional effects on social development. The
chapter employs the Human Development Index and Gini Coefficient trends in
Ghana from 1990 to 2000 for the analyses. The chapter argues that the ERP and
SAP programs that were pursued by the Rawlings administration facilitated the
privatization of telecommunications services, which resulted in increased accessi-
bility to information and communication technologies to many Ghanaians through-
out the country. The author concludes by underscoring the argument that Rawlings
provided the political leadership that was needed for these socio-economic
achievements.
Chapter 9 by Rosina Foli, titled “Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking
under Jerry John Rawlings,” examines Ghana’s policy changes under the leadership
of Jerry Rawlings, who started his rule in 1981 as a military leader and metamor-
phosed into a civilian leader by 1993. Significant policy changes that have occurred
during the administration of Rawlings include the shift from a socialist-oriented
policy outlook at the beginning of his rule in 1981 to a market-oriented policy by
1983. The author argues that the economic recovery/structural adjustment programs
(ER/SAPs) that were adopted in 1983 continued into the Fourth Republic and
helped to deepen the interaction between Ghana and many global financial institu-
tions. Although the switch from military to constitutional rule was nudged by both
internal and external factors, the commitment of Rawlings to the process is applaud-
able. The chapter suggests that the ER/SAPs may have contributed to the transition
to constitutional rule. Besides the 1992 constitution, Rawlings, according to the
author, will also be remembered for instituting the local government system through
the PNDC Law 207 and his commitment to popular participation in governance.
In Chap. 10, “Trends in Ghana’s Public Administration under Jerry Rawlings,”
James Korku Agbodzakey looks at the trends in Ghana’s public administration
under Jerry Rawlings. The chapter focuses on four key areas: decentralization, civil
service reform, economic recovery program/structural adjustment program, and
nongovernmental sectors’ contributions in the social policy domain. The chapter
interrogates whether public administration in Ghana during the Rawlings era
Introduction xv

concentrated on building and increasing state capacities or measuring state outputs

and outcomes because of the various realities and initiatives for citizens’ benefit.
The chapter highlights some of the achievements of public service reforms that
were undertaken during the Rawlings era.
Chapter 11, “Gender Equality and Women Empowerment under the Jerry John
Rawlings Government (1981–2001),” which is authored by Maame Adwoa Gyekye-
Jandoh and Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah, highlights the trajectory of Ghana’s gender
equality and women’s empowerment experience under the leadership of Flight
Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings and his PNDC regime from 1981 to 1992 and later the
presidency of Jerry Rawlings and his National Democratic Congress (NDC) from
1993 to 2001. With data from secondary sources and a few expert interviews with
key persons in both the PNDC and NDC governments, this chapter presents an
analysis of the quest for gender equality and women empowerment in Ghana from
1981 to 2001 when Jerry John Rawlings served as Ghana’s head of state and a
democratically elected President.
Cindy Pressley Davis and Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako, in Chap. 12, “Nana
Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and the 31st December Women’s Movement,” under-
score the empowerment of Ghanaian women through the lens of various women
organizations with a particular reference to Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and
the 31st December Women’s Movement (31st DWM). The chapter argues that Nana
Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, the wife of Jerry John Rawlings, who ruled Ghana
from 1981 to 2001, had great support from Jerry Rawlings in building a strong
women’s movement that became a force to reckon with in women’s affairs in Ghana.
The authors argue that the initial momentum that welcomed the Movement in its
early days died when there was an impasse among the leadership of the Movement.
It was seen more as a political wing of the ruling party instead of a women’s non-­
governmental group for empowerment and development which further affected the
momentum of the Movement after Rawlings left power.
Chapter 13 by Felix Kumah-Abiwu, titled “Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Democratic
Governance, and Jerry Rawlings,” explores the evolution of Ghana’s Fourth
Republic and Jerry Rawlings’ role/legacy in the democratic process since 1992. The
chapter looks at Ghana’s state institutions and other democratic elements in terms
of their successes and challenges in the Fourth Republic. Democratic elements such
as the media, civil society groups, judiciary, political parties, and electoral justice
issues or post-election conflict resolution matters have been examined. While rec-
ognizing some of the flaws that have continued to face Ghana’s democracy, the
chapter argues that former President Rawlings’ contributions to Ghana’s democracy
cannot be overlooked when examining the evolution and consolidation of the coun-
try’s Fourth Republic.
Chapter 14, “Jerry Rawlings’ Leadership, Media, Civil Society, Political Parties
and Ghana’s Democratic Consolidation Process,” by Peter Arthur, provides a good
transition for the discourse on Rawlings’ leadership in Ghana’s Fourth Republic.
The chapter observes that Ghana’s democracy has been a relatively stable one since
the country transitioned to democratic rule in 1992 under Jerry Rawlings with sev-
eral peaceful and competitive presidential and parliamentary elections as well as the
xvi Introduction

alternation in power between the two main political parties. Although remarkable,
the author argues that significant democratic challenges remain. Within the context
of these issues, the chapter draws on the theory of good governance and democratic
consolidation in examining how civil society organizations (CSOs), political par-
ties, and the media are influencing the governance and democratic process in Ghana.
Particularly, the chapter examines the strengths and weaknesses of political parties,
CSOs, and the media as agents of democratic consolidation. The debate on the lead-
ership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings, which has been perceived as playing an instru-
mental role in Ghana’s democratic transition by initiating political reforms in the
early1990s, has also been examined.
In Chap. 15, titled “Complexities of Ghana’s Foreign Policy under Jerry John
Rawlings (1981–2001),” Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Kwame Boafo-Arthur have
explored the complexities of Ghana’s foreign policy under Jerry John Rawlings.
While acknowledging the fact that Rawlings has been part of Ghana’s political land-
scape at three different times, the first being the short period of the Armed Forces
Revolutionary Council (AFRC) regime in 1979, the chapter focuses on his two lon-
ger eras. That is the PNDC era, which lasted from 1981 to 1993, where Rawlings
served as a military leader and Chairman of the PNDC, and the second major era
(1993–2001), where he served two terms as the democratically elected President of
Ghana’s Fourth Republic. To understand the trends and complexities of Ghana’s
foreign policy during the two eras, the chapter draws on the role approach or role
theory of foreign policymaking for the analyses of the chapter with emphasis on the
leadership and legacy of Jerry Rawlings and Ghana’s foreign policy making.
The third part of the book which focuses on the Pan-African perspective of Jerry
Rawlings starts with Chap. 16, titled “Post-Presidency of Jerry Rawlings and the
African Union.” Authored by Timothy Adivilah Balag’kutu, the chapter examines
the legacy of former President Jerry Rawlings’ relationship with the African Union
(AU) and his role as a continental statesman and a Pan-Africanist. Drawing on his
role as AU High Representative to AMISON in Somalia, the author applies Mazrui’s
dichotomous (national-continental) theory of Pan-African greatness to analyze how
Rawlings’ leadership/legacy reflects his commitment to Pan-Africanism. The chap-
ter argues that Rawlings’ militaristic arrival onto the Ghanaian national stage, his
ultra-disciplinarian military rule, and some of the excesses under his revolutionary
stewardship may have overshadowed his leadership and contribution to Ghana’s
development and history. However, for his influence and contribution to develop-
ment on the African continent and Pan-Africanism, Ex-President Rawlings com-
mands overwhelming respect and appeal across Africa.
Chapter 17, “Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, Pan Africanism, Heritage
Tourism and Ghana’s Development,” which is authored by Rachel Ama Asaa
Engmann, provides a good insight into how Flight Lieutenant Rawlings employed
heritage tourism to advance the socio-economic development of Ghana. The chapter
observes that Rawlings attempted to reconcile the neoliberal economic demands of
the World Bank and IMF with his government’s socialist agenda, and one of his key
strategies was to employ heritage associated with Pan-Africanism, the transatlantic
slave trade, and slavery to attract foreign capital investment, uniting Ghanaians,
Introduction xvii

continental Africans, and African diasporans, through the development of heritage

tourism. Drawing on personal interviews conducted with late President Rawlings
for the study, the author adopts a chronological approach to addressing three objec-
tives. First, the chapter introduces the role of heritage and its relationship to nation-
building and nationalist agendas in postcolonial Ghana. Second, it describes
Rawlings’ innovative initiative that capitalized on the commodification of heri-
tage – more specifically, the coastal forts and castles associated with the transatlan-
tic slave trade – for African diasporic consumption. Third, it traces Rawlings’
legacies as each successive Ghanaian government has attempted to build upon its
heritage tourism initiatives to further heritage and development agendas.
Chapter 18, “A Comparative Analysis of Structural Adjustment Programs in
Ghana and Zambia: Policies and Performance” by Chali Nondo and Felix Kumah-­
Abiwu, provides readers with useful knowledge and information on the historical
and contemporary connections between Ghana and Zambia. The chapter traces the
IMF/World Bank’s inspired structural adjustment programs (SAP) that were imple-
mented in both countries in the early 1980s with explanations for the reforms and
their impact on both countries. The chapter engages in a comparative analysis of the
policy reforms in Ghana and Zambia during the 1980s and analyzes their relation to
economic growth and performance. In Ghana, the SAPs were adopted by late for-
mer President Rawlings, while in Zambia, it was implemented under the leadership
of former President Kenneth Kaunda. Both countries launched the SAPs in 1983.
The socio-economic impact on both countries in terms of economic variables such
as per capita GDP, trade openness (net FDI inflows), poverty, and income inequality
have been examined.
In Chap. 19, titled “Pan-African Women Empowerment: Forum for African
Women Educationalists (FAWE)-Ghana Chapter,” Peter Otiato Ojiambo, looks at
Rawlings’ leadership and legacy with respect to gender equality and empowerment,
especially in the field of education in Ghana and Africa. The chapter discusses the
role Rawlings’ leadership played in creating space for leading Ghanaian women
educators to champion gender equality and women empowerment through the
Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE). FAWE is the only Pan-African
non-governmental organization that has for the last three decades strived to promote
girls’ and women’s education in Africa. It strives to ensure that African girls receive
equal education which is vital for the economic, social, and political development
of the continent. The chapter examines the literature on girls/women education in
Ghana/Africa, what FAWE is, how the idea of FAWE came about, its creation, and
FAWE-Ghana Chapter’s work in advancing gender equality and empowerment dur-
ing the Rawlings era.
Finally, in Chap. 20, “Jerry Rawlings, Pan-Africanism, and the African Diaspora,”
Rodney Worrell takes readers into a deeper echelon of the African diaspora’s per-
spective on the leadership/legacy of Jerry Rawlings. The author notes that late for-
mer President Rawlings must be credited for re-establishing Ghana as the epicenter
of Pan-Africanism and for building a close bond with the African diaspora that
seemed to have been marginalized with the rise of continental Pan-Africanism. The
chapter examines the initiatives and policies pursued by President Rawlings which
xviii Introduction

promoted the bonds of Pan-Africanism between Africa and the diaspora. The chap-
ter provides readers with a working definition of the disputed concepts of Pan-­
Africanism and the diaspora. It discusses the period when Ghana was the hub of
Pan-Africanism under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. The author explains the
significance of Rawlings’ efforts in canonizing three giants of Pan-Africanism:
WEB Du Bois, George Padmore, and Kwame Nkrumah which further elevated
Ghana’s image/status as the “mecca” for the African living in the diaspora. Rawlings’
efforts in promoting Pan-African cultural festivals such as PANFEST, Emancipation
Day celebration in Ghana, heritage tourism, and dual citizenship for the diaspora
have been examined.
Endorsement

The edited volume on leadership and the legacy of Ghana’s Jerry J. Rawlings pro-
vides readers with empirically grounded analyses, and interpretively sophisticated
and cogent description of how and why leadership matters in the socio-economic
and political development of Africa. With an array of contributions by Africanist
scholars who have profound knowledge of Ghana’s pioneering role in Pan-
Africanism and the continent’s liberation, this book constitutes a welcome addition
to our understanding of African politics and the challenges of democratic consolida-
tion. The interdisciplinary and comparative approach makes this volume accessible,
and it will be of immense interest not only to scholars in the fields of African Studies,
democratization, governance, and political economy but also policy makers alike.
—Dauda Abubakar, Professor of Political Science & African Studies, University of
Michigan-Flint, USA

Except Kwame Nkrumah (first President), J.J. Rawlings has had tremendous impact
on modern-day Ghanaian living and work conditions. By ruling Ghana three sepa-
rate times, he assumed peculiar roles in Ghana’s history. Equally important, he led
and sustained one of Africa’s and indeed one of the world’s most neo-liberal econo-
mies through IMF-World Bank backing starting in the early 1980s. This book is the
first on the theme of the roles and legacy of Rawlings in the context of Africa’s
leadership and governance, using Pan-Africanist and interdisciplinary approaches.
Thus, the authors do not only situate Rawlings’ impact on Ghana but also in and
outside Ghana and the world. The Ghanaian, African, and world perspectives in this
book make it an important publication on Africa/global politics, governance, and
development.
—Kwamina Panford, Professor Emeritus, Africa/Global Political Economy,
Energy, Natural Resources, and Human Capital. Northeastern University, Boston,
USA, and UENR, Sunyani, Ghana
xx Endorsement

Whereas most studies focus on the role of institutions and how to reform them to
make the state work, the state in Africa has been shaped and remains an arena where
the political leadership and idiosyncratic characteristics of leaders nurture institu-
tional growth and nation building. This book’s incisive and elaborate focus on Jerry
Rawlings’ state-building efforts and intentional democratic leadership in Ghana
provides the needed insights for analyzing and modelling political leadership and
nation-building in Africa. It is highly recommended for politicians, academics and
consultants on African politics and governance.
—Gedion Onyango, Senior Lecturer, University of Nairobi, Kenya

From Chairman Rawlings to President Rawlings, many in Africa and across the
world were enthralled by his personality and leadership style. Beyond the display of
the pivotal issues that will continue to define his legacy, this intelligent volume of
carefully collected chapters vividly projects the man and his message. This repre-
sents an excellent guide.
—Richard Aidoo, Professor, Coastal Carolina University, USA
Contents

Part I Governance and Leadership in Africa

1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa:
A Jerry John Rawlings Perspective��������������������������������������������������������    3
Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu Kwasi Kutor, Elmond Bandauko,
and Godwin Arku
2 
Africa’s Nationalist and Transformational Leaders: A Survey ����������   21
Richmond Danso
3 
One-Party Rule and Military Dictatorship in Africa����������������������������   35
Samuel Kofi Darkwa
4 Kwame Nkrumah, Obafemi Awolowo, and Jerry Rawlings:
Continuity and Change of Political Leadership������������������������������������   49
Olusoji A. Odeyemi
5 On the Question of Governance: Has Africa Seen the Last
of the Coup Years? ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   63
Sabella Ogbobode Abidde

Part II Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s Political Landscape

6 
Jerry Rawlings: An Officer, a Statesman, and a Pan-Africanist ��������   81
Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako and Charles Fredrick Abel
7 Jerry John Rawlings and the Politics of Risky Public Policy
Decisions in Uncertain Times������������������������������������������������������������������   99
Michael Kpessa-Whyte
8 An Assessment of Social Development
Under Jerry John Rawlings�������������������������������������������������������������������� 115
Emmanuel Adugu

xxi
xxii Contents

9 Trajectories and Contrasts of Policymaking

Under Jerry John Rawlings�������������������������������������������������������������������� 137
Rosina Foli
10 Trends in Ghana’s Public Administration
Under Jerry Rawlings������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 151
James Korku Agbodzakey
11 Gender Equality and Women Empowerment
Under the Jerry John Rawlings Government (1981–2001)������������������ 167
Maame Adwoa Gyekye-Jandoh and Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah
12 Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and the 31st December
Women’s Movement�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 183
Cindy Pressley Davis and Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako
13 Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Democratic Governance,
and Jerry Rawlings���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 197
Felix Kumah-Abiwu
14 Jerry Rawlings’ Leadership, Media, Civil Society, Political
Parties and Ghana’s Democratic Consolidation Process �������������������� 213
Peter Arthur
15 Complexities of Ghana’s Foreign Policy Under Jerry
John Rawlings (1981–2001)�������������������������������������������������������������������� 233
Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Kwame Boafo-Arthur

Part III A Pan-African Perspective of Jerry Rawlings

16 
Post-Presidency of Jerry Rawlings and the African Union������������������ 253
Timothy Adivilah Balag’kutu
17 Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, Pan Africanism,
Heritage Tourism and Ghana’s Development �������������������������������������� 271
Rachel Ama Asaa Engmann
18 A Comparative Analysis of the Structural Adjustment
Programs in Ghana and Zambia: Policies and Performance�������������� 289
Chali Nondo and Felix Kumah-Abiwu
19 Pan-African Women Empowerment: Forum for African
Women Educationalists (FAWE)-Ghana Chapter�������������������������������� 311
Peter Otiato Ojiambo
20 
Jerry Rawlings, Pan-Africanism and the African Diaspora���������������� 327
Rodney Worrell

Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 345
List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus.

(Source: Figure designed by authors with ideas
from Dartey-Baah (2014))���������������������������������������������������������������������� 5
Fig. 6.1 Saving the Republic. (Source: Figure designed
by authors with ideas from Gagne (2011)) ������������������������������������������ 83
Fig. 8.1 HDI Trends in Ghana from 1990–2000. (Data sources:
World Bank, UNDP, TheGlobaleconomy,
and Ourworldindata) �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120
Fig. 8.2 Ghana’s GDP per capita, ppp: 1990–2000. (Data sources:
World Bank, UNDP, TheGlobaleconomy,
and Ourworldindata) �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 121
Fig. 8.3 Mobile subscribers per 100 fixed main lines in Ghana:
1995–2004. (Source: ITU, 2004)�������������������������������������������������������� 129
Fig. 10.1 The figure depicts public administration trends during
the Rawlings era���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 162
Fig. 18.1 Net ODA Received in Sub-Saharan Africa (measured
in Billions of dollars) (Source: Figure designed
by the authors with data from the World Bank)���������������������������������� 290
Fig. 18.2 Per capita GDP growth in Ghana, 1970–1993.
(Source: Figure designed by authors based on
World Bank Development indicators data) ���������������������������������������� 294
Fig. 18.3 Ghana’s external debt stock (in millions of dollars), 1
970–1993. (Source: Figure designed by authors based
on World Bank Development indicators data)������������������������������������ 295
Fig. 18.4 Comparison of GDP per capita (2010 U.S. Dollars)
for Zambia, Ghana, Kenya, and China, 1964–1980.
(Source: Figure designed by authors based on
World Bank Development indicators data) ���������������������������������������� 301

xxiii
xxiv List of Figures

Fig. 18.5 Historical prices of copper/MT (US $), 1961–1976.

(Source: Authors’ calculation based on data from
the International Monetary Fund) ������������������������������������������������������ 301
Fig. 18.6 Percent change in GDP per capita (constant 2010 US$)
in Zambia, 1964–1980. (Source: Authors’ calculation
based on data from the International Monetary Fund)������������������������ 303
Fig. 18.7 Zambia’s current account balance, 1970–1992.
(Source: Authors’ design based on World Bank Development
indicators data)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 304
List of Tables

Table 5.1 Number of Military Coups (successful and attempted)

per Sub-region, 1960–2022���������������������������������������������������������������� 71
Table 8.1 HDI trend in Ghana from 1990–2000���������������������������������������������� 120
Table 8.2 Access to telephones in 2000 by world region�������������������������������� 130
Table 8.3 Digital access index for Ghana�������������������������������������������������������� 130
Table 18.1 Macroeconomic indicators in Ghana, 1970–1982���������������������������� 295
Table 18.2 Contribution of copper production to Zambia’s Economy,
1964–1978���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 300
Table 18.3 Selected macroeconomic data for Zambia, 1964–1992 ������������������ 302

xxv
About the Editors

Felix Kumah-Abiwu is an Associate Professor in the Department of Africana

Studies at Kent State University in the United States (US). He is also the Founding
Director of the Center for African Studies at Kent State. He received his PhD in
Political Science from West Virginia University in the US. He also studied at Ohio
University for his graduate degree program in Communication and International
Development. He obtained his BA degree in Political Science from the University
of Ghana and an MA in International Affairs from the Legon Centre for International
Affairs & Diplomacy, University of Ghana, Legon. His research focuses on political
leadership in Africa, foreign policy analysis, elections/democratization, African
security/international relations, narcotics policy, Black males/public education in
the African diaspora, and African-centered theories. In addition to his published
books, scholarly book reviews, encyclopedia entries, and several book chapters, Dr.
Kumah-Abiwu’s scholarly articles have also appeared in the Commonwealth
Journal of International Affairs (The Round Table), Journal of Pan African Studies,
West Africa Review, International Journal of Public Administration, Journal of
Men’s Studies, Urban Education, Journal of Economics/Sustainable Development,
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, and African Security Review.

Sabella Ogbobode Abidde is Professor of Political Science and a member of the

graduate faculty at Alabama State University. He holds an MA in political science
from Minnesota State University Mankato, and a PhD in African studies, world
affairs, public policy and development studies from Howard University. His has
edited books including The Challenges of Refugees and Internally Displaced
Persons in Africa (Springer, 2021); China in Africa: Between Imperialism and
Partnership in Humanitarian Development (Lexington Books, 2020); and Africa,
Latin America, and the Caribbean: The Case for Bilateral and Multilateral
Cooperation (Lexington Books, 2018). Dr. Abidde is a member of the Association
of Global South Studies (AGSS); the Caribbean Studies Association (CSA); the
Latin American Studies Association (LASA); and the African Studies Research
Forum (ASRF).

xxvii
About the Authors

Charles Fredrick Abel holds a JD, MA, and PhD, from Duquesne University and
the University of Maryland respectively. He is Professor of Political Science and
Public Administration at Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches, Texas,
USA. He is the author of Punishment and Restitution, Justice in Public
Administration, Evolutionary Critical Theory, Dependency Theory and the Return
of High Politics, and in Defense of Political Trials. His articles, chapters, and ency-
clopedia entries include a broad range of topics in the fields of administrative jus-
tice, organizational theory, political economy, public law, educational ethics,
political methodology, international political economy, and criminal theory.
Additionally, he has practiced law as both a city and county attorney and is a recent
recipient of The Emerald Literati Award for outstanding authorial contributions.

Emmanuel Adugu PhD is a Research Methodologist and Lecturer in the

Department of Government, Sociology, Social Work, and Psychology at the
University of West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados. He is an Ohio State
University-trained development sociologist and a certified survey research method-
ologist. His research and publication profile focus on climate change in the context
of sustainable development; automation/future of work and social trust; civic
engagement; digital activism; political consumption; and action research designs.
His publications have appeared in several scholarly journals.

James Korku Agbodzakey is Associate Professor of Public Leadership and the

Director of the Urban SERCH Institute at the University of North Texas Dallas. He
earned his PhD in Public Administration from Florida Atlantic University. He also
obtained two graduate degrees in Public Administration and International Affairs
from Ohio University. He earned his Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science
from the University of Ghana. He has worked for governments, private and non-
profit entities in Africa, the U.S., and the Caribbean on various projects. He cham-
pioned public health and sustainable development efforts through his work with the
Florida Atlantic University’s Public Procurement Research Center, Broward
Sheriff’s Office, United Nations, International Monetary Fund/Kelly Services,

xxix
xxx About the Authors

University of The Bahamas, Nova Southeastern University, and Save Lower Volta
Network, among many others. Dr. Agbodzakey served on the Executive Committee
and National Council of the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA),
and as the President of the Conference of Minority Public Administrators (COMPA)
in 2020–2021. His publications have appeared in several scholarly journals.

Eunice Annan-Aggrey is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Environment at the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario, Canada. Her
research interests include international development, the Sustainable Development
Goals, local governance, gender equality, poverty reduction, and environmental
sustainability.

Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako PhD, is a journalist by profession, a former broad-

caster and football commentator with the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation.
Schooled at the Ghana Institute of Journalism, Accra, Ghana, and the University of
North Texas, Denton, Texas. He obtained a bachelor’s degree in journalism and two
master’s degrees in journalism and public administration. He also attended
Mississippi State University for a doctorate in public policy and administration.
Currently, the Chair of the Department of Government and Full Professor of Public
Administration and Political Science at Stephen F. Austin State University,
Nacogdoches, Texas, USA. His primary research focuses on terrorism, traditional
institutions and democracy in Africa, decentralization, affirmative action, and diver-
sity in the public sector. He co-authored a book: Traditional Institutions and Public
Administration in Democratic Africa and co-edited: The Theories of Decentralization
and Local Government: Implementation, Implications, and Realities: A Global
Perspective. He has published in several journals including Political Preferences,
International Social Science Review, Journal of Southwest Council of Latin
American Studies, Journal of African Studies and Development, Administration and
Society among many others.

Godwin Arku is a Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of

Western Ontario, London Ontario, Canada. His research interests span the ‘urban’
and ‘economic’ sub-division of human geography, especially the transformation of
urban systems in a changing global environment. He is also interested in issues of
Third World development, especially in Africa. Professor Arku is also the editor-in-­
chief of the African Geographical Review (AGR).

Peter Arthur is Associate Professor of Political Science and International

Development Studies at Dalhousie University, Canada. His research interests focus
on sub-Saharan Africa, with an emphasis on the contribution of small-scale enter-
prises, disruptive technologies, new regionalism, capacity development, post-­
conflict reconstruction, the governance of oil, and natural resources management.
His works have appeared in edited volumes and journals, including Africa Today,
African Studies Review, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, and Journal of
Contemporary African Studies.
About the Authors xxxi

Timothy A. Balag’kutu is a Lecturer at the Centre for Peace and Security

Research, University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA) in Ghana. He holds a
PhD in Global Governance and Human Security from University of Massachusetts
Boston; two Masters’ degrees in Political Science and International Affairs from
Ohio University; and a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and Swahili from
University of Ghana, Legon. A multidisciplinary researcher/scholar, his research
interests include non-Western international relations theory, African international
relations, peace and security, democracy and democratization, as well as, extractive
and environmental sustainability, with regional expertise in Africa. His work has
appeared in Routledge Handbook of Environmental Conflict and Peacebuilding; A
Research Agenda for Global Environmental Politics; Corporate Social Responsibility
and Canada’s Role in Africa’s Extractive Sectors; The Extractive Industries and
Society; African Studies Quarterly; and Commonwealth and Comparative Politics.

Elmond Bandauko is a PhD Candidate and SSHRC Vanier Scholar in the

Department of Geography and Environment at the University of Western Ontario in
London Ontario, Canada. His research interests include urban transformation in
African cities (gated communities and new cities), smart cities, gender, and urban
development, Urban policy, Housing struggles of the urban poor, and urban infor-
mality in cities of the developing world.

Kwame Boafo-Arthur is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the

University of Ghana, Legon. He holds a BA and MA in Political Science from the
University of Ghana and Carleton University Ottawa respectively. He received his
PhD from the University of Ghana. He is also a Barrister-at-Law and Solicitor of the
Supreme Court of Ghana. He was a former Director of the Legon Centre for
International Affairs and Diplomacy (LECIAD) and a Fulbright African Senior
Research Scholar at UCLA, 1997–98. He has published extensively on Ghana’s
Foreign Policy, Ghanaian Politics, Globalization, Africa’s Political Economy and
Chieftaincy and development among others. He is the editor of Ghana: One Decade
of the Liberal State (Zed London, 2007), Voting for Democracy in Ghana Vols. 1 &
2 (Freedom Publications, Legon, Accra 2006) co-editor of Local Government in
Ghana: Grassroots Participation in the 2002 Local Government Elections (Uniflow,
Accra, 2003) and author of Democracy and Stability in West Africa: The Ghanaian
Experience (DCPR/NAI Uppsala, 2008). He has published in Research Review, the
Journal of Third World Studies, Journal of Asia and African Studies, African Journal
of International Affairs, The Journal of African Policy Studies.

Richmond Danso received his PhD in International Relations and American

Government from the Department of Political Science at Howard University. He
also earned an MPA from Montana State University, Bozeman and an undergradu-
ate degree in Political Science from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and
Technology (KNUST), Ghana. His research focuses on governance, leadership, and
development in Africa. He has taught classes in American government, political sci-
ence, international relations, and Africana studies at Howard University and Trinity
xxxii About the Authors

Washington University. His writings have appeared in Bertelsmann Foundation’s

Transformation Index (BTI) and the Washington Post. He is also a regular guest on
different local and international TV programs including Voice of America’s Straight
Talk Africa and Africa 54 where he discusses issues relating to Africa’s develop-
ment and governance.

Samuel Kofi Darkwa is the Director of Governance and Administration at the

Institute of Economic Affairs, Ghana (IEA-Ghana). He received his MA and PhD in
Political Science from West Virginia University. He also has MA in Linguistics and
Literature from the University of Wisconsin, Madison as well as a BA in Political
Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research interest focuses on elec-
toral politics and democratization, public policy and administration, political com-
munication, comparative foreign policy, international development, and African
Diaspora. Dr. Darkwa has several scholarly publications, including articles and
book chapters. His recent work (book chapter) with his colleagues on the “Historical
Perspectives of Policymaking and Administration in Africa” has appeared in the
Routledge Handbook of Public Policy in Africa. He has also written book reviews
published by the African Studies Quarterly.

Cindy Pressley Davis PhD, is Associate Professor of Public Administration and

Director of the Master of Public Administration program at Stephen F Austin State
University, Nacogdoches, Texas, USA. She received her PhD in Public
Administration at Florida Atlantic University in 2008, her Juris Doctor from the
T.C. Williams School of Law at the University of Richmond, Virginia in 2001, and
a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Florida in 1998. She
has published in a variety of outlets including journals Administrative Theory &
Praxis, International Journal of Organization Theory and Behavior, PS: Political
Science & Politics, and edited volumes including Toward a More Livable World:
Social Dimensions of Sustainability and Civic Education in the Twenty-First
Century: A Multidimensional Inquiry. Primary research interests include the socio-­
cultural dimensions of public administration and policy, environmental justice, and
diversity in the public sector.

Rachel Ama Asaa Engmann is an Associate Professor and Director of the

Christiansborg Archaeological Heritage Project (www.christiansborgarchaeologic-
alheritageproject.org). She holds a PhD in archaeology from Stanford University
(US). She is particularly interested in decolonizing approaches to archaeological
heritage praxis. Dr. Engmann’s publications have appeared in several scholarly
journals.

Rosina Foli is a Senior Lecturer in the Political Science Department of the

University of Ghana. She obtained her doctorate from the Johnson Shoyama
Graduate School of Public Policy, University of Saskatchewan. She also taught
briefly in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Saskatchewan.
Her research interests include the social policy in developing countries, governance,
About the Authors xxxiii

and poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa, ideational factors in policy making,

and transnational policy processes in the context of national policymaking. Besides
her contribution to book chapters, her work has appeared in the following journals:
Global Social Policy, Policy and Society, and Poverty and Public Policy.

Maame Adwoa Gyekye-Jandoh is a Senior Lecturer and former head of the

Department of Political Science at the University of Ghana, Legon. She received a
Bachelor of Political Science (Honors) with Sociology from the University of
Ghana, and MA (Comparative Politics and American Politics) and PhD degrees in
Political Science (Comparative Politics) from Temple University in Philadelphia,
PA, USA. She was a postdoctoral fellow at The Amsterdam School for Social
Science Research from January 2009 to December 2012 and consulted for the
KONRAD-Adenauer Foundation, Ghana Parliamentary Service Board, and the
Centre for Gender Studies and Advocacy, University of Ghana (CEGENSA) among
others. Her current research interests include democratic prospects in Africa; elec-
toral politics/democratic consolidation in Ghana; ethnicity/democracy in Africa;
civil society and political extremism; gender dimensions of policymaking; and
obstacles to women’s participation in politics in Africa. She has published in schol-
arly journals such as the Contemporary Journal of African Studies, the Ghana
Social Science Journal, Legon Journal of the Humanities, Springer Nature, and the
African Journal of Democracy and Governance, as well as chapters in edited books
published by Palgrave Macmillan, Springer, and CODESRIA.

Michael Kpessa-Whyte is a Political Scientist by profession. He holds a PhD

from McMaster University, Ontario, Canada, and currently works as a Senior
Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon.
Between 2013 and 2017 he served as a Policy Advisor at the Office of the President
of the Republic of Ghana, and also an Executive Director of the National Service
Scheme. His research is broadly in the areas of public social policy, political behav-
ior, institutional theory, and electoral politics. He is presently a co-Principal
Investigator in an Open Society Foundation funded Pan African research project
known as the Gender Equitable and Transformative Social Policy in Post-Covid
Africa (GETSPA). Dr. Kpessa-Whyte is an activist intellectual with a regular voice
in the media on issues of social justice, democracy, civic responsibility, electoral
reforms, inclusive development, and nation-building in Ghana and Africa and also
the coordinator of the PhD program at the Institute of African Studies.

Senanu Kwasi Kutor is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Geography and

Environment at the University of Western Ontario, London, Canada. His research
interests span transnationalism, geographies of wisdom, immigration and wellbe-
ing, migration, immigrants’ integration, and urban informality in cities of the devel-
oping world.

Chali Nondo is Associate Professor of Economics and Chair of the Business

Administration Department in the College of Business at Jackson State University.
xxxiv About the Authors

He holds a PhD in Natural Resource Economics from West Virginia University and
an MBA from the California University of Pennsylvania. His research focuses
on environmental and resource economics, energy economics, economic develop-
ment, efficiency and productivity growth, and applied econometrics. His research
work has appeared in peer-reviewed journals such as the Journal of Energy
Economics, Journal of Applied Economics, African Journal of Economic and
Sustainable Development, and Energy Development, among others. He has also
contributed a book chapter to the collective volume: Econometric Methods for
Analyzing Development and is the lead author of the book titled, Environmental
Regulations and Economic Growth.

Olusoji A. Odeyemi teaches in the Department of Political Science at Upland

College of Education. He has held a previous appointment as a lecturer in the
College of Social Science of Wesley University, Ondo, Nigeria where he taught
courses in Political Science and International Relations. He received his higher edu-
cation at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria where he obtained a Master of
International Relations. His area of interest is foreign policy analysis, Nigeria’s for-
eign policy, and African politics. His research activities have led to several publica-
tions in scholarly journals, book chapters, and presentations at conferences in
Nigeria and Europe.

Peter Otiato Ojiambo is an Associate Professor, Department of African and

African American Studies, University of Kansas, USA. He holds a Bachelor of
Education degree specializing in Kiswahili and Religious Studies, a Master of
Philosophy degree in Sociology of Education from Moi University, Kenya; a Master
of Arts degree in International Affairs focusing on African Studies; and a PhD in
Educational Studies from Ohio University. Before joining the University of Kansas,
he taught at Ohio University and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
His fields of teaching, research, and publication include African-centered educa-
tional biographies; comparative/international education; educational leadership;
non-Western educational thought; educational administration; and curriculum. His
recent book publications are: Kenyan Youth Education in Colonial and Post-colonial
Times: Joseph Kamiru Gikubu’s Impact (Palgrave, 2017) and Erasing Invisibility,
Inequity and Social Injustice of Africans in the Diaspora and the Continent
(Cambridge Scholars, 2017).

Rodney Worrell is a Lecturer and the Coordinator of Caribbean Civilization in the

Department of History & Philosophy at The University of the West Indies, Cave Hill
Campus, Barbados. Worrell is the author of George Padmore’s Black
Internationalism, Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the
Major Pan-African Formations in Barbados. He has co-authored with Horace
Campbell, Pan-Africanism, Pan-Africanists, and African Liberation Struggles in the
21st Century. Worrell is presently completing Pan-African Thought and Action in
Barbados since 1919. He has extensively published on Pan-Africanism. Worrell is
About the Authors xxxv

also a Pan-African activist and has been a member of the Government of Barbados
Task Force on Reparations since 2013.

Ivy-Chara Owusuaa Yeboah is a Graduate Teaching and Research Assistant at

the Political Science Department of the University of Ghana, Legon. She received
an MPhil in Political Science from the University of Ghana, with a thesis titled:
Ghana and the Bretton Woods Institutions: The Political Economy of Revenue
Administration Reforms, 1983–2009. Her research interests are in gender studies,
international feminism, African agency, and international financial institutions. She
is poised to enroll in the PhD program in Political Science at the University of Ghana.
Abbreviations

ACEP African Centre for Energy Policy

AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
AG Action Group
AMISON African Union Mission in Somalia
APARC African Presidential Archives and Research Centre
ARPB Association of Recognized Professional Bodies
ARPCT Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter Terrorism
AU African Union
AUC African Union Commission
AUHLR African Union High Level Representative
AWAG All Women Association of Ghana
BDPA Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action
CAP Common African Position
CDD Centre for Democratic Development
CDRs Committees for the Defense of the Revolutions
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
Against Women
CEPA Centre for Policy Analysis
CESA Continental Education Strategy for Africa
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CNN Cable News Network
CPA Center for Policy Alternatives
CPP Convention Peoples’ Party
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
CSO Civil Society Organizations
CSOs Civil Society Organizations
CSPIP Civil Service Performance Improvement Programme
CSRP Civil Service Reform Programme
DAE Donors to African Education
DAI Digital Access Index
DAs District Assemblies

xxxvii
xxxviii Abbreviations

DWM December 31st Women’s Movement

EC Electoral Commission
ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
EFA Education for All
ERP Economic Recovery Program
EU European Nations
FAWE Forum of African Women Educationalists
FEGAWO Federation of Ghanaian Women
FEMNET African Women’s Development and Communication Network
FM Frequency Modulation
GBA Ghana Bar Association
GCC Ghana Chamber of Commerce
GCPPA Ghana Printers and Paper Converters Association
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEA Ghana Employers Association
GET Fund Ghana Educational Trust Fund
GIB Ghana Institute of Bankers
GMA Ghana Medical Association
GMMB Ghana Museums and Monuments Board
GNMA Ghana National Manufacturers Association
GPRTU Ghana Private Road Transport Union
GTA Ghana Timber Association
GTA Ghana Tourism Association
GTMO Ghana Timber Millers Organization
HDI Human Development Index
ICT Information and Communications Technologies
IDC Information and Documentation Center
IDEG Institute for Democratic Governance
IEA Institute of Economic Affairs
IMF International Monetary Fund
INEC Interim National Electoral Commission
ISODEC Integrated Social Development Centre
ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research
ITC Information Technology Center
ITU International Telecommunications Union
JFM June Fourth Movement
JJ Jerry John/Junior Jesus
JRJ James Ramsay John
LTA Leadership Trait Analysis
LTC Leadership Training Center
MDGS Millennium Development Goals
MFJ Movement for Freedom and Justice
MLGRD Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development
NCCE National Commission for Civic Education
Abbreviations xxxix

NCD National Commission on Democracy

NCGW National Council of Ghanaian Women
NCP National Convention Party
NCWD National Council for Women and Development
NDC National Democratic Congress
NDM New Democratic Movement
NGO Non-Governmental Organizations
NIP National Independence Party
NIRP National Institutional Renewal Program
NLC National Liberation Council
NPP New Patriotic Party
NRC National Reconciliation Commission
NRC National Redemption Council
NRCs National Role Conceptions
NUGS National Union of Ghanaian Students
OAU Organization of African Unity
ODA Official Development Assistance
ODA Overseas Development Administration
OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
PA Public Administration
PAMSCAD Program of Action to Mitigate the Social Costs of Adjustment
PANAFEST Pan African Historical Theatre Festival
PDCs People’s Defense Committees
PJCC Permanent Joint Commission for Cooperation
PNDC Provisional National Defense Council
PNP People’s National Party
PP Progress Party
SAPs Structural Adjustment Programs
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
SMC Supreme Military Council
SSA Sub-Saharan Africa
SSNIT Social Security and National Insurance Trust
TUC Trades Union Congress
UDI Southern Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence
UGCC United Gold Coast Convention
UN United Nations
UNAMIR United Nations Mission for Rwanda
UNAMSIL United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFPA United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNIA United Negro Improvement Association
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIP United National Independence Party
USA United States of America
UTAG University Teachers’ Association of Ghana
xl Abbreviations

VOIP Voice Over Internet Protocol

VSAT Very Small Aperture Satellite Terminal
WA West Africa
WANS West African National Secretariat
WASU West African Students Union
WB World Bank
WDCs Worker’s Defense Committees
WID Women in Development
WSC World Summit for Children
 Part I
Governance and Leadership in Africa
Chapter 1
Leadership-Institutions-Development
Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings
Perspective

Eunice Annan-Aggrey, Senanu Kwasi Kutor, Elmond Bandauko,

and Godwin Arku

Introduction

Africa’s socio-economic development in relation to other parts of the world is a

topical issue that has received scholarly attention over several decades.
Notwithstanding the theoretical lens one deploys to interrogate this old-age puzzle,
Bhattacharyya (2009) argues that it is an established fact that Africa is lagging behind
the rest of the world with respect to economic and social wellbeing. More recently,
a review of progress on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
indicates that progress is significantly low in Africa (Annan-Aggrey et al., 2021).
Thus, a question that remains is: What are the fundamental drivers of Africa’s cur-
rent state of under-development? Is it poor leadership, the history of slave trade and
colonialism, weak institutions, or the nature of its geographic environment? Existing
literature provides varying explanations for Africa’s low level of development,
including management ineptitude (Kamoche, 1997), restricted attention to private
enterprise development (Fafchamps et al., 2001), poor governance (Nwankwo &
Richards, 2001) and limited staff motivation (Okpara, 2007).
This chapter follows the argument of scholars such as Afegbua and Adejuwon
(2012) who argue that Africa’s development challenges such as food insecurity and
poor economic growth are a result of the continent’s poor leadership and weak insti-
tutions. Evidence from different African countries, including Ghana and Botswana,
demonstrates that the character of leadership and the state of public institutions
matter for development (Nzau, 2011). Arguably, African countries which have ben-
efited from enlightened leadership over time have experienced positive gains in
development, while those which have not had strong leadership continue to

E. Annan-Aggrey (*) · S. K. Kutor · E. Bandauko · G. Arku

Department of Geography & Environment, University of Western Ontario,
London, ON, Canada
e-mail: eannanag@uwo.ca

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 3

Switzerland AG 2022
F. Kumah-Abiwu, S. O. Abidde (eds.), Jerry John Rawlings,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14667-1_1
4 E. Annan-Aggrey et al.

experience underdevelopment with political instability, institutional fragility and

weak democratic governance. The chapter aligns with the notion that the type of
leadership prevalent in any society determines what that society becomes, implying
that agile and progressive leadership results in thriving societies while poor leader-
ship produces slow progress and underdevelopment (Agulanna, 2006). We argue
that leadership in Africa must not be examined in isolation because it is the nature
of leadership that can build or destroy institutions which have significant implica-
tions for development at different levels. Therefore, the chapter is framed within the
leadership, institutions, and development nexus. Specifically, the chapter conceptu-
alizes leadership to mean political leadership as defined by Van Wyk (2007, p. 5) as
“the primary holders, controllers and distributors of power and resources in a par-
ticular institution (i.e., institutional power) and/or territory (i.e., geo-political
power). This includes leaders who gained power through the ballot, and those who
gained power by bullets, including, warlords, vigilante and rebel leaders.”
Furthermore, this chapter emphasizes the multidimensionality of development, and
defines development as social change that allows people to achieve their human
potential in all aspects of life, including, economic, political, social, educational
and health.
Given that the future of Africa depends to a large extent on a sound understand-
ing of how leadership shapes development in different sectors of the economy, this
chapter discusses the leadership and legacy of Jerry John Rawlings (hereafter
Rawlings) and the impact of his tenure on institutional development in Ghana and
Africa, and highlights some of the successes and gaps in his leadership approach.
The chapter seeks to answer the following questions: What are the lessons from
Rawlings’ ideologies for institutional development and good governance in Africa?
In what ways did the leadership of Rawlings contribute to development or underde-
velopment in Ghana, Africa and beyond? Did his legacy impact institutional devel-
opment in Ghana, Africa and beyond? We demonstrate that despite mixed
perspectives on Rawlings’ leadership style, his legacies and ideologies influenced
institutions and development and offer relevant lessons for Africa. The rest of the
chapter is structured as follows. We start by giving an overview of the leadership-­
institutions-­development nexus in Africa. This is followed by a discussion on the
emergence of Rawlings on the political arena and the implications of his ideologies
and leadership approaches on institutional development in Ghana, Africa and
beyond. We then tease out lessons to support contemporary leadership and facilitate
leadership renewal in Africa.

 npacking the Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus:

U
A Theoretical Perspective

The nexus between leadership, institutions and development is well acknowledged

in literature. This is so because effective leadership translates into prudent public
policy formulation and implementation, as well as good public service delivery, to
1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings… 5

meet the needs and aspirations of citizens (Dartey-Baah, 2014; Ohiorhenuan, 2019).
Leadership is a key element in solving development problems. Hence, effective
leaders create visions, set strategic goals and inspire the citizenry to achieve these
goals. Keohane (2005) reiterates that the core of leadership lies in providing or sug-
gesting solutions and mobilizing the energies of members of a group to act together
toward achieving collective goals.
Figure 1.1 illustrates the impact of two leadership styles on development out-
comes. The first leadership style is one built on a desire to get a particular job done
and make a living while the second one is built on an individual’s need for meaning.
The former results in poverty and undermines development due to policy failures.
Additionally, the lack of trust in leadership and incompetence in dealing with
changes that arise from the external environment in the areas of technology, eco-
nomic transformations and politics further impede development (Dartey-Baah,
2014). The alternative approach is a leadership style that is concerned with effective
management of public resources, and is visionary, ethical, without compromising
human values and principles. This leadership style is motivated by a vision to
achieve goals amid changing environmental factors. It reflects the characteristics of

Fig. 1.1 Leadership-institutions-development nexus. (Source: Figure designed by authors with

ideas from Dartey-Baah (2014))
6 E. Annan-Aggrey et al.

the transformational leadership style. This kind of leadership coupled with coordi-
nation and participation of all stakeholders leads to improvement in economic effi-
ciency and social cohesion (Dartey-Baah, 2014).
Given its history, the successful implementation of development policies in
Africa is hinged on effective leadership, that possess a clear vision for the desired
outcomes and pathways for progress. Responsive and responsible leadership in turn
builds capable institutions to foster good governance and promote accountability
and transparency, in order to address poverty and inequality. The strategic vision of
a country’s leadership, translated into long-term national plans and development
strategies, can help mobilize resources and build strategic partnerships among all
actors (civil society, NGOs, private sector, and international organizations). Strong
institutions are basically connected to organizations, rules, laws and policies and
administrative practices that are resilient to corruption, foster transparency and
accountability and are designed to effectively respond to the needs of citizens.
Effective leadership and strong institutions are thus key levers for mobilizing
resources, galvanizing actions and sustaining broader coalitions and alliances
towards the attainment of SDG targets.
When leaders are driven by the desire to serve their people, they ensure that the
needs of marginalized groups are mainstreamed in development policies. This
approach contributes to strengthening institutions such as decentralized governance
structures to be able to respond to the identified needs of the citizenry (Awortwi,
2016). Successful leadership therefore broadens participation and accountability
and promotes social cohesion. Strong institutions help to diffuse power so that spe-
cific individuals do not wield all the authority, and this enhances accountability and
transparency. Effective leadership and strong institutions working together thus
facilitate policy coherence and coordination and ensure that actions at all levels of
government are fully aligned to pursue broader development objectives.

 eadership, Institutions and Development in Africa:

L
An Overview

The question then is: how does the leadership-institutions-development nexus mani-
fest in African countries? Political science and public administration scholars have
argued that Africa’s poor economic development despite its vast wealth of resources
is the direct result of weak leadership and poorly resourced public institutions
(Ochola, 2007; Everest-Philips, 2012). For a long time, the World Bank, International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international development organizations have
highlighted that Africa’s inability to meet its developmental aspirations reflects
weak leadership and poor institutional structures to hold political officials account-
able for their actions. Fundamentally, the crisis of Africa’s development has been
linked to the ‘crisis of its institutions.’ It is plausible that “good” institutions are the
critical factor in dealing with development challenges such as poverty, inequality
and limited access to public services (Birdsall, 2007). Countries without strong
1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings… 7

political, economic, and social institutions that adapt to new constraints and oppor-
tunities are highly vulnerable to internal and external shocks. For example, highly
fragile states like South Sudan, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and
Somalia among others have virtually weak or collapsed institutions that struggle to
provide basic services to citizens. Many institutions in Africa are underdeveloped
(Luiz, 2009) and ineffective in executing their mandate such as peace building and
conflict resolution, investment promotion and infrastructure development. Several
factors, including political interference account for these deficiencies. For instance,
when the appointment of key officials is politically influenced, it results in the selec-
tion of incompetent individuals resulting in many situations of ‘square pegs in round
holes’ evident across the continent. Consequently, many African institutions lack
capacity which in turn leads to poor delivery of public services and sub-standard
infrastructure (Luiz, 2009).
Leaders in Africa have largely struggled to build, support and sustain strong
institutions at different levels. Leadership in Africa is seriously plagued with issues
of corruption and unaccountable governance. Arguably, undemocratic values, poor
governance and corruption are the most important systemic factors that continue to
weaken public institutions in most African countries (Mudacumura & Morçöl,
2014). Political economy theorists argue that post-independence elites in Africa
have largely entrenched their own interests, with control of the state and its resources
becoming the primary purpose of political contestation (van Wyk, 2007). Corruption
for instance siphons millions of dollars, thereby undermining service delivery
capacity of public institutions (Birdsall, 2007; Mbaku, 2010). Institutional fragmen-
tation and bloated bureaucracies, among other issues plaguing governance, often
translate into missed opportunities, inefficiencies, waste and delays. The concept of
checks and balances remains abstract which has left leaders to treat nations as their
own property (Bojang, 2017). This has further weakened bureaucratic institutions
for proper accountability and hence massive corruption, especially at the national
level. As the core institutional foundations in African countries become weak, pub-
lic financial resources are misappropriated and policies and programs aimed at fos-
tering transformative change are undermined. Regrettably, this creates precarious
conditions where citizens are haunted by poverty, inequality and inadequate access
to basic services.
In unpacking the leadership-institutions-development nexus, we need to be care-
ful not to simply reduce the complex drivers of Africa’s underdevelopment to mere
institutional inadequacies while neglecting more direct interventions in areas such
as health, education, poor infrastructure, war and conflicts among other challenges.
Whilst good institutions would certainly make these interventions more successful,
we need to realize that they are a means to an end rather than an end in itself. This
chapter illustrates Rawlings ideologies and leadership approaches to governance
and institutional development in Ghana, Africa and beyond. The next section con-
textualizes Rawlings ideology within the framework of the leadership-institutions-­
development nexus. This is critical because a leader’s ideological position invariably
has the likelihood of facilitating or impeding institutional development, and devel-
opment in general.
8 E. Annan-Aggrey et al.

 awlings’ Ideologies and Implications for Governance

R
and Institutional Development in Ghana

A political ideology refers to traditions, beliefs and philosophies of political parties

(Wayo-Seini, 2006). In the case of Rawlings, his ideologies impacted development
during his tenure and continue to be relevant to date. Rawlings came into power as
a military officer and retired from political leadership as a democratically elected
President. Other African leaders like Yahya Jammeh of Gambia and Gnassigbe
Eyadema of Togo also ruled as both a military and democratically elected leaders
(Ndulu et al., 2008). However, Rawlings had unique leadership traits which had
significant footprints on institutional development, governance and development in
Ghana and the African continent. His leadership ideologies and philosophies are
explained in detail in the next sections.
One of the guiding principles of Rawlings’ leadership was his belief in ‘power to
the people’–a slogan that made Rawlings and the Armed Forces Revolutionary
Council (AFRC) distinct from the previous military administrations in Ghana.
Arguably, the previous military governments espoused the importance of vesting
power in the military, while Rawlings recognized the essence of citizens having a
say in the administration of the country. This chapter, therefore, contends that
Rawlings acknowledged the value of democracy, even during his days in military
uniform. In line with this belief, Rawlings ceded off power to Dr. Hilla Limann
through a democratically conducted election in 1979. Although he took over the
reins of the country again through a military coup in 1981, he eventually transi-
tioned the country into democratic governance in 1992.
Rawlings supervised multi-party elections in 1992, 1996 and 2000. He contested
as a candidate in 1992 and 1996 and won both. Like most other elections in Africa,
some critics accused his National Democratic Congress (NDC) election victories as
fictitious (see Jeffries, 1998). Other scholars, however, emphasize that the fact that
Rawlings’ military administration permitted the electoral process and constitutional
rule to materialize with representation from the opposition, epitomizes how far
political development has penetrated the political landscape of Ghana (Onadipe,
1997; Gyimah-Boadi, 1994). The return to democratic governance garnered several
benefits in support of Ghana’s development, such as political stability and the rule
of law with positive repercussions for socio-economic development. Specifically,
due to political stability as a result of Ghana’s transition into a democratic dispensa-
tion, the ease of doing business has been favorable, which culminated in an increase
in foreign direct investment and contributed to overall economic prosperity over the
past years.
Notwithstanding the democratic principles upheld by Rawlings, allegations of
his hostility to civil societies cast some level of indictment on his legacy. This is
because a healthy civil society is considered an essential vehicle for democracy to
flourish. Indeed, a vibrant civil society is widely held as both a prerequisite and an
indicator of good governance (see McGough, 1999; Roy, 2008). Therefore, evi-
dence provided by scholars like Atibil (2012) who contends that his regime
1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings… 9

metamorphosed from being profoundly hostile to the elite components of the civil
society to becoming dictatorial of the opposition during his military and civilian
regime, respectively, highlight a significant flaw in his legacy. Some available evi-
dence suggests that any opposing views and criticisms of the Rawlings regime’s
policies were consistently arrested and detained (Emiljanowicz & Ibhawoh, 2021).
It can be argued that this setback identified in Rawlings’ regime reflects a common
leadership challenge in Africa which relates to the lack of leadership competence.
Failure to admit and deal with their own inadequacies makes leaders antagonistic
and hostile to any individuals or groups who identify any lapses in their administra-
tion. However, without effective whistleblowers and critics leaders may pursue poli-
cies that appear appropriate to them but may not inure to the benefit of the larger
public, especially, vulnerable groups.
Nevertheless, the impact of Ghana’s return to constitutional rule resonated across
the continent. To date, several African countries perceive Ghana as a beacon of
hope, given that the country returned to constitutional rule after several years of
political upheavals in the 1970s and 1980s. For instance, in 1999, Ghana’s young
democracy was an inspiration to her neighbour, Nigeria, as the latter was negotiat-
ing political transition from military rule to multiparty democracy. The eventual
election of Olusegun Obasanjo as president was in line with the model set by Ghana.
Other African countries followed the example of Ghana to embrace democracy.
Thus, the continent of Africa has witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of
procedural democracies since the 1990s (Burchard, 2014). Ghana continues to serve
as a model for political reform and to-date, political leaders across Africa continue
to learn from Ghana’s democratic experience. For instance, a delegation of parlia-
mentarians from Uganda and Zimbabwe visited Ghana’s parliament in November
2021 to learn how to build a strong, effective, and credible opposition in parliament
(TND News, 2021). Rawlings’ ideology of ‘power to the people’ therefore contin-
ues to be relevant for promoting pan-African development and offers several useful
lessons for contemporary African leaders, including, the need for commitment to
democratic tenets as well as the importance of a leader’s intellectual humility to
accept policies that promote development. As shown in Fig. 1.1, Rawlings’s leader-
ship style was transformative as he enabled public institutions to develop, thrive and
to embody the aspirations of the citizenry.
Another noteworthy tenet of Rawlings leadership is the premium he placed on
probity, accountability, integrity, and transparency. Indeed, the justification the
AFRC provided for the overthrow of the interim military government of General
Akuffo in 1979 included the objective to restore the ideals of honesty, accountabil-
ity, and political integrity (Hansen, 2013). Among the reasons provided for the coup
d’état was the accusation that criminals had become respectable people, thus,
Rawlings aimed to halt the misappropriation of state resources and to right the
wrongs of the past regimes (Brenya et al., 2015). Analysts like Adedeji (2001)
observes that the principle of accountability was one of the driving factors for the
‘second coming’ of Rawlings when he toppled President Limann’s administration
in 1981. Rawlings’ come-back seemed to be in response to the caution he gave to
President Limann during his inauguration that he would be watching him closely.
10 E. Annan-Aggrey et al.

The principles of probity, accountability, integrity, and transparency also anchored

the democratic dispensation of Rawlings.
However, the extent to which Rawlings practicalized these principles for the ben-
efit of the entire Ghanaian populace is debatable. While one school of thought
believes that Rawlings’ espousal of these principles is mere rhetoric, others hold the
view that Rawlings lived and practicalized these principles in the governance pro-
cess (see Adedeji, 2001; Jeffries & Thomas, 1993). His critics cite numerous allega-
tions of corruption and fund embezzlement levelled against his regime and argue
that Rawlings disappointed Ghanaians who reposed trust in him to fight against
corruption given his socialist orientations which identified with the marginalized
and oppressed in society (Brenya et al., 2015). Additionally, reports of his inability
to prosecute corrupt officials in his government were inconsistent with his emphasis
on the importance of accountability by public office holders. Arguments in favor of
Rawlings however highlight the gains experienced because of his ‘house-cleaning’
efforts which facilitated access to basic commodities by a wider section of the pub-
lic (Adedeji, 2001). Nonetheless, others also hold the view that the efforts to opera-
tionalize the values of probity and accountability amounted to the abuse of human
rights, for example in the case of public officials who were sentenced without trial
(Crocker, 2019; Osam, 2008). Indeed, abuse of human rights under Rawlings is one
of the most discussed flaws associated with his administration and leadership style.
Human rights abuses under the PNDC era, including, torture, detention, and seizure
of property traumatized society and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and sus-
picion (Attafuah, 2004; Oquaye, 1995). This situation aligns with the observation
that many leaders in Africa stumble into leadership unprepared and learn on the job
(Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). However, while leaders experiment and negotiate the
learning curve, they commit some mistakes and blunders that are difficult to reverse.
In the case of Rawlings, the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) in 2011
uncovered several human rights abuses and their long-lasting impact on various
institutions and individuals (Emiljanowicz & Ibhawoh, 2021). These revelations
contradict the latter image of the Rawlings as the promoter of human rights, espe-
cially, from a socioeconomic standpoint (Jeffries & Thomas, 1993).
Irrespective of the debate, the principles of probity, accountability, integrity, and
transparency have governance implications for political leadership in Ghana, Africa
and beyond. First, these principles are critical for good governance. When public
officials and government office bearers are accountable for and honest about their
actions, it curbs corrupt practices and inures to good governance. Second, these
principles anchor public administration in any democratic dispensation. Given that
the values of integrity and accountability serve as the foundation for public admin-
istration, public officials should uphold and adhere to them, when serving the gen-
eral welfare (Matsiliza & Zonke, 2017). Upholding probity and accountability is
thus essential for strengthening institutions. Indeed, corruption is the antithesis of
accountability (Appau & Anku-Tsede, 2015). This is because the phenomenon of
corruption, both administrative and political breeds in an environment of opacity,
dishonesty, and a lack of accountability. Hence, the absence of accountability and
1 Leadership-Institutions-Development Nexus in Africa: A Jerry John Rawlings… 11

integrity incentivizes corruption to flourish in any society, including a democratic

environment.
Therefore, it is imperative for contemporary leaders on the African continent to
cherish and entrench these values in the governance process including in institu-
tional frameworks to curb corruption and ensure effective utilization and manage-
ment of public resources. Another tenet of Rawlings’ leadership with continuing
relevance for contemporary leadership in Africa is his pragmatic approach. In the
current epoch where societies are faced with several governance challenges,
Rawlings’ ideology of pragmatism has ramifications for good governance in Africa.
Several scholars have labelled Rawlings as a pragmatic leader. Colton (2020), for
instance, notes that although Rawlings was radical, he was equally a pragmatist. As
an illustration, he once said “we can no longer postpone the time for halting the
populist nonsense … we must not get into the way of thinking that revolutionary
activities are substitutes for productive work” (cited in Boafo-Arthur, 1999: 84).
This excerpt demonstrates Rawlings’ practical approach to issues affecting ordi-
nary people.
The pragmatic posturing of Rawlings’ was evident in his leadership during the
Economic Recovery Program (ERPs) in the 1980s. This is because Rawlings’ gov-
ernment was initially opposed to an International Monetary Fund (IMF)/World
Bank agreement, and thus invested significant time in search of feasible alternatives.
However, upon realizing that the IMF alternative was the most viable option to pur-
sue at the time, Rawlings’ government, under a committee headed by his finance
minister Kwesi Botchwey, outlined and submitted a four-year ERP to the IMF in
1983 (Adedeji, 2001). Economic analysts like Leith and Lofchie (1991) assert that
among factors that caused the Rawlings government to proceed with the Structural
Adjustment Program (SAP) was the fact that several of Ghana’s domestic prices,
including those paid by government agencies had risen, reflecting a shortage in
foreign exchange. This implies that the most practical decision at the time was what
Rawlings made: to adopt the ERPs. This chapter therefore aligns with Kumah-­
Abiwu (2016, p. 307) argument that Rawlings’ decision demonstrated “flexibility of
thought to shift his ideological stand in order to secure the needed assistance for the
country.”
Notwithstanding these positive commendations of the SAPs, the recovery pro-
grams also brought some hardships to sections of the Ghanaian populace. Higher
prices through devaluations of the national currency, abrupt abolishment of subsi-
dies, introduction of user-fees for education and medical services, and reduction in
employment in the public sector impacted urban consumers (Harvey, 1991). The
implementation of the SAPs had differential impacts on specific institutions. For
example, while the education and health sectors experienced a significant reduction
in subsidies resulting in inequalities in service delivery; the mining sector experi-
enced a boost with the introduction of foreign direct investment through the drive
for privatisation. Among the citizenry, mixed perceptions on the impact of the SAPs
hold. For instance, some assert that the SAPs benefitted commercial farmers and
landowners who engaged the services of wageworkers to maintain and harvest
cocoa and related export tree crops (Harvey, 1991). Others opine that policies such
Another random document with
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75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE, MODEL OF 1897 MI(FRENCH).
LONGITUDINAL SECTION
 75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE
MODEL OF 1897 MI FRENCH
REAR VIEW
 75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE
MODEL OF 1897 MI(FRENCH)
LEFT SIDE
 75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE
MODEL OF 1897 MI(FRENCH)
RIGHT SIDE
 75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE
MODEL OF 1897 MI(FRENCH)
PLAN VIEW

The principal parts of the carriage are: trail, axle, wheels, brakes,
shields, angle of site elevating mechanism, range elevating
mechanism, traversing mechanism, rocker, cradle and sights.
When traveling or resting, the tube rests on the cradle which
supports it by means of the jacket. When firing, it recoils on the
cradle by means of the rollers. The jacket has two pairs of rollers,
and the muzzle hoop is provided with a single pair of rollers. On the
upper part of the cradle are the lower slides, on which the jacket
rollers, supporting the tube, roll during the recoil. When the jacket
rollers are about to leave the lower slides, the muzzle rollers come
under the upper slides; the tube is then supported until the end of the
recoil by the muzzle rollers and the more forward of the two pairs of
jacket rollers. This device gives the gun a long recoil upon short
slides. Inclined planes are used in such a manner that when the gun
returns into battery the rollers rise from the lower slides thereby
relieving the slides from the weight of the tube when the tube is in
the traveling position.
The carriage supports the cradle which in turn supports the tube.
The cradle and the tube together are displaced, during the laying for
elevation with respect to the carriage which remains stationary. The
carriage is held steady on the ground by means of the trail spade
which with abatage prevents the carriage from recoiling on the
ground.
Abatage consists of elevating the wheels on the brake shoes
which are provided with small spades which prevent lateral
movement. The brake shoes are fastened to brake beams attached
to a sliding rack beneath the trail in such a manner that the abatage
frame may be placed under the carriage during travel. In preparing to
fire, the frame may be adjusted to allow the brake shoes to slip from
a position in rear of the carriage wheels to a point directly beneath
the wheels.

75-MM. GUN CARRIAGE, MODEL OF 1897, MI(FRENCH) WHEEL BRAKE

MECHANISM
 Abatage is accomplished as follows: (1) The brake shoes are
dropped to the ground in rear of the point of contact of the wheels
with the ground; (2) The trail is lifted, turning around the axle, until
the spade is about five feet in the air. Tie rods and a slide working on
a rack beneath the trail move forward in this action; (3) The trail is
then brought down. The rack prevents the slide from moving to the
rear and the carriage turns on the abatage frame until the wheels
rest upon the brake shoes. This gives the gun a three point support,
two small spades under the wheels and a larger one at the end of
the trail.
Laying in direction is accomplished by traversing the piece on
the axle. The trail spade is fixed and the axle is straight and rigid so
that in the movement of the gun to the right and left on the axle both
wheels must turn—one to the front and one to the rear. The device
for laying for direction is composed of a threaded axle, which is
prevented from rotating by a spur and a sliding nut which is
contained in a box fixed on the left flask of the gun. This nut bears
one of the bevel gears, which is put in motion by the hand wheel.
The traverse is three degrees either side of the center or a total of 6
degrees or about 105 mils.
Laying for elevation. To obtain greater accuracy and speed in
firing the 75 has an independent angle of site. A rocker with two
trunnions is interposed between the cradle and the carriage. The
rocker trunnions are seated in the cradle trunnions and support
them. This gives the same rotating axis to both rocker and cradle.
This is necessary for the mechanical addition of the angle of site
elevation and for the range elevation. When the angle of site
handwheel is revolved it turns a pinion, which meshes in the rocker
rack and thus causes the rocker to move in relation to the carriage.
This gives the cradle through the rocker the elevation equal to the
difference in elevation between the target and the gun. It is
independent of the angle given to the gun for the elevation due to
range to the target.
 75 MM. GUN CARRIAGE, MODEL OF 1897 MI(FRENCH).
RANGE ELEVATING MECHANISM

The angle given the gun for range is effected through a telescopic
screw. This screw is fastened at one of its extremities in the rocker
and at the other in the cradle. The nut which receives the elevating
screw is seated in an oscillating support which allows it to always
remain perpendicular to the axis of the bore at any elevation.
The angular displacements of the cradle with respect to the rocker
(angle of elevation) are recorded by the elevating system composed
of a graduated arc and a range drum. The lower part of the arc is
connected with the right arm of the rocker. The arc is graduated in
meters. When the range handle is turned the arc does not move, but
a brass slide block connected with the gun and the cradle and
bearing an index slides along the arc. It is thus possible to set the
range in meters.
However, the arc graduations are not very legible and it has been
supplanted by a graduated range drum having more legible
readings.
 The black part of the arc bears a rack which meshes with a pinion,
which in turn rotates around an axle fixed on the cradle. When the
cradle moves, the pinion rotates and carries with it the range drum.
The elevation on level ground varies from a minus 11 degrees to a
plus 20 degrees. Greater elevation may be obtained by sinking the
spade.
The Recoil and Counter-recoil mechanisms are of the Hydro-
pneumatic type. Their accurate description is a secret. The following
brief description will give only a general idea of the working of the
mechanism. The whole apparatus is inside of the cradle through
which are bored two cylinders: an upper cylinder 40 mm diameter,
and a lower cylinder 66 mm diameter. These cylinders may
communicate through a large hole. A piston moves in the upper
cylinder, the piston rod, 24 mm diameter, being fast to the gun.
In the lower cylinder are: (1) The valve carrier pipe screwed in the
rear part of the cylinder supporting spring valves; in the inner walls
of the pipe are cut two grooves; the valve carrier pipe is ended by a
circular ring. (2) The diaphragm with its hollow rod. (3) The loose
piston with its small rod, which may come in contact with the upper
rack of the gauge. The two cylinders are full of liquid, usually
Russian oil. The front part of the upper cylinder in front of the piston
may communicate freely with the air through the Front Plug. The
front part of the lower cylinder is closed by a plug and contains
compressed air at a pressure of 150 kg. per sq. cm.
Operation. In recoil the piston of the upper cylinder compresses
the liquid, which has to pass through the spring valves and between
the circular ring and the hollow rod of the diaphragm. The passage of
the liquid through these different openings constitutes the braking
effect. In so moving the liquid opens the valves, which are widely
opened at the beginning of the recoil and gradually close in
proportion to the decrease of the speed of the recoil. At the same
time, the air of the recuperator is compressed by the action of the
liquid on the diaphragm.
When the recoil is finished, the compressed air pushes back the
diaphragm. The liquid thus compressed acts on the small cylinder
piston and obliges it to come back into its initial position, bringing
with it the tube.
The liquid in flowing back completely closes the valves and must
pass between the diaphragm rod and the inner wall of the pipe. At
beginning of the return into battery, the space between the rod and
the bottom of the groove is large. This space decreases in proportion
to the progress of the return. The passing of the liquid through this
constantly decreasing space causes the braking which at the end
reduces the speed of the return to nil.

CARE AND PRESERVATION OF FRENCH 75.

Dismountings.

Cannoneer Dismountings.
A. Breechblock.
1. Safety piece.
2. Striker.
3. Lanyard.
4. Striker hammer.
5. Hammer spindle.
6. Spring assembling pin.
7. Rack springs.
8. Rack.
9. Latch pin. (Pawl Pin.)
10. Latch (Pawl).
11. Latch spring. (Pawl spring.)
B. Extractor.
1. Clow. (Tang.)
2. Spindle.
 3. Arms.
C. Level.
D. Sight case.
E. Wheels.
F. Limber pole.
G. Fuze setter from caisson.
H. Luggage frame from limber.

Mechanic Dismountings.
A. Coupling keg.
B. Push gun back on slides.
C. Safety bolt.
D. Friction piece. (Sweeper plate.)
E. Wiper. (Guide piece.)
F. Front plug.
G. Filling hole plug.
H. Elevating screw pin.
I. Elevating screw.
J. Trunnion caps.
K. Rocker Trunnion caps. (Half Rings.)

Daily Cleaning and Lubricating.

(By cannoneers.)
1. Clean sight support and socket.
2. Lubricate oil holes 20, 21, 22, 23, 24.
3. Clean base of sight column.
4. Clean levels.
5. Lubricate range mechanism. (Holes Nos. 1 and 2.)
6. Clean and oil rocker trunnion caps.
7. Oil holes 7 and 8.
 8. Clean and grease exposed parts of axle.
9. Dismount and clean breech and all its parts.
10. Clean and grease the bore if the gun has been fired.
11. Clean and grease the slides if the gun has been fired.
12. Grease the wheels if the gun has been on the road.
13. Clean fuze setter.
14. The life of a gun depends on “Daily Care.”

Forbidden Practices.
1. Readjustment of French Sights.
2. Fitting with files.
3. Forging and Riveting.
4. Unauthorized Dismountings.

Care of Recoil Mechanism.

(Chief Mechanic Only)

Caution.—Never remove piston rod nut, as piston is under

pressure and would pull piston rod into cylinder.
The recoil apparatus proper cannot be dismounted.
If properly taken care of the recoil mechanism will not go wrong for
years; but if neglected, its destruction is only a matter of very little
firing.
The position of the gauge finger is the index as to whether or not
the recoil is being properly absorbed.
The joints are not absolutely tight, the slight leakage which takes
place during fire or even when gun is at rest is not important.
 In normal firing conditions the recoil apparatus contains a slightly
greater quantity of oil than absolutely necessary; this quantity is
called the “reserve.” When the reserve is exhausted any loss is liable
to reduce the quantity strictly necessary. The loss may prevent the
gun from fully returning to battery when firing.
The amount of reserve is indicated by the position of the gauge.
No reserve: The gauge finger is down deep in its recess.
Full reserve: The end of the gauge finger is level with the gauge
index.
Excess reserve: The gauge finger projects beyond the index.
No firing should be done with an excess reserve.
The gauge finger should be between the index and ⅛ inch below
the index.
It is the duty of the Chief Mechanic to see that the gauge finger is
in the proper position before firing.
It is the duty of the Executive and the Chief of Section to see that
the gauge finger is in the proper position during fire; if it moves from
this position the Chief Mechanic will be called to make the proper
adjustments.
When the gauge finger has been brought to the proper position
there are only two conditions which call for tampering with recoil
apparatus.
1. The gun goes into battery too slowly, or has to be pushed in.
In this case the gauge finger will usually be found too deep in its
seat, and the pump will have to be used. If the gauge is in the proper
position look at the slides. Either they will be found dirty or bits of the
wiper may be nicked off. In the latter case the gun can be fired
without the wiper.
2. The gun jumps badly. In this case the gauge finger will generally
be found beyond the index. When this is the case the oil extractor
must be used until the gauge finger is in the proper position.
 If after cleaning slides, putting gun in abatage and adjusting gauge
finger, the gun still jumps badly—complete draining of the reserve
and refilling will frequently remedy the trouble.
 CHAPTER VII.
75-MM. FIELD GUN MODEL 1916.

THE GUN.
Weights and Dimensions.
Weight Kg 339.74 pounds 749.
Caliber mm 75. inches 2.953
Total length mm 2,308.5 inches 90.9
Length of bore mm 2,134. inches 84.
Length of rifled portion of
bore mm 1,847. inches 72.72
Number of grooves 24
Width of grooves mm 7.30 inches .2874
Depth of grooves mm .501 inches .02
Width of lands mm 2.52 inches .0992
Twist, right hand, zero turns from origin to a point 2.89 inches from
origin. Increasing from one turn in 119 calibers at a point 2.89 inches
from origin to one turn in 25.4 calibers at a point 9.72 inches from
muzzle. Uniform from a point 9.72 inches from muzzle to the muzzle.

Description of the 75-MM Field Gun.

The gun is built up of alloy-steel forgings, consisting of a tube,
jacket, breech hoop, and clip. All of the parts are assembled with a
shrinkage.
 The tube extends from the muzzle to the rear end of the powder
chamber and two recesses are cut in its rear face to form seats for
the lips on the extractors.
The jacket is assembled over the muzzle end of the tube. The
jacket carries two flanges on its lower side, which form guides for the
gun in the cradle of the carriage, and a lug on top near the forward
end which contains a T slot, which holds the recoil cylinder in place.
The rear end of the jacket is threaded on the outside to receive the
breech hoop.
The breech hoop is threaded at its forward end and screws on to
the rear of the jacket. The breech ring carries a recoil lug at the top
for the attachment of the hydraulic recoil cylinder, and another lug at
the bottom for attachment of the two spring piston rods. The rear part
of the breech hoop is cut away to form the breech recess.
The clip is a short hoop shrunk on the tube near the muzzle. It
carries two lugs on its under side which form guides for the gun in
the carriage.
The rear ends of the guides on the jacket are extended to the face
of the recoil lugs by short extensions riveted in place to prevent
entrance of dust between surfaces of the guides and their bearing
surfaces on the cradle. For the same purpose the forward ends of
the guides on the jacket are connected by steel-plate dust guards
with the rear ends of the guides on the clip.

Description of the Breech Mechanism.

The mechanism is known as the drop-block type, and is semi-
automatic in design in that the block closes automatically when a
round of ammunition is inserted. A rectangular hole extending
through the rectangular section of the breech hoop forms seat for the
sliding block. The upper part of the breech hoop in rear of this slot is
cut away, leaving a U-shaped opening which permits the passage of
the cartridge case.
 75-M.M. FIELD GUN BARREL

75-M.M. FIELD GUN MODEL OF 1916 MIII BREECH MECHANISM.

 75-MM. FIELD GUN MODEL OF 1916 M III BREECH MECHANISM

Recesses cut in both the side faces of the breech recess form
seats for trunnions for the two extractors. Holes bored into these
recesses from the rear face form seats for the extractor plungers,
springs and plugs. The block slides up and down in the breech
recess under the action of the operating arm which is pivoted on the
operating shaft and acts as an oscillating crank in raising and
lowering the block. The operating shaft which rotates the operating
arm is actuated by the operating handle. The operating handle is
provided with a latch to keep it in the closed position and is
connected by a chain, piston, and piston rod to the closing spring,
which is carried in the closing-spring case. The closing spring is
under compression and tends to keep the block closed or to close
the block when it is opened.
When the block is opened as far as it will go, it is locked in that
position by the inside trunnions on the extractors. These trunnions
are forced over horizontal shoulders on the block by means of the
extractor plungers and holds the block in the open position. When a
cartridge is pushed smartly into the gun, its rim striking against the
lips on the extractor frees the trunnions from the shoulders on the
block and allows the block to close under the action of the closing
spring.
A continuous-pull firing mechanism is carried in the recess bored
out in the center of the block and is operated by the trigger shaft
which projects from the bottom of the block. This mechanism is
cocked and fired by one continuous motion of the trigger shaft so
that in case of a misfire the primer may be struck a second blow by
releasing the shaft and rotating it again. A lanyard may be attached
to the projecting end of the trigger shaft.

CARRIAGE.

Weights and Dimensions.

Weight of carriage, complete, fully equipped,
2280 pounds
without the gun
Weight of gun and carriage fully equipped 3045 pounds
Weight of lunette, carriage limbered 140 pounds
Diameter of wheels 56 inches
Width of track, center to center of wheels 60 inches
Length of recoil of gun on carriage, variable recoil 18 to 46
Height of axis of gun about ground 42 approx.
Amount of elevation with elevating handwheel 42 degrees
7 to plus 53
Total limits of elevation
degrees
Maximum traverse either side of center 400 mils
Over all width of trails, spread 130 inches
Over all length, muzzle of gun to end of lunette 173 inches
Limits of elevation with angle of site handwheel, minus 7 degrees
 depression to 11 degrees elevation.

Description.
The carriage is of the split trail, variable long-recoil type. The
length of recoil is regulated automatically, so that the breech of the
gun will not strike the ground on recoil at an angle of elevation of
less than 47 degrees. At elevations greater than 47° a hole must be
dug for the breech in recoil.
The gun is mounted in slides on a cradle formed by the spring
cylinder. The spring cylinder is suspended by trunnions mounted in
bearings in the top carriage, which is supported by the pintle bearing
to which are attached axle arms bearing in the wheels.
The carriage has an independent angle of site elevating
mechanism, by means of which a maximum depression of seven
degrees and an angle of elevation of 11 degrees may be obtained.
The remaining elevation is obtained through the elevating
handwheel.

The principal parts of the carriage are:

Trail
Cradle
Recoil mechanism
Top carriage
Pintle bearing
Equalizing gear
Shields
Angle of site mechanism
Elevating mechanism
Traversing mechanism
Axle seat
Brake mechanism
Shoulder guards
Firing mechanism
Sight, model of 1916
Wheels.