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JUSTIFICATION
IN LATE MEDIEVAL
PREACHING
STUDIES
IN MEDIEVAL AND
REFORMATION THOUGHT
EDITED BY
HEIKO A. OBERMAN, Tucson, Arizona
IN COOPERATION WITH
THOMAS A. BRADY, Jr., Eugene, Oregon

E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS, Princeton, New Jersey
PIERRE FRAENKEL, Geneva
GUILLAUME H.M. POSTHUMUS MEYJES, Leiden
DAVID C. STEINMETZ, Durham, North Carolina
ANTON G. WEILER, Nijmegen
VOLUME I
E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

JUSTIFICATION IN LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING
JUSTIFICATION
IN LATE MEDIEVAL
PREACHING
A STUDY OF JOHN GEILER OF KEISERSBERG
BY
E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

Second Edition
E.J. BRILL
LEIDEN • NEW YORK • K0BENHA VN • KOLN
1989
First Edition 1966
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Douglass, Jane Dempsey.

Justification in late medieval preaching: a study of John Geiler
of Keisersberg I by Jane Dempsey Douglass.
p. cm.-(Studies in medieval and Reformation thought, ISSN
0585-6914; v. 1)
Reprint, with new pref. Originally published: Justification in
late medieval preaching I by E. Jane Dempsey Douglass, Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1966.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
ISBN 90-04-0904 7 -9
1. Justification-History of doctrines-Middle Ages, 600-1500.
2. Geiler von Kaysersberg, Johann, 1445-1510. 3. Preaching-France-
Strasbourg-History. 4. Strasbourg (France)-Church history.
5. Sermons, German-History and criticism. I. Title. II. Series.
BT764.2.D68 1989
234'.7'0924-dc19 88-37172
CIP
ISSN 0585-6914
ISBN 90 04 09047 9
Copyright r966/ r989 by E. ]. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced
or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or
any other means without written permission from the publisher
PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . IX
Preface to the second impression x
I. GEILER AND LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING 1

The Later Middle Ages 1
N ominalism restudied 1
Late medieval preaching 2
Methodological problems 3
The Choice of Geiler for Intensi'Ve Study . 4
A renowned preacher of unusually wide influence 5
A doctor in theology . . . . . . . 6
In the main stream of intellectual life 6
Forerunner of the Reformation? 8
Geiler and the Roman Index . . . 10
Geiler' s alleged errors . . . . . . 14
Rich collection of source materials . 18
The Present Status of Geiler Scholarship 19
Biographical treatments . . . . . . 19
The works of Geiler . . . . . . 20
Sources for the Discussion of Geiler's Theology 29
The Nature of Geiler's Sermons 30
Sources of Geiler's Thought . . 37
A diversity of sources . . . . 37
The Ship of Penance: Holkot . 38
Gerson . . . . . 40
Geiler as a Nominalist 42
II. FAITH AND REASON • 45

Natural Reason and the fides quae 45
Faith and Superstition . . 57
"Irrational" Faith: Islam 61
Implicit and Explicit Faith 66
Conclusion . . . . . . 69
VI TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
III. THE AUTHORITY FOR FAITH: SCRIPTURE AND CHURCH 70
The Authority for Interpreting Scripture . 75

No private interpretation . 75
The office of the doctor . 79
The Authority of the Preached Word 82
The preacher's role 82
Word and sacrament . 86
The Authority of the Hierarchy 92
Pope and councils . 92
Increasing corruption in the Church 94
The authority of an evil clergy 97
The Authority of Theological Tradition 100
The trial of John of W esel 100
Protests of Geiler and Engelin over ~onduct of the
trial . 101
The position of Wimpfeling 103
A catholic vision 104
IV. NATURAL MAN AND THE GRACE OF GoD 106

The Nature of Man 106
Man in paradise . 106
The effect of original sin 106
Man's purely natural capacities since the fall 112
Grace and the Sacraments 118
Cooperation of the free will with grace 118
Definitions of grace 119
The question of infused moral virtues 120
Two-fold efficacy of the sacraments 125
Predestination 126
v. JUSTIFICATION 129
Interpretations of the Nominalistic Position . 129
The Augustinian and Protestant view 129
Roman Catholic interpretations 129
TABLE OF CONTENTS VII
Page
Geiler's View of the Christian Life 134

A life of penance 134
Obedience to the law 136
Conformity of the will 137
Disposition for Grace . 139
The necessity for disposition 139
Doing what is within one's power . 141
Loving God above everything else 145
Prayer as disposition . . . . 147
The Sacrament of Penance . . 147
The meaning of forgiveness 147
Contrition . 148
Confession . . . . . . . 153
Satisfaction . . . . . . . 156
The effect of the sacrament 160
Conclusion . . . . . . . . 160
VI. HUMAN MERIT CORAM DEO. 162
The Mercy of God 162

Facere qttod in se est . 163
Gratis deo servire . . 165
Self-humiliation . . 166
The Justice of God As Warning against Presumption 172
The Impossibility of Certainty of Salvation 176
Geiler and the Preaching Tradition 176
VII. CoMMUNIO MERITORUM 179
The Work of Christ . . 179

The Passion as example 180
The Passion as satisfaction for sin 182
A controversial Holy Week sermon 185
The nature of the Incarnation . . . 186
Christ's presence in the Eucharist . 187
The Mediation of the Virgin Mary and the Saints 189
Invocation of the saints . . . . . . . . . . 189
VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
The role of the Virgin Mary . 190

Menot's mariology . . . . . 195
Joseph's special place of honor 196
Indulgences 201
Communio meritorum and Imitation Piety 204
VIII. CONCLUSION: A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY REFORMER . 205

Late Medieval Theology . 205
Early German Humanism 206
The Reformation . . . 207
APPENDIX. WoRKS OF GEILER 209
Abbreviations 219
Bibliography . 222
Index . . . . 235
PREFACE
In the present age of ecumenical rapprochement, both Protestant

and Roman Catholic historians are exploring anew the reasons for
the sixteenth-century Reformation. It is clear that we must become
much more familiar with the late medieval theological situation out
of which the Reformation grew if our explorations are to be truly
fruitful.
This investigation of Geiler of Keisersberg was undertaken to
provide one more of the many studies necessary to fill out our
knowledge of theology in the period just prior to the outbreak of the
Reformation. It is the great advantage of any contemporary writer to
be freed from the polemical atmosphere in which so many previous
students of Geiler felt obliged to defend his "catholicism" or his
"protestantism," defining those categories largely in post-T rentine
terms. I have tried rather to place Geiler within the wide spectrum
of theological positions current in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries.
I am indebted to many for assistance in carrying through this
research project. It was Prof. Heiko A. Oberman of the Harvard
Divinity School who introduced me to the world of fifteenth-century
theology, encouraged me to pursue my interest in a study of Geiler,
and offered frank and helpful criticism as I prepared the dissertation
from which this book has grown. His wife, Mrs. Geertruida Ober-
man-Reesink, taught me many of the non-academic skills so necessary
to finishing a book while also meeting the responsibilities of a family
and teaching.
The School of Theology at Claremont has been generous with
research and publication assistance. Mr. James Goulding, doctoral
candidate in Church History at the Claremont Graduate School, has
patiently assisted in reading proof and has prepared the index.
Most of the works of Geiler were available to me at the Houghton
Library for rare books at Harvard University. The Harvard Divinity
School Library was unusually helpful in obtaining needed sources.
Other libraries which must be especially mentioned for their as-
sistance are the Widener Library at Harvard University, the libraries
of the School of Theology at Claremont, Yale University, Princeton
University, Princeton Theological Seminary, Alma College at Los
Gatos, California. Research in Strasbourg was greatly facilitated by
x PREFACE
the interest and helpfulness of the staffs of the Bibliotheque Nationale

et Universitaire, the Archives Municipales de la Ville de Strasbourg,
and the Serninaire Protestant.
Above all I am indebted to my husband for his continual encourage-
ment and the genuinely warm welcome which he has given to Geiler
during his sojourn in our household, despite the inconveniences
which such a demanding guest can create. We hope that one day our
young son will be amused by our tales of his own involvement in the
completion of this study.
May, 1966 E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

Claremont, California
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
Since the original publication of this study in i966, our knowledge

of late fifteenth and early sixteenth-century Strasbourg has been vastly
enriched. The work of F. Rapp 1, Miriam Chrisman2, Thomas Brady3,
and Lorna Jane Abray4 should be especially noted.
But despite this impressive resurgence of interest in early modern
Strasbourg, little has been published which focuses directly on the
aspects of the thought of John Geiler of Keisersberg treated in this
studyS, demanding revision of the view of Geiler presented here.
Therefore this book is simply being reprinted. I should like to call the
reader's attention, however, to three especially relevant recent publi-
cations.
1 F. Rapp, Riformes et riformation aStrasbourg: Eglise et societi dans le diocese de Strasbourg ( 1410-
1121 ), Collection de l'Institut des hautes Etudes Alsaciennes XXIII (Paris: Editions Ophrys, n.d.
[ 1974]).
2 Miriam Usher Chrisman, Strasbourg and the Reform: A Stuefy in the Process of Change (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1967); Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and Social Change in
Strasbourg, 1480-1199 (New Haven,-Yale University Press, 1982); Bibliography of Strasbourg Im-
prints, 1480-1199 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982).
3 Thomas A. Brady, Ruling Class, Regime and Reformation at Strasbourg, 1120-lf!J (Leiden: E.J.
Brill, 1978).
4 Lorna Jane Abray, The People's Reformation: Magistrates, Clergy, and Commons in Strasbourg,
1100-1J98 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, i98i).

s A doctoral dissertation by Georges J. Herzog, Mystical Theology in Late Medieval Preaching:
Johann Geiler von Kaysersberg (144J-1110) (Boston University, i98)), announces a topic barely
touched in this study. Unfortunately the dissertation has not yet been released for circulation
through University Microfilms International.
PREFACE XI
First, the careful study by Herbert Kraume 6 will be most helpful to

those interested in pursuing the relation of Geiler to the reception and
transmission of the writings of Gerson in German.
Second, Dacheux's nineteenth-century edition of Geiler's earliest
writings has reappeared in a photographically reprinted edition. 7
Third, one of the valuable texts cited here in an early printed edi-
tion, the Lucubraciunculae of Peter Schott, is now available in a modern
edition.s
An older study previously overlooked provides an indication of a
fifteenth-century sermon contrasting the ship of fools with the ship of
penance which may be an additional link between Holkot and Brant in
the transmission of this tradition which Geiler has taken up.9
I am grateful for the thoughtful responses to the first edition which
have been received and hopeful that the recent interest in Geiler's
Strasbourg will be sustained and productive of fresh insight.
Princeton Theological Seminary JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

Princeton, New Jersey
Advent 1988
6 Herbert Kraume, Die Gerson-Obersetzungen Geilers VOii Kaysersberg: Studien zur deutschsprachigen
Gerson-Rezeption, Miinchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters
71 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1980).
7 L. Dacheux, Die Aeltesten Schriften Geilers von Kt!Jsersberg (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi,
196i; reprint of Freiburg im Breisgau, 1882).
8 The Works of Peter Schott ( 1460-1490), ed. Murray A. and Marian Cowie, University of North
Carolina Studies in Germanic Languages and Literatures 41 (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, n.d. [1963]), I: Introduction and Text.
9 Edwin H. Zeydel, The Ship of Fools By Sebastian Brant (N.Y.: Columbia University Press,
1944), pp. 13-14.

CHAPTER ONE
GEILER AND LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING

THE LATER MIDDLE AGES
Nominalism restudied.-A recent revival of interest in the theology

of the later middle ages on the part of both Roman Catholic and
Protestant scholars has made this period a most attractive one for
research. Though the older stereotypes of the "barrenness" and
"sterility" of late scholastic theology have been shown to be no
longer tenable, the task of reconstituting our image of the period
remains formidable.
Late medieval nominalism in particular has received considerable
attention in the last three decades for several reasons. In the first place
its dominant role in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries justifies its
careful analysis as an intellectual movement of major proportions.
Though attention traditionally has been concentrated on the move-
ment as a purely philosophical one, today the place of the nomiaalists
in the history of theology is also receiving increased recognition. 1
Second, scholars of the Franciscan Order have undertaken serious
study of the Occamist tradition and endeavored to show its essential
orthodoxy. 2 Third, Luther scholars have become increasingly aware
of the need to understand the nominalistic theology in which Luther
was trained. s
In the effort to reconstruct the shape of the nominalistic tradition
and to trace its influence on the thought of the later middle ages, we
have been somewhat limited by the fact that nearly all the works
available from men known to be nominalists are academic works
such as commentaries on Lombard's Sentences, theological treatises,
1 Paul Vignaux, Justification et predestination au X/Ve siecle (Paris, 1934); idem,
arts. "Nominalisme," DTC, XI, pt. 1 (1931), cols. 717-784, "Occam," ibid., cols.
864-899; H. A. Oberman, "Some Notes on the Theology of Nominalism," HT R
53 (1960), pp. 47 ff.; idem, The Harvest of Medieval Theology, Gabriel Biel and Late
Medieval Nominalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1963).
2 P. Boehner, Occam: Philosophical Writings (Edinburgh, 1957); idem, Collected
Articles on Ockham, ed. E. Buytaert (St. Bonaventure, 1958); G. Buescher, The

Eucharistic Teaching of Wm. of Ockham (Washington, 1950).
3 Bengt Hagglund, Theologie und Philosophie bei Luther und in der occamistischen
Tradition (Lund, 1955); Leif Grane, Contra Gabrielem (Gyldendal, 1962).

2 GEILER AND LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING
lectures on the mass. Only from John Gerson and Gabriel Biel is
there any considerable body of sermons preached to the people as
well as to clerics. And yet it is of great importance to understand
the influence of nominalistic pulpit-theology as well as that of the
classroom. In fact significant questions in the area of Reformation
scholarship demand exact knowledge of the nature of the theology
actually being preached to the people by learned doctors of the Church
as well as by indulgence sellers.
Our use of the term "nominalistic theology" requires some clarifi-
cation. It has become increasingly clear that we must be alert to differ-
enc.es in theological position among the nominalists. A preliminary
attempt has already been made to distinguish several schools within
nominalism. 1 Without overlooking the need to explore further this
problem of classification, we find it useful in this study to use the
term "nominalist" to refer to the dominant position, that of Occam
and Biel.
Late medieval preaching.-In the light of all these considerations, we

propose to explore the lively preaching tradition of the late fifteenth
and early sixteenth centuries. Though the existence and significance
of such a tradition in the later middle ages have been well documented
by nineteenth- and twentieth-century scholars, 2 none of these scholars
has been in a position to study the corpus of pulpit literature from
See Oberman, "Some Notes on the Theology of Nominalism," pp. 51-56.

1
Chr. Fr. von Ammon, Geschichte der Homiletik (Gottingen, 1804), vol. I;
2
W. Wackernagel, Altdeutsche Predigten und Gebete aus Handschriften (Basel, 1876);

R. Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter (Detmold, 1879); P. Keppler,
"Zur Passionspredigt des Mittelalters," H]B 3 (1882), pp. 285-315; 4 (1883), pp.
161-188; Kerker, "Die Predigt in der letzten Zeit des Mittelalters mit besonderer
Beziehung auf das stidwestliche Deutschland," TQS 43 (1861), pp. 373-410; idem,
"Zur Geschichte des Predigtwesens in der letzten Halfte des XV. Jahrhunderts",
TQS 44 (1862), pp. 267-301; A. Linsenmayer, Geschichte der Predigt in Deutsch/and
(Mtinchen, 1886); A. Lecoy de la Marche, La chaire franfaise au moyen age (Paris,
1886); F. Albert, Die Geschichte der Predigt in Deutsch/and bis f-,uther (Gtitersloh,
1892-6), 3 vols.; J. M. Neale, Medieval Preachers and Medieval Preaching (London,
1856); Pfander, The Popular Sermon of the Medieval Friar in England (New York,
1937); G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England (Cambridge, 1933);
idem, Preaching in Medieval England (Cambridge, 1926); Florenz Landmann, Das
Predigtwesen in Westjalen in der !etzten Zeit des Mittelalters (Munster, 1900); R. Petry,
No Uncertain Sound (Phila., 1948); Y. Brilioth, Predikans Historica (Lund, 1945);
E. Lengwiler, Die vorreformatorischen Priidikaturen der deutschen Schweiz (Freiburg,
1955).
For sermon structure see: T. Charland, Artes praedicandi. . . (Ottawa, 1936);
D. Roth, Die mittelalterliche Predigttheorie und das Manuale Curatorum des]. U. Surgant
(Basel, 1956); E. Gilson, "Michel Menot et la technique du sermon medieval,"
THE LATER MIDDLE AGES 3
the standpoint of contemporary research into nominalistic theology.

As we shall demonstrate below, certain of the most famous preachers
of the period, such as Geller of Keisersberg and Michael Menot, now
appear to stand in the theological line of Occam and Biel.
Methodological problems.-Several methodological problems encoun-

tered in the analysis of late medieval sermons must be pointed out.
(1) Very few critical editions exist; and where these are lacking,
the question of textual authenticity must be raised. Sermons were
normally delivered in the vernacular, then translated into Latin for
publication. An effort must therefore be made to determine the history
of the text, to evaluate the extent to which editors or translators may
have influenced the content of the sermon as we possess it. 1
(2) In reading the secondary literature, one becomes extremely
conscious of confessional bias. Books and articles are regularly written
and evaluated in the light of the writer's own theological loyalty.
This is clearly a period where both Protestants and Roman Catholics
have a vested interest in the results of research.
(3) We lack a broad picture of theological teaching in the period.
Some monographic literature has been published on particular figures,
notably the German mystics and those who have been claimed as
"pre-reformers", studies usually asking different questions than ours.
As a result our information is fragmentary. Furthermore we know
little about the lines separating the major schools and currents of
thought in this period. Some light has been shed on the nature of
nominalism at that time. But until we understand better the nature of
contemporary Augustinian, Dominican and Franciscan schools of
thought, we are in no position to draw clear contrasts or parallels.
(4) Much of the modern discussion of theologians of this period
involves the question of their "orthodoxy." Unfortunately the criteria
by which we can determine orthodoxy in the later middle ages are by
no means clear. Though Roman Catholics are inclined to judge this
matter by the canons of the Council of Trent, this procedure hardly
seems defensible.
RHF 2. 3 (1925), pp. 301-60. See also bibliography appended to Petry, No Un-
certain Sound.
1 For similar problems in dealing with medieval Jewish sermons, see Israel
Bettan, Studies in Jewish Preaching: Middle Ages (Cincinnati, 1939), pp. 56-7. My
colleague, Prof. Loren R. Fisher, has called this book to my attention.
(5) Wide circulation of commonly-used collections of sermons and

sermon illustrations makes it essential that a preacher's work be
studied in sufficient depth to distinguish traditional material from the
man's own theological position. An illustration of the difficulty is
provided by a recent article dealing with preaching in Germany in
the late middle ages. 1 The author has studied sermons on the parable
of the Pharisee and the publican, and he calls attention to a common
catena of quotations concerning the insufficiency of men's works taken
from Scripture, Augustine, Gregory the Great, and Bernard which
are regularly introduced in support of the posture of the repentent
Publican. From this evidence he mistakenly concludes that this was
teaching characteristic of the Augustinian friars prior to Luther,
merely reflected in Luther's thought. The author has not noted that
preachers who are at least semi-Pelagian in their theology can also
quote such a catena in a context like that under discussion. His docu-
mentation is therefore unconvincing.
(6) We must keep in mind that an analysis of sermons may prove
to be less revealing of the theologian's own position than a study of
his more academic writings, and we seldom have the opportunity to
compare the two aspects of a man's work as we do with Biel and
Gerson, for example. Pastoral concerns certainly influenced the form
of doctrinal presentations, 2 though we have as yet no evidence that it
greatly altered the content. But we are warned of this possibility when
Geiler comments concerning man's freedom to turn to God without
special action on God's part that the view of Biel and Scotus seems
more prudent than that of Thomas and Gregory of Rimini for preach-
ing to the people, for it removes any occasion for their blaming God
when they fail to receive grace. 3
THE CHOICE OF GEILER FOR INTENSIVE STUDY
In consideration of these difficulties in interpreting sermonic liter-

ature, it seems useful to open up such an area of research by making
a study of the very central doctrine of justification in the sermons of
1 A. Zumkeller, "Das Ungeniigen der menschlichen Werke bei den deutschen
Predigern des Spiitmittelalters," ZKT 81 (1959), pp. 265-305.

a Biel emphasizes that school disputes are not to be paraded before the laity to
offend their piety: III Sent. d 3 q 1 art. 1 nota 3. For Geiler, see p. 33 below.
3 (The opinion) " ... Scoti videtur mihi tutior ad predicandum populo: quia
per hoc aufertur eis excusationis occasio/ qua dicere possent/ quod gratiam non
consequimur/ est deus in culpa ... " Fruct. spir. 59rt.
THE CHOICE OF GEILER FOR INTENSIVE STUDY 5
a major preacher of the period who was recognized in his own day
as a learned and orthodox theologian.
We propose to select for this purpose Dr. John Geiler of Keisers-
berg, preacher at the cathedral in Strassburg from 1478 till his death
in 1510. Five major arguments for this choice can be advanced.
(1) Geiler was a renowned preacher of unusual!J wide influence in his day.
Standard histories of German literature and culture as well as of the
Church deal with his personal impact and his writings. Many scholars
have claimed him to be the most significant preacher of his time. 1
Not only in Strassburg were his efforts to reform the life of society
at large and that of the monasteries and clerics felt. He was also
notably influential at Augsburg through his close association with
Bishop Friedrich von Zollern, 2 formerly his pupil and a canon of the
cathedral at Strassburg. There is also evidence of his influence at the
imperial court, since he was a chaplain to Maximilian. 3 In 1503 Geiler
was summoned to Fiessen for private consultations with the Emperor;
while there he also preached to the court on the need for peace and
justice. Geiler does not reveal the content of the private discussions,
explaining that he was asked to hol.d it under the seal of the confes-
sional. 4 The document which Geiler speaks of editing for Maximilian
as the result of their consultation has been identified by some as a
series of complaints against the Roman curia, 5 by others as a collection
of precepts for the conduct of a good prince. 6 Rhenanus, speaking
1 W. Stammler, Von der Mystik zum Barock (Stuttgart, 1927), p. 252. Cruel,
Predigt . .. , p. 538. Kerker, "Die Predigt. .. ," p. 271. J. Bolte, ed., Johannes Pauli,
Schimpf und Ernst (Berlin, 1924), I, p. *16.
2 L. Dacheux, Un Riformateur catholique a la fin du XVe siecle. Jean Geiler de
Kay.rersberg (Paris, 1876), pp. 362 ff. Cf. K. Stenzel, "Geiler von Keisersberg und
Friedrich von Zollern," ZGO 79, NS 40 (1926), pp. 61-113; A. Steichele, "Fried-
rich Graf von Zollern Bischof zu Augsburg und Johannes Geiler von Kaisers-
berg," AGBA 1 (1856), pp. 143-172. See Geiler's letters of counsel to the young
bishop in L. Dacheux, Die iiltesten Schriften Geilers von Kaysersberg (Freiburg i. Br.,
1882), pp. 79-94.
3 Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , pp. 496 ff.; Charles Schmidt, Histoire littiraire de
I' Alsace a la fin du XVe et au commencement du XVle siecle (Paris, 1879), I, pp. 368 ff.
4 See Geiler's letter to Wimpfeling from Fiessen in Dacheux, Jean Geiler . ..
p. 496 n. 2; idem, Die iiltesten Schriften .. . , pp. 102-4.

5 Schmidt, Hist. litt .. . , I, p. 370. He cites as evidence a letter from Maximilian
to Wimpfeling in 1510, preserved by Specklin. Though Specklin's Col/ectanea was

destroyed in 1870, this letter is published by Rodolphe Reuss, "Les Collectanees
de Daniel Specklin, architecte de la ville de Strasbourg," BSCMHA, 2d series,
14 (1889), p. 301.
8 Dacheux,]ean Geiler .. . , p. 497. Schmidt, Hist. litt ... , I, p. 370, also mentions
such a collection of precepts written soon after the discussions.

of the particular warmth with which Maximilian regarded Geiler,

also refers to Geiler's compiling such a collection for the emperor. 1
Geiler's wide influence can to some extent be attributed to the fact
that Strassburg in his day was one of the first cities of the Empire.
There was already an impressive history of great preachers in the
city: Albert the Great, Meister Eckhardt, John Tauler. But in the
late fifteenth century, Strassburg experienced important economic
expansion and political solidification. The period of Strassburg's
greatness, which was to last into the mid-sixteenth century, had already
begun. 2 The thriving printing industry in Strassburg in this period is
particularly significant, since most of Geiler's sermons were printed
and widely circulated.
(2) As a doctor in theology, Geiler was well-trained in the scholastic
tradition. Before settling in Strassburg, he had been Dean of the
Faculty of Philosophy (1469-70), Dean of the Faculty of Arts (1474),
and lecturer on the Bible and Lombard's Sentences at the University
of Basel, where he received his doctorate in 1475. Returning to Frei-
burg in Breisgau, where he had received the bachelor's and master's
degrees, Geiler lectured in theology and served as Rector of the
University in 1476-77.a
(3) Geiler' s place in the main stream of the intellectual life of the dt.ry is
indicated by his remarkable circle of friends. 4 At Basel he studied
under the humanist teacher, Heynlin of Stein (Johannes a Lapide),
generally claimed by scholars as a realist, who had left Paris when the
via moderna regained its influence there. During these years he came
1 "Ob summam vero eruditiooem cum vite sanctimonia copulatam, ab invic-
tissimo Imperatore Cesare Maximiliano benevolentia haud vulgari dilectus est .

. . . Sacratissimo Cesare precepta quedam collegi t, ad que se rex componere
debeat ... " Vita Geileri, 152v2.
2 See F. Ford, Strasbourg in Transition: 1648-1789 (Cambridge, Mass., 1958),
pp. 4-20.
3 For the years in Freiburg and Basel, see Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , pp. 25 ff.;
Schmidt, Hist. litt... , I, pp. 338 ff.; P. de Lorenzi, Geilers von Kaisersberg ausge-
wiihlte Schriften (Trier, 1881), I, pp. 3 ff.; R. Newald, art. "Geiler von Kaisersberg,"
Die Deutrche Literamr des Mitte!alters: Verfasser!exikon, ed. W. Stammler (Berlin,
1936), II, cols. 8-14; H. Mayer, "Johannes Geiler von Kaysersberg hauptsachlich
in seinen Beziehungen zu Freiburg im Breisgau," Schau-ins-Land 23 (1896), pp.
1-17; documentation from university records in J. A. de Riegger, Amoenitates
literariae friburgenses (Ulm 177 5), I, pp. 58-63.
4 De Lorenzi, .. . Schriften, I. p. 5; A. Renaudet, Pririforme et Humanisme a
Paris pendant /es premieres guerre.r d' ltalie (1494-1517) (Paris, 1953), p. 94; Schmidt,
Hist. litt.. ., I, p. 360; F. Schmidt-Clausing, "Johann Ulrich Surgant, ein Weg-
weiser des jungen Zwingli," Zwingliana 11 (1961), pp. 287-320, esp. p. 314.
to know well Sebastian Brant and Jacob Wimpfeling, early German

humanists who later through Geiler's influence gathered in Strassburg,
joined by Thomas Murner, Thomas Wulf, Ringman, Beatus Rhena-
nus, and Peter Schott. Also in the circle at Basel were Ulrich Surgant,
author of the well-known preaching manual, the Manuale curatorum,
and Christoph of Utenheim, 1 who was later for a time a canon in the
cathedral of Strassburg, then became bishop of Basel.
Gabriel Biel, though somewhat older, was a friend over the years;
it has been noted as particularly significant that Geiler, standing on
the threshold of the new era, should have been so closely bound in
friendship with the last of the great medieval scholastics. 2 Biel's
counsel played an important role in two turning points in Geiler's
life. As a young man, he was strongly dissuaded by Biel, Engeling of
Braunschweig, and the elder Peter Schott, Ammeister of Strassburg,
from undertaking the hermit's life and decided rather to accept the
post as preacher at Strassburg. 3 Years later, when the city of Basel
had invited him to take a similar responsibility as preacher there,
Geiler was seriously inclined to accept the new position, feeling that
he had not been greatly successful in Strassburg. Peter Schott, writing
Biel for his judgment on a number of points, asked his advice as to
whether Geiler should leave Strassburg. Biel firmly counseled him to
remain. 4 Through Schott's correspondence, we also have evidence
that Biel invited Geiler and Schott to attend the licentia of his brother. 5
1 Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , pp. 429ff.; Schmidt, Hist. litt .. ., I, p. 359.

2 M. Kerker, "Geiler ... und sein Verhaltniss zur Kirche," Historisch-politische
Blatter 49 (1862), p. 285; cf. ibid., 48 (1861), p. 638; Newald, Verfasserlexikon, col.
10. Wimpfeling, Vita I. K. 155r2: " ... Gabriel byel summus theologus: cuius
consilio (veluti sapientissimi patris) maxime nitebatur ... "
3 Otther writes concerning Geiler in his dedication of the Navicula penitentie:
"Adeoque vitam secretiorem amavit: ut secum tacite deliberans: Eremum ipsum

nisi a Gabriele buhel et Eggelingo prohibitus intrasset." Back of title page. See
Dacheux,Jean Geiler .. ., p. 512: the reference to the dedication of the Nav.fat.
is erroneous; Schmidt, Hist. litt .. ., I, p. 324; Wimpfeling, Vita I. K. 155r2:
Engeling is not mentioned here.
4 Biel writes to Schott: "Omnibus circumstanciis pensatis omnimodis iudico
expedire consulendumque fore ut in vocacione qua vocatus est maneat nee cedat
subtilibus sathanae instigacionibus qua sub specie boni fructum verbi dei satagit
impedire." Schott, Lucubraciunculae ornatissimae, ed. J. Wimpfeling (Strassburg,
1498), 145r. (Geiler collected Schott's letters for this edition published after
Schott's early death: see Geiler's letter to Reuchlin, Dacheux, Die altesten Schrif-
ten .. ., p. 100.) Cf. Dacheux,Jean Geiler .. ., p. 417 n. 1, 512 n. 2; Schmidt, Hist.
litt ... , I, p. 357. For Schott's own attempts to persuade Geiler to remain, see
Lucubr. SOr-81 v.
6 Lucubr. 85 v. See Dacheux, Jean Geiler . . ., p. 393 n. 2, 394, 407 n. 1.
John Eck, whom there is reason to relate to the nominalistic

movement, 1 speaks with gratitude later on 2 of the deep impression
which Geiler and his circle had made upon him during his years in
Strassburg, where he was ordained to the priesthood. He mentions
in the Chrysopassus 3 having consulted Geiler six years previously,
which would have been 15081 the year of his ordination, on the ques-
tion of the hope of salvation. In 1512 Eck published a German version
of Geiler's Navicula penitentie. 4
(4) Hailed as a forerunner of the Reformation even in the sixteenth
century, Geiler involves us directly in the question of the relation of
reform movements of the later middle ages and the Reformation.
Geiler was listed by Matthias Flacius in his Catalogus testium veritatis. 6
An interesting story which bears on Geiler's relation to the Stras-
bourg reformation appears to stem from the chronicle of the Protes-
tant Specklin, writing in the mid-sixteenth century. Pope Adrian VI,
troubled by sympathies for Luther in Strasbourg, wrote a letter to
1 J. Schlecht, "Dr. Johann Eeks Anfiinge," H]B 36 (1915), pp. 1-36. See esp.
pp. 4, 8: " ... erkliirte er zuniichst die Sentenzen des Petrus Lombardus an der
Hand der Kommentare, die Meister Wilhelm Occam und der Tiibinger Professor
Gabriel Biel dazu verfasst hatten." The source cited by Schlecht, however, appears
to be a wrong reference in this case.
2 "Anno vero 1508. Argentinae ordinatus sum sacerdos Luciae: dispensatione
super minori aetate a sede apostolka legato obtenta: aucta tune fuit mihi familiari-
tas, quam cum optimis quibusque Rhenanis illo tempore contraxeram, Tilmanno
Basiliensi. Jacobo Vuinphelingio (qui mihi antea Alberti magni librum de ad-
haerendo Deo dedicaverat, sicut et postea Aureoli epitome byblicum) Beato
Rhenano, et Gebuilero Selestatensi loan. Kaiserspergio Theologo incomparabili,
Thoma Vuolphio, Sebastiano Brant. .. Admiratione <lignum est, iuvenem, alieni-
genam, pauperem, familiaritatem, et amicitiam tot spectabilium virorum obti-
nuisse." Eck, Replica Io. Eckii adversus scripta secunda Buceri apostatae super actis
Ratisponae (Ingoldstadii, 1543), 54 [O ii] A. See Schlecht, "Dr. Johann Eeks
Anfiinge," p. 8.
3 "Patet: nam virtus spes non inclinat ad sperandum vitam aeternam, nisi per
debita media a deo praefixa/ nobis notificata: alioquin iam non esset spes/ sed
temeraria quaedam et futilis praesumptio. . . et in fine de peccatis in spiritum
sanctum. Et istud ultimum doctor Ioannes Geiler Keiserspergius optimus vir
consultus a me ante sex annos ad pulchrum dubium applicabit: cuius verba adhuc
memori mente teneo: sed du bi um ad materiam nostram est impertinens/ idcirco
transeo." Eck, Chrysopassus (Augustae, 1514), Centuria 6, dubium 24.
4 Das Schiff des Hei!.r ... (Strassburg, 1512). Cf. Eck's Chry.ropassu.r, Centuria 6,
dub. 26: " ... per bonae memoriae virum Iohannem Geiler Keiserspergium divini
verbi/ dum in vita erat, concionatorem mirificum, praeceptorem nostrum semper
observandum, in navicula poenitentiae quam nos sub epitomate in formam capi-
tulorum et quatuor partium redactam, multis resectis, compluribus additis,
plaerisque mutatis. . . Kunegundi duci utriusque Baiorariae ... dedicabimus."
5 (Lugdun, 1597), II, p. 895.
the Senate of the city, delivered by Cheregati January 1, 1523, anathe-

matizing Lutheran doctrine and insisting that heretical works be
burned. The deputies of the republic to the Diet were charged by the
Senate to reply. They began by disqualifying themselves as judges of
heresy, but pointed out that long before Luther's day they had heard
charges against the priests and monks, similar to those brought by the
men accused of heresy, from Geiler. Though Geiler conferred with
the bishops and the magistrate, reform was never accomplished. 1
Cheregati replied that the propositions of Luther had already been
condemned, so there was no need to examine them. "As to Dr.
Geiler, if what you affirm were true, he would have overstepped the
limits of his powers, and his example would not justify what is going
on in your city." 2
Two other passages which are much disputed are to be found in
the chronicle of Specklin. These concern a prophecy which Geiler is
reported to have uttered on two occasions-when the Emperor
Maximilian was present at the cathedral sermon along with the bishop
-announcing that God would soon send reformers who would be
more successful in removing abuses. 3
1 "Nous sommes des hommes peu lettres, c'est aux savants a juger ce qui est
relatif aux saintes Ecritures et aux heresies; jusqu' a present nous sommes restes
membres de l'ancienne religion. Quant aux accusations portees contre Jes pretres
et les moines par ceux qu'on taxe d'heresie, nous en avons entendu de semblables
il y a plus de vingt ans, par consequent bien longtemps avant qu'il fut question
de Luther. A cette epoque le D. Geiler prechait a la cathedrale, et souvent ii a eu
des entretiens et des conferences avec feu l'eveque Albert, avec l'eveque Guillaume
et avec le Magistrat, pour aviser aux moyens de porter remede a la vie desordonnee
des deres, mais cela n' a servi de rien, il n'y a pas eu de reforme." Dacheux, Jean
Geiler .. ., p. 499. Quoted from Marie T. de Bussierre, Histoire de l'etablissement
du Protestantisme a Strasbourg et en Alsace d'apres des documents inidits (Paris, 1856),
p. 98. De Bussiere refers to Wencker and Specklin.
2 "Quand au docteur Geiler, si ce que vous affirmez etait vrai, il aurait outre-
passe ses pouvoirs, et son exemple ne justifierait pas ce qui se passe clans votre
ville." De Bussierre, p. 99. This work disputes Protestant claims of extensive
abuses in the later middle ages, pp. 25-27, and denies that Geiler is a pre-Reformer,
pp. 27-31. Dacheux's omission of the second part of the story related here some-
what alters its effect.
3 "Lieben freund, vor einem halben iahr als ich habe streng gepredigt wider
alle schandt und laster. . . und habe verhofft es solle alles abgestelt werden, so
wird es nur mehr gestaerckt. Die ursach will ich euch melden. Da mich unser
heiliger vatter der pabst und unser gnaediger herr, der bishoff zugegen, auch alle
praeladen und hoffgesind nit recht verstanden haben, derohalben muss ich sie
entschuldigen, clan ich habe hart darauff getrungen alle solche laster zu reformiren,
so haben sie's verstanden sie sollen's devitiren (sic) und derohalben gehet alles
noch so fort. Als ich aber unsern gnaedigen bishoff, Jesus Christus, recht berichtet
habe, hoere ich, so wird er andre reformatoren schicken die es besser verstehen
The reliability of Specklin's report is contested by the Protestant

Schmidt. 1 Dacheux also recognizes the dubious authenticity of this
report from the standpoint of critical historical scholarship; but he
is prepared to accept the view that Geiler could indeed have uttered
such a warning. For Specklin's image of Geiler is corroborated by
other evidence of sixteenth-century recollections of Geiler as such a
"prophet." 2 In general, however, these prophecies have been firmly
rejected by Roman Catholic and some modern Protestant scholars,
though enthusiastically espoused by older and less scholarly Protes-
tant interpreters of Geiler. 3
Despite considerable interest in Geiler' s relation to the Reformation,
no line of theological influence specifically on the Bucerian tradition
or the radical reformation movements which flourished in the Strass-
burg area has been noted in the literature. 4
Geiler and the Roman lndex.-Scholars interested in Geiler in recent

years have been generally puzzled by the discovery that he appears
on the first Roman Index, published by Paul IV in 1559, in Class I, all
of his works being prohibited. 5 Further examination of the Index
reveals the fact that two of his works, the Sermones de oratione dominica
and the Speculum fatuorum, appear in Class II under the name not of
werden. Sie sind schon mit der bullen auf dem weg; ich werd es nit erleben, aber
eure viel werden's sehen und erleben. Da wird man mich gern haben wollen und
folgen, aber da wird kein hiilff noch rath mehr seyn. Darum wolle iedermann
dencken das es ausbreche. Koenig Maximilian hat am imbis, als bishoff Albrecht
und andre mit ihm assen mit grossem ernst solches vermeldt und gewarnet, und
<loch D. Kaysersbergers hoeflichkeit wohl moegen lachen." Specklin, BSCMHA
14 (1889), p. 292, from year 1492. Cf. similar prophecy, ibid., p. 297, from year
1504. These have been partly quoted in translation by Dacheux, Jean Gei/er . .. ,
p. 498; also Adolphe Schaeffer, "Un predicateur catholique au quinzieme siecle,"
Revue chritienne 9 (1862), pp. 212-13. Twentieth-century literature does not indicate
that Geiler scholars are aware that these passages and many other important ones
from Specklin have been preserved and published.
1 Hist. /itt .. . , I, p. 369.
2 Jean Gei/er . . ., pp. 498-499.
3 J.M. B. Clauss, "Kritische Uebersicht der Schriften iiber Geiler von Kaysers-
berg," HJB 31 (1910), pp. 485-519, passim.

4 H. Bornkamm, Martin Bucers Bedeutungfur die europiiische R~formationsgeschichte
(Giitersloh, 1952), p. 11 speaks of the "Tradition innerlicher Frommigkeit" of

the mystics and Geiler as preparation for the Reformation.
5 Die Indices /ibrorum prohibitorum des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, ed. Fr. H. Reusch
(Nieuwkoop, 1961: photo. reprint of Tiibingen, 1886), pp. 190-1. Geiler is listed
both as Johannes Cheyserspergensis and J. Keyserspergius. The history of Geiler's
relation to the Index apparently has nowhere before been traced in comprehensive
fashion.
Geiler, but of their editor, Jacob Otther, 1 who also stands in Class I.2
Our exploration of the question of Geiler's relation to the Index has
indicated that his sixteenth-century reputation as a "forerunner of
the Reformation," coupled with the fact that Jacob Otther, his
famulus who edited several important editions of his works, became
a Protestant minister, seems responsible.
The career of Otther (d. 1547) provides an important clue to the
riddle of Geiler's appearance and disappearance from the Index which
we shall trace below. Otther, who had known the humanists Wimpfel-
ing and Jodocus Galtz in Speier in his youth, became Geiler's secretary
and priest to the convent of the Penitents of Mary Magdalene in 1507.
After Geiler's death three years later, he continued his theological
studies, becoming Licentiatus in 1517. By 1520-within ten years of
the time he left Geiler's household and within seven years of the time
he published his last edition of Geiler's works-Otther had become
an enthusiastic follower of Luther. 3 As a reformer in Kenzingen,
Neckarsteinach, Solothurn, Aarau and Esslingen, Otther at times
experienced considerable opposition to his work, 4 but also notable
success. 6 He published sermons, catechisms and confessions, a liturgy,
prayerbook, and a Church order. 6 After Luther's warm response to
the confession drawn up by Otther and the other Esslingen pastors
in 1535, Otther accompanied Butzer and others in 1536 to Wittenberg
to conclude an alliance with Luther. Butzer speaks highly of Otther. 7
Thus in the mid-sixteenth century, Otther had acquired a reputation
as a Protestant reformer.
In the later of his two attempts to explain Geiler's presence on the
Index, Reusch has suggested that it was Otther, the Protestant, who
had been originally cited there; through his connection with Geiler's
works, Geiler's name must then have been included. 8 As evidence
for this hypothesis, Reusch points out that Conrad Gesner's entry on
Otther in his Bibliotheca refers to Otther's collecting Geiler's sermons
only on the Navicula fatuorum and De oratione dominica, precisely the
1 Ibid., p. 192: "Jacobi Ottheri Sermones. Item Speculum fatuorum."

2 Ibid., p. 190.
3 Bossert, art. "Otter, Jacob," in RE, XIV, p. 527.
4 K. F. Vierordt, Geschichte der Reformation im Grossherzogthum Baden, (Karlsruhe,
1847), pp. 171-5.

6 Bossert, RE, XIV, pp. 528-30.
8 Bossert, RE, XIV, pp. 527-30.

7 Bossert, RE, XIV, pp. 529-30. For Luther's letter, see WA BR VII, pp. 297-8.
8 Fr. H. Reusch, Der Index der verboten Bucher (Bonn, 1883), I, pp. 370-1.
two volumes which are listed in Class II on Paul IV's Index. Further-
more Beatus Rhenanus' life of Geiler is referred to by Gesner in the
same entry, and Rhenanus also is to be found in Class I on the Index. 1
One weakness of this hypothesis is that the spelling of Geiler's
name on the Index does not correspond in either of the two listings
to that of Gesner. Reusch had already rejected his own earlier sugges-
tion of a possible connection between Flaccius Illyricus's Catalogus
testium veritatis and the Index at least partially on grounds of the lack
of correspondence in the spelling of Geiler's name. 2
Reusch's suggestion, however, has the virtue of explaining an
otherwise very puzzling aspect of the story: Why should the Navicula
fatuorum and the Sermones de oratione dominica-and only these-be
listed in Class II? If Geiler had already been firmly placed in Class I,
this entry would be unnecessary. And if one were to single out from
all of Geiler's works those most likely to earn a place on the Index,
the Navicula fatuorum might be mentioned; but several of the German
editions would surely be more promising candidates than the Sermones
de oratione dominica, which have never been criticized. This strange
selection can, however, be reasonably explained by the assumption
that the compilers of the Index worked from Gesner's Bibliotheca
without any knowledge of the content of the works listed. Such a
procedure would also explain the inability of the Commission on the
Index at Trent to justify Geiler's inclusion on the Index of Paul IV.
At the Council of Trent in 1536, when the commission on the
Index was considering necessary revision of Paul IV's list to remove
some "pious and learned persons" mistakenly included, 3 Geiler was
1 "Diesen Artikel [of Gesner] hat P. [Paul IV's Index] sicher benutzt. .. "
Reusch, Der Index . .. , p. 371. See C. Gesner, Bib!iotheca universalis, sive Cata!ogus
omnium scriptorum, I (Tiguri, 1545), 360v: "lacobus Ottherus Nemetensis claruit
Argentorati anno 1509. collegit Ioannis Geiler Keiserspergii concionatoris Argen-
tinensis Naviculam sive Speculum fatuorum. Adjecta est eiusdem Geileri vitae
descriptio per Bea tum Rhenanum. . . Sermones Ioanni Keisersper gii de oratione
Dominica, ab eodem collecti, impresse sunt Argentorati ... " None of Otther's
own writings is mentioned. In the entry of Geiler, 419v_42or, which is certainly
based on Trithemius, Gesner lists Serm. var. tract., Nav. pen., Peregr., Oral. dom.,
Frag. pass.: "Ego titulos tantum legi in Catalogo Basiliensis officinae Hervagii."
A similar entry on Geiler can be found in IV (Tiguri, 1555), 64 v1; this must be
based on Trithemius' entry in Catalogus i!!ustrium virorum, in his Opera historica
(Francofurti, 1601), pp. 170-1. There are at least nine references to Geiler in the
volume dealing with theology, III (Tiguri, 1549).
2 Reusch, "Drei deutsche Prediger auf dem Index," A!emannia 8 (1880), pp.
24-25.
3 " ••• mir neben andern erzbischoven und bischoven vom concilio die burde
aufgetragen ist, den cathalogum hereticorum et librorum prohibitorum zu uber-

striken from the list after consultation with the Cathedral Chapter in
Augsburg. We learn this from the correspondence of Archbishop
Anton Brus, chairman of the commission. 1 Only the Navicula jatuorum
and the Scrmoncs de orationc dominica, edited by the "apostate" Otther,
remained on the Index, apparently as an oversight. 2
When the Index of Pius IV, the so-called Trent Index, was published
in 1564, Geiler was indeed passed over in silence: but Otther appeared
in Class I and again in Class II as before. 3 As further evidence that
Geiler had been officially cleared from the charge of heresy, it should
be pointed out that the diocese of Munich in 1569 published the
Trent Index, followed by a "most select list of authors from which a
complete catholic library can properly be constituted;" there, along
with the Fathers-and Gabriel Biel-stood Johannes Khaiserspergius. 4
It is difficult then to explain why Geiler should reappear in Class I
sehen und etzliche bi.icher zu corrigieren. und hat sich die zeit her, so wir damit
nun fast anderhalb jar umbgehen, befunden, das gleichwohl etzliche frome und
gelerte personen nit wenig beschwert sein gewest auf bericht, so Paulus IV
pontifex von innen eingenommen hat und gedachten indicem gestelt, wie dann
<lurch uns irer etzliche aus der andern anzal und demselben indice liberirt sein ... "
Briefe des Prager Erzbischofs Anton Brus von Muglitz 1562-63, ed. S. Steinherz
(Prag, 1907). pp. 109-110.
1 "Ad praepositum decanum et capitulum Augustanum. Reverendi Domini et
amid charissimi. Invenitur in haereticorum catalogo Romae sub felicis recordati-

onis Paulo IV edito Joannes Kayserspergius in classe prima litera I bis positus,
et multi ex nobis ad revidendum ilium indicem deputatis patribus dubitant, eum
virum aliquid scripsisse quod a fide sit alienum, paucissimique sunt qui aliquid
eius authoris unquam legerint. nos vero aliquando vidimus passim in Germaniae
monasteriis praesertim sanctimonialium legi postillum sub eius authoris nomine
Germanice editum. legimus etiam celebrem eius mentionem apud J oannem Ecci-
um. properant nunc deputati patres ad finem indicis novi conficiendi, idque iussu
s. pontificis et ss. concilii; quare a Dominationibus Vestris Reverendis, quae nobis
viciniores sunt, et commoditate publici cursus per equos dispositos reliquis citius
consulere possunt, petimus ut iudicium suum de Joanne Kayserspergio nobis
primo quoque tempore aperire non graventur et postillum cum aliis, si quae ab
illo scripta haberi possunt, hue ad nos mittant. nollet enim s. deputatio cuique
fieri iniuriam sed tantum saluti legentium libros consulere. facient Dnes V. Rmae
rem et se dignam et ecclesiae utilem, si quod res est eo citius significaverint.
cupimus Dnes V. rectissime valere. Datum Tridenti 6 Septembris 1563." Ibid.,
p. 135. No official records of the proceedings of the Commission on the Index are
available. Cf. CT., IX, p. 1104, n. 1.
2 Fr. H. Reusch, Der Index ... , I, pp. 370-1. Both Steinherz, p. 135, and Ludwig
F. von Pastor, Geschi&hte der Piipste (Freiburg i. Br., 1920), VII, p. 302 (n. 3)
mistakenly claim that only the Otther edition of the Navi&ula fatuorum remained
on the Index, though both refer to Reusch, Joe. cit. Von Pastor appears dependent
on Steinherz.
3 Die Indices librorum prohibitorum . .. , pp. 266, 269.
4 "Index selectissimum auctorum, ex quibus integra bibliotheca catholica
institui recte possit." Ibid., p. 334; Biel, p. 333.
14 GEILER AND LAl'E MEDIEVAL PREACHING
in 1590 on the Index published by Sixtus V 1 and should stand there

with the notation, "Trent Index," on all subsequent editions up to
the general reorganization of the Index in 1900. Reusch calls this
fact "scandalous," explaining that others removed at Trent were
also reentered by Sixtus V; but most were stricken again by Clement
VIII, Geiler being left by pure negligence. 2
Apparently Alsatians interested in Geiler were not aware of the
fact that Geiler was on the Index until around 1880. Dacheux in his
first volume, the biography of Geiler published in 1876, does not
mention the fact, 3 nor does Schmidt, whose work was published in
1879. An article in 1880 announces that Geiler's work is forbidden
as though this were a new discovery. 4 De Lorenzi, in the introduction
of his translation of excerpts from Geiler' s works dated 1881, expres-
ses his shock at having discovered the fact when his translation was
nearly completed. 5 And the second volume by Dacheux, containing
some of Geiler's writings and published in 1882, carries on its title
page a notation that permission for publication had been granted by
the Congregation of the Index. 6
De Lorenzi explains that he received permission from the Con-
gregation of the Index to publish an emended (!) text, provided that
Geiler's errors were explained in the introduction. This list of de
Lorenzi's appears to be the only place where a Roman Catholic inter-
preter has attempted to spell out Geiler's theological errors. Others
stoutly maintain his orthodoxy-. 7
Gei/er's alleged errors.-Because our choice of Geiler for study is so
largely dependent on his reputation among his contemporaries for
1 Ibid., p. 489. Otther in Class I, p. 488; in Class II, p. 493.

2 Reusch, Der Index ... , I, pp. 371-2.
3 A footnote, p. 563 n. 1, refers to the two Otter editions being later put on
the Index.
4 Reusch, "Drei deutsche Prediger auf dem Index," p. 24: "Es wird wol
manchen Lesern der A/emannia neu sein, class Geiler von Kaisersberg auf dem
Romischen Index der verbotenen Bucher stet, und zwar unter den 'Auctores
primae classis' ... "
5 Schriften, I, p. v.
6 Die ii/testen Schriften . . .
7 Dacheux, Jean Gei/er . .. , pp. 221 f. Dacheux does admit that Geiler failed to
do justice to papal attempts to organize a crusade for which indulgence money

had been collected, pp. 249 ff. Cf. Clauss "Kritische Obersicht .. .,"passim.]. G.
Muller, KL, V, col. 194, merely refers to de Lorenzi. Stammler, Von der Mystik .. . ,
p. 254-5, has noted Geiler's presence on the Index, attributing it to his sharp
words against the clergy. Von Ammon, Leben . .. , p. 40, doubts that Geiler's
teaching on the Pope and indulgences is fully Roman.
sound doctrine and responsible teaching, it is essential to clarify the

nature of the errors identified by de Lorenzi.
First, it is alleged that Geiler was overzealous in criticizing the
hierarchy of the Church, particularly in questioning the papal right to
suspend earlier indulgence bulls in announcing the Jubilee of 1500. 1
Second, during a famine in 1481, Geiler was reported to the city
authorities to have told the poor from the pulpit to go into the houses
of the rich to take the grain they needed, breaking in the doors with
axes if necessary. This advice, de Lorenzi claims, goes counter to all
morals. 2
The third concerns the Eucharist. De Lorenzi charges that it is
erroneous and offensive to teach that the body of Christ received in
the sacrament of the altar is not effective in the soul of the communi-
cant through its own power, but that the body of Christ imparts grace
to the communicant in a mysterious manner similar to that of the
water of baptism. 3
Fourth, Geiler in the Peregrinus carries on a polemic against the
teaching that in baptism both the theological and moral virtues are
1 " ••• von solchen anstosstgen Behauptungen, besonders von verletzenden
Aeusserungen gegen kirchliche Oberen und Genossenschaften hat Geiler in

seinem reformatorischen Eifer sich nicht stets frei zu halten gewusst." De Lorenzi,
S chriften, I, p. 11. When Geiler was asked about the suspension of indulgences, he
replied that ". . . Insbesondere, class es ein Betrug sei, wenn die Gliiubigen der
wohl erworbenen Ablasse ohne Entschiidigung beraubt wurden; class durch
diesen Verlust viele Seelen im Fegfeuer schwer zu leiden hiitten, und endlich,
class, gleichwie der Papst nicht die Gewalt habe, ohne rechtmiissige Ursache
Abliisse zu erteilen, er wohl auch nicht ohne rechtmiissige Ursache die erteilten
widerrufen oder suspendiren konne. Hier geht Geiler offenbar viel zu weit, und,
abgesehen von dieser irrigen Meinung, verletzt er groblich die dem Apostolischen
Stuhle schuldige Erhfurcht, zumal da er diesen Gegenstand unter dem allgemeinen
Titel, 'Fiilschung und Betrug' bespricht. .. " S chriften, I, pp. 12-13.
2 " 'Gehet hin in die Hauser der Reichen, welche Korn aufgespeichert haben;
sind sie geschlossen, so schlaget die Thuren mit Aexten ein und nehmet euch
Korn' usw. Es leuchtet ei:n, class eine solche Aufforderung, so gerecht auch der
Zorn des Redners uber die Hartherzigkeit der Wucherer gewesen sein mag, gegen
alle Moral verstosst." S chriften, I, p. 13. Quoted from Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. ,
p. 528.
3 "Irrig und anstossig ist drittens die in der Navicula Penitentiae IV L ausge-
sprochene Ansicht Geilers uber die Wirkungsweise des Altarssakramentes, wenn

er die Frage, wie der Leib Christi die angegebenen Wirkungen auf die Seele des
wurdigen Empfangers ausube, dahin beantwortet, class er diese nicht durch die
ihm eigene Kraft hervorbringe, sondern class iihnlich wie bei dem Wasser der hi.
Taufe, beim Empfange des Leibes Christi in geheimnissvoller Weise die Gnaden
mitgeteilt wurden." Schriften, I, p. 13.
infused. De Lorenzi argues that this is now commonly taught doctrine. 1

It is clear that de Lorenzi does not consider these sufficient grounds
for Geiler to be placed on the Index. And it is significant that no
Roman Catholic scholar seems to have used the occasion provided
by the Church's condemnation of the writings to bring stronger
evidence to question Geiler's essential orthodoxy.
In the case of de Lorenzi's first and third points, we will show in the
appropriate chapters below that de Lorenzi has not properly under-
stood the context out of which Geiler speaks. 2 With regard to the
fourth, it is not clear either that Geiler has consistently refuted this
teaching or that it is in fact a point on which the Roman Church has
taken a dogmatic stand. 3
The second is not to be found in Geiler's sermons. Dacheux accepts
the report as reliable, pointing to the mildness of the city councils'
reaction as evidence of the gravity of the situation which provoked
such an outburst of "charity" from Geiler. 4 Though there is no other
evidence of Geiler's counseling social revolution-and much to the
contrary-5, his constant admonitions to generosity toward the poor
and his sharp blasts against the hard-hearted rich lend some credence
to the account.s
1 " ••• in dem Peregrinus VIII Z van Geiler als gegen eine Neologie gefiihrte
Polemik wider den jetzt als sententia communis geltenden Satz (vergl. Cat. Rom.
2.2.50) class in der hl. Taufe ausser den gottlichen auch die sittlichen Tugenden
eingegossen werden." Schriften, I, p. 13.
2 See pp. 201-3 and pp. 187-9.
a See pp. 120-5.

4 Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , pp. 528-9. The account from the Stadt-Ordnungen,
XXIX, fol. 59: "Des doctors zum Munster rede halp als er in siner bredigen offent-
lich geret hat zu den armen der durung des korns halp: louffent den richen luten
in ir huser die korn hant, ist es beslossen, slahent es mit einer ax uff und nebent
korn an ain kerwe holtz, verlieren ir <las kerweholtz, kummen zu mir so wil ich
uch sagen wie ir es verantwurten sollen und zu lest geret, <loch es ist noch nicht
zit, wan es aber zit ist <las wil ich uch was sagen.
Des haben sich die Herren die XIII und XV underret uff meynunge gutlich
mit im zu reden das im solicher swerer red in siner bredigen nit not gewesen sy,
und in zu bitten fruntlich davon zu ston.
Su beduncken auch geraten sin, das teglich Ammeister und Ratherr mit den
schoffeln uff siner stuben frunntlich und in geheim rede obe ire stube gesellen
einer oder me sich des doctors red an neme <las sie in gutlich davon wisen uff
gutlich wege die zu stuben dienen." Quoted by Dacheux,jean Geiler . .. , p. 528 n. 2.
6 For example, his familiar complaint that no one is content to remain in his
own place: "Sunt qui non contentantur terminis a deo sibi prefixis et mensura
etc. sed super id tendunt. Agricola vult esse civis: civis nobilis: nobilis miles:"
etc. Nav. fat. XXVII M. Cf. Nav. pen. 2vt.
8 Peregr. XVII G-H; Nav. fat. VII T - VIII C.
More characteristic of his response to a particularly pressing prob-

lem, however, is his handling of the desperate situation of the poor
suffering from syphilis, in need of food and medicine. Day after day
in his sermons comes the appeal for charity on their behalf. He even
reassures the people that he himself will supervise the administering
of these emergency funds. 1
Turning now to Geiler's contemporaries for evidence of their
regard for the soundness of his teaching, documentation is readily at
hand from those in his own circle of friends : Wimpfeling, 2 Beatus
Rhenanus, 3 Brant 4 and Eck. 5
Though the poetic tributes to authors found on the backs of title
pages are not to be taken with utter seriousness, it is interesting that
here, too, the same emphasis on Geiler's zeal in proclaiming the divine
law recurs, 6 along with his erudition and personal discipline.
1 Gem. spir. 35vt-2; 36v1; 37r1; 37v1, See Dacheux,jean Geiler .. . , pp. 522-8;
L. Pfleger, "Das Auftreten der Syphilis in Strassburg, Geiler von Kaysersberg

und der Kult des heiligen Fiakrius," ZGO NS 33 (1918), pp. 153-173; Pfleger,
"Les origines de l'avarie a Strasbourg et le predicateur Jean Geiler de Kaysers-
berg," RCA 36 (1921), pp. 473-478.
2 " ••• veri dei oraculum ... ecclesie tuba/ ... non peccata nimium attenuans nee
plus equo exaggerans in dicenda veritate nullius timens potentiam." Vita I. K.

153 v2. " ... imperterritusque/verax/ solidus/ constans/ fidei tenax integerrimusque
fuit ... " Ibid., 154 v2.
3 "Floruerunt sane omni evo/ qui virtutes ceteris ardentius amplexati/ heroice
vite non infimum vestigium attigerint. Ex horum numero nostra tempestate fuit
Ioannes Geilerus Cesaremontanus ... " Vita Geileri, 151 v2. " ... quanta hie gravi-
tate/ quanta simul authoritate tot annis populum edocuerit. .. " Ibid., 151 vi.
4 "Cum tua tangat opus praesens studia atque laborem
Hine titulo assigno id nominibusque tuis

Tu mihi praeceptor mihi tu pater atque magister
Tu patriae nostrae gloria fama decor
Te doctore parens nostra Argentina relucet
Hactenus et felix teque beata viget
Declamare soles, tua verba salubria discit
Plurima honestorum christicolumque cohors
Condo te plebis sequitus, tibi nomina ab inde
Fausta tenes, plebis tu pater atque salus,
Proinde tibi tribuat vitam Deus optimus illam
Quam populum cunctum verbo opere atque doces."
"Apostropha ad doctorem Keysersperg," in Sebastian Brants Narrenschijf, ed. F.
Zarncke (Hildesheim, 1961: photo reprint of Leipzig, 1854), p. 184. See Geiler's
epitaph by Brant, ibid., p. 154 in German, p. 195 in Latin. Compare the latter with
Dacheux, Jean Geiler .. ., p. 506. See also poem dedicated by Brant to Geiler,
Zarncke, op. cit., p. 183.
5 See above, p. 8.
6 "Argentina deo grates age/ plaude/ triumpha.
Quod talem ac tantum digna es habere virum

Entries on Geller appear in the writings of John Trithemius, the

learned abbot of Sponheim, both in the Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis 1
and in theCatalogus illustrium virorum. 2 He speaks of him not only as
erudite in Holy Scriptures, but also very learned in secular letters.
Though Trithemius has not read all of Geiler's works, he is in corre-
spondence with him; and he expresses a scholar's delight in the care-
fully organized edition of Gerson's works which was under Geiler's
supervison. A letter to Wimpfeling printed at the head of the Cata-
logus, asking him to correct the work, referring to him as "amantis-
sime," would indicate that Wimpfeling is the mutual friend who may
provide the link between Trithemius and Geiler. 3
The generalities with which Geiler's praise is expressed and the
lack of defensiveness lead us to believe that his orthodoxy had not
been called into question during his lifetime, despite the fact that,
as we shall see, the rigor of Geiler's criticism of the Church and
society often aroused angry protest.
(5) An unusual!y rich collection of source materials is available. As we
shall see below, with few exceptions Geiler's sermons have been
printed and are extant. 4
Although we will deal primarily with Geiler, parallels and contrasts
will be drawn with contemporary preachers, especially Biel because
Qui tibi terdenos vates fuit optimus annos

Divinam legem et scripta probata docens
Ad declamandum/ quern non stimulat sitis auri
Non favor aut luxus aucupiumve novum:
Sed divinus honor/ zelusque ingens animarum
Quas cupit angustam/ carpere ad astra viam."
From back of title page of Frag. pass .. . (Strassburg 1508). Cf. the Endecasyllabum
Ottomari Luscinii lurispontificii Doctoris on the title page of Serm. var. tract.
(Strassburg, 1518).
1 In Bibliotheca ecclesiastica, ed. J. A. Fabricius (Hamburg, 1718), p. 220: "Magnis
hie sumptibus et labore diuturno collegit opera Johannis Gerson, quorum multa
ex Gallia tandem ad nos perduxit, dividens ea in tres partes ordine pulcherrimo,
ac tabulam utilem admodum conficiens, id totum impressurae donavit."
2 Op. cit., pp. 170-71: " ... vir in divinis scripturis studiosus et eruditus, et in
secularibus literis egregie doctus, ingenio subtilis, sermone disertus, vita et con-
versatione praeclarus, veritatis praeco imperterritus. . . Scripsit etiam tam ad me
quam ad alios multas ornatissimas epistolas ... Uncle merito ab omnibus eruditis
et devotis singulariter est amandus, qui suis laboribus et impensis tot volumina
erudissimi devotissimi que doctoris produxit in lucem." (1495).
3 Op. cit., p. 122. See Germania vonfacob Wimpfeling, ed. E. Martin (Strassburg,
1885), p. 4.
4 See the important catalogue of Geiler's works in L. Dacheux, Die iiltesten
Schriften .. . , pp. xxv-cxxxxiii; other listings can be found in Schrridt, Hist.

litt.. . , II, pp. 373-90; Newald, in Verfasserlexikon, II, col. 8.
of the clear relation between the two men, Olivier Maillard,1 an

observantist Franciscan doctor in theology who preached in France
in the last decades of the fifteenth century, and Michael Menot, 2 an-
other Franciscan Observantist in France preaching in the first two
decades of the sixteenth century. The latter in particular has been
compared with Geiler on several occasions with regard to preaching
style, 3 and our reading has indicated similarities in theology.
THE PRESENT STATUS OF GEILER SCHOLARSHIP
Biographical treatments.-ln addition to countless general works

dealing with church history in Germany or Alsace or with German
literature of the period which refer to Geiler, there is a considerable
body of monographs and articles dealing with Geiler. 4 In view of the
fact that all known sources for information on his life appear to have
been minutely scrutinized, a new biographical treatment does not
seem warranted at this time. Furthermore, some of the frequently-
quoted documents relevant to the task have been destroyed either in
the war of 1870-71 or by twentieth-century bombings. We have found
1 See A. Samouillan, Olivier Maillard, sa predication et son temps (Paris, 1891).

2 See biographical summary in preface to Sermons choisis de Michel Menot (1508-
18), ed. Joseph Neve (Paris, 1924), pp. viii-xxix.
3 Schmidt, Hist. litt ... , I, pp. 385, 419 f., 458 ff.; L. Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner
Johannes Pauli und seine Ausgaben Geilerscher Predigten," AEKG 3 (1928),

p. 66; A. Vonlanthen, "Geilers Seelenparadies im Verhiiltnis zur Vorlage,"
AEKG 6 (1931), p. 323; Bolte, ed.,]oh. Pauli .. ., I, p. *22, Paul Bernard, "Un
predicateur populaire aux approches de la reforme, Jean Geiler de Keisersberg
(1447-1510)," Etudes, vol. 124, year 47 (1910), p. 209, indicates that Geiler is best
compared with the Frenchmen Menot, Maillard, and Raulin or the Italian Barletta
in preaching style. Dependent on A. Samouillan, Olivier Maillard, sa predication et
son temps, p. 251 and passim.
4 For work published before 1910, the article by Clauss, "Kritische Ueber-
sicht. .. " is a most helpful guide. We call attention to a few of the most funda-
mental secondary works: The earliest biographies are those of Beatus Rhenanus
and Wimpfeling, printed in Serm. var. tract, 151 v-160r. F. W. P. von Ammon,
Geiler van Kaisersbersberg.r Leben, Lehren u. Predigen (Erlangen, 1826), including
brief excerpts from his work arranged by topics, is noted for its objectivity though
the author is Protestant. Dacheux's works are basic: his biography includes much
background information on the period and extensive quotations, usually un-
translated, from correspondence, chronicles, and some sources since destroyed;
the second volume provides not only the most extensive bibliography of Geiler's
works, but otherwise unavailable texts. De Lorenzi's introduction is heavily
dependent~ on Dacheux and makes little contribution. Among recent scholars,
see the extensive bibliography of works by Lucian Pfleger, AEKG 11 (1936).
pp. 6 ff.
Dacheux's biography to be generally quite satisfactory, despite minor

corrections to be noted from time to time.
The works of Geiler.-In the area of literary criticism, important
advances have been made since the nineteenth-century studies by
Dacheux and Schmidt. However many questions concerning the
texts remain.
The writings of Geiler which have come down to us include ser-
mons, some of which have been reworked by Geiler into small tracts,
a few letters, his will, Twenty-one Articles presented to the city council
of Strassburg, and a Monotessaron of the Passion narrative. It is the
sermons which have posed problems of authenticity and reliability. 1
These problems lie in two general areas. First, the question of the
reliability of our texts of Geiler's sermons is complicated by the fact
that apart from the little booklet, Bin A.B.C. wie man sich schicken sol/
zuo einem kiistlichen seligen tod, 2 the only published works of Geiler
which he alone edited are his translations of Gersonian writings:
seven of these are collected in the volume known as Das Jrrig Schaf;
the Todtenbuchlein was published separately. All the remaining works
have passed through the hands of an editor or translator or were
recorded by listeners. Rhenanus considers it a mark of Geiler's con-
tempt for human glory that he did not approve, but only acquiesced
in the publication of his works by others. 3
Second, careful students of Geiler have pointed out his heavy de-
pendence on other writers, notably Gerson, Nider, and Brant. He
has frequently translated their works into German, or adapted their
writings to form a structure for a series of his own sermons. In general
it can be said that Geiler now appears to be less a copyist than it
would appear from some older secondary sources. 4 Newer studies
1 For convenience in identifying the writings of Geiler and relating the Latin
and German texts, an appendix has been provided which lists the known published
works in the order of publication, indicating their relation to other authors and
to other works of Geiler.
2 A. Hoch, Geilers von Kaysersberg 'Ars Moriendi' aus dem]ahre 1497 (Freiburg
i. Br., 1901). Paulus in his notice on this work in H]B 22 (1901), pp. 459-61,
comments that Hoch errs only in believing his copy to be unique. Falk had earlier
worked with another copy, though he did not recognize it as the work of Geiler.
See F. Falk, Die deutschen SterbebUchlein von der ii/testen Zeit des Buchdruckes bis zum
]ahre 1520 (Cologne, 1890). A facsimile edition was published by L. Pfleger, Bin
A.B.C. wie man sich schicken sol/ zuo einem kost/ichen seligen tod (Hagenau, 1930).
3 "Tanta vero magnanimitate sui ipsius conscius: humanam gloriam contemp-
sit: ut suarum lucubrationum nihil vivus ederet. cum tamen id per alios fieri
sciret: non approbare / sed acquiescere videbatur." Vita Geileri, 1S2v1.
4 Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , pp. 530 ff.; Schmidt; Hist. lilt .. . , I, pp. 379 ff.
THE PRESENT STATUS OF GEILER SCHOLARSHIP 21
emphasize Geiler's role as commentator and illustrator of his borrow-

ed texts, transforming them into something peculiarly his own. 1
Unfortunately for the text critic, none of Geiler's own sermon
manuscripts is known to exist. Extant manuscripts are all copies and
are scattered in various libraries in Germany. 2 Included in these
manuscripts are a few German sermons which were not published in
the sixteenth century, three of which have been edited by Pfleger. 3
Other unpublished sermons were destroyed by fire in 1870. 4
Although some of the sermons have been translated into modern
German, no critical edition of the texts has beet). published. Some
plans were made in 1912 for a critical edition to be edited by Pfleger,
but the project had to be abandoned because of the very nature of the
texts available. 5
The incunabula and early post-incunabula editions can be classified
according to their editors, constituting five major groups edited by
Otther, Biethen, Wickgram, Pauli, and Muling, with a miscellaneous
collection remaining.
(1) Most of the Latin works were edited by Jacob Otther (Other,
Otter), who describes himself as discipulus suus or familiaris eius. 6
Otther began editing Geiler's works during the latter's own lifetime,
while he was living in his household, and continued till 1513 when,
he notes regretfully in his dedication to the Peregrinus, Geiler's
1 Stammler, Von der Mystik . .. , p. 252; A. Vonlanthen, "Seelenparadies ... ,"
p. 321: a particularly careful study of this problem. For similar problems with
Emeis, see N. Paulus, "Geilers Stellung zur Hexenfrage" in EMGV 1 (1910),
pp. 9 ff.; L. Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner ... ," pp. 63 ff.; E. Breitenstein, "Die
Quellen der Geiler von Kaysersberg zugeschriebenen Emeis," AEKG 13 (1938),
pp. 149-202; idem, "Die Autorschaft der Geiler von Kaysersberg zugeschriebenen
Emeis," AEKG 15 (1941-2), pp. 149-198. For relation to Brant, see T. Maus,
Brant, Geiler und Murner (Marburg i. H., 1914).
2 L. Pfleger, "Zur handschriftlichen Ueberlieferung Geilerscher Predigttexte,"
AEKG 6 (1931), pp. 195-205.

3 "Von dem zwiilf schefflin: Eine unbekannte Predigt Geilers von Kaysersberg,"
AEKG 6 (1931), pp. 206-16; "Von der artt der kind: Eine unedierte Predigt
Geilers," AEKG 15 (1941-2), pp. 129-48; "Von den XV Aest: Eine unbekannte
Predigt Geilers," AEKG 10 (1935), pp. 139-152.
4 L. Pfleger, "Zur handschriftlichen .. .," p. 195.
6 Ibid., p. 195. Cf. Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner ... " AEKG 3 (1938), p. 50:
"Eine unbedingte Sicherheit for die Echtheit des genauen Geilerschen Ausdrucks
verbiirgt uns diese gedachtnismassige Ueberlieferung natiirlich in keiner Weise.
Darum warder im Jahre 1912 ... gefasste Plan einer kritischen Gesamtausgabe
Geilers ... , besonders for die deutschen Predigten von vornherein zum Scheitern
verurteilt ... "
6 On the title pages of the Peregrinus (Strassburg, 1513) and the Fragmenta
passionis (Strassburg, 1508).

manuscripts are no longer to be at his disposal. 1 Otther is also re-

sponsible for the German translation of the Peregrinus and the edition
of the Seelenparadies. He worked from Geiler's own manuscripts, and
his editions are invariably held to be quite reliable.
We have evidence from contemporaries of the respect which his
work commanded. The warmth of Wimpfeling's commendation of
the Fragmenta passionis 2 should be noted, for example.
What can we know about the nature of the manuscripts with which
Otther worked and their relation to Geiler's actual preaching?
Rhenanus tells us in his biography of Geiler 3 that he was accustomed
to write out his sermons in unpolished style at home before going to
the cathedral to preach. These notes were certainly in Latin, and it
was sometimes assumed in the nineteenth century that it was only
these rough drafts which Otther had at his disposal for editing. 4
Geiler preached extemporaneously in German on the basis of his
notes; and the only record of the German sermons is the collection
of Nachschriften mostly published, partly preserved in manuscript
form.
It is clear, however, from comments by Geiler in the sermons 5
that he usually devoted the hour after the sermon to writing out
what he had just preached. Therefore for many of the sermons, though
perhaps not all, a full Latin redaction from Geiler's hand was avail-
able to his editors, including references to the sources from which he
had worked. This daily record has been described as perhaps a kind
of preaching journal, where Geiler also noted whatever had interested
him in his studies; we find, for example, an excursus on the etymology
of a Latin word printed at the end of a sermon. 6 From precise refer-
ences to sermons preached earlier and successive development of a
1 Dedicatory letter, back of title page.
2 "Tu vero mi lacobe rem utilem et honestam rem deo gratam/ multisque
devotissimis religiosissimisque viris iucundissimam efficies: si dominice passionis
articulos a Keisersbergio ante biennium predicatos et a te collectos curabis in
multorum man us exire: ut multi placentis illis spiritualibus reficiantur/ et ad
quaslibet calamitates equo animo sustinendas habeant salutaria remedia/ et contra
carnis mundique insultus dulcissimis illis exercitiis sese tueantur." From letter to
Otther published at the end of the volume with Otther's letter to Wimpfeling.
3 Vita Geileri. 152v1.
4 See Kerker, "Zur Geschichte ... ," TQS 44 (1862), pp. 285-6; J. Geffcken,
Bildercatechismus des funfzehnten ]ahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1885), p. 11.

6 Carefully collected by Karl Fisher, Das Verhaltnis zweier lateinischer Texte
Geilers von Kaisersberg zu ihren deutschen Bearbeitungen (Metz, 1908), pp. 6-9. See
Dacheux, Jean Geiler . .. , p. !xix.
8 Fischer, p. 14.
THE PRESENT ST A TUS OF GEILER SCHOLARSHIP 23
theme used in several different years, we must assume that Geiler kept
his manuscripts at hand and made use of them.1
It is also clear that Geiler himself revised the sermons on the
Navicula fatuorum and the Peregrinus, also probably at least parts of the
Navicula penitentie, and thus may well have intended to have them
published. 2 These are far more developed and polished than the
Sermones de oratione dominica and the Fragmenta passionis.
One further piece of evidence concerning the relation of the Latin
texts as we have them to the sermons as actually preached can be
cited. In certain cases we possess Nachschriften in the Predigten teutsch,
published in Augsburg, which correspond to Latin texts published
in Sermones et varii tractatus. Their very close correspondence not only
testifies to the skill of the recorder in Augsburg, but also assures us
that, although Geiler enlarged on his explanations and added excursi
at times, he remained exceedingly close to his Latin text. 3
(2) Jacob Biethen edited the Sermones prestantissimi in 1514 "ex
edibus domini mei doctoris Petri Vitgram. 4 " These sermons appear
to be the least edited of any of the Latin texts, and thus give the clear-
est image of the nature of Geiler's manuscripts. 6 Though some are
brief outlines, most are fully developed.
(3) Peter Wickgram, Geiler's nephew and successor as preacher in
Strassburg and his heir, took over the editing of his uncle's works,
publishing the Sermones et varii tractatus after polishing them consider-
ably and filling out the citations. 6 Though these have been more
thoroughly reworked than those published by Otther, still they have
1 Fischer, p. 13.
2 Fischer, pp. 12-13. Cf. Geiler's introduction to Peregr.: "Statui ... nihil novi ...
colligere ... ea que vobis antea predicavi/ et Ula (quantum mihi dominus dederit)
in debitam redigere formam/ ne labor iste quern habui omnino pereat ... ceterum
inter predicationes illas resumendas/ placuit initium sumere a peregrino." I F. in
fine.
3 Fischer, Das Verhiiltnis .. ., pp. 17-20; cf. de Lorenzi, Schriften, I, pp. 97 f.,
III, pp. 301 f.; E. Martin, art. "Geiler" in ADB, VIII (1878), p. 515; Pfleger,
"Zur handschriftlichen ... " p. 199. De Lorenzi, Schriften, I, p. 98, is less certain
of their accuracy.
4 Biethen adds: " ... [this book] quern ipse auctor dum vita manebat in lucem
sepius prodire optavit ... " From back of title page.

6 Fischer, pp. 4 f.; cf. de Lorenzi, Schriften, I, p. 90. Fischer would still make
exception for the Navicula fatuorum. Schmidt, Hist. litt .. . , II, p. 382, still speaks
of Biethen having translated these sermons into Latin, a view no longer tenable.
6 " ••• quedam opuscula. . . que non minori labore no bis forsitan/ quam illi
constiterunt. Siquidem ille rudem dumtaxat compositionem literis mandavit:

ceu fetum quendam ineffigiatum/ quo labori parceret. At nos membra omniaque
lineamenta/ citatis per eundem/ insertis/ bona fide expressimus/ quo pariter et
been prepared on the basis of Geiler's manuscripts and thus have

considerable claim to authenticity.
Interestingly enough, Wickgram recognizes as reliable only the
Latin and German Feregrinus, De oratione dominica, the Fassio, Tractatus
de dispositione ad felicem mortem, Navicula penitentie, Navicula stultorum,
Irrig Schaf, and Seelenparadies. 1 All but four of these were edited by
Otther. Of the remaining ones, we have already seen that Geiler
himself is responsible for lrrig Schaf; the Tractatus . .. had been pub-
lished with the Sermones prestantissimi by Jacob Biethen; the Seelen-
paradies had been taken down by two nuns, corrected by Geiler him-
self, and its publication supervised by Otther; Fassio may refer to the
monotessaron prepared by Geiler or to Otther's edition of the Frag-
menta passionis.
(4) John Adolph Muling, a physician who was working as corrector
for the Strassburg printers, produced several translations into German
and a collection of anecdotes and sayings which he attributed to Gei-
ler. 2 Geiler's anger at its publication has been reported: "Nothing is
more disagreeable than to see oneself defamed in a book with a circu-
lation of thousands of copies!" 3 Wickgram also has bitter comments
about the work of Muling, claiming that the Latin De oratione dominica
and the Fassio have been contaminated with the translator's pestiferous
tares. 4
authoris voluntati/ et cupide lectoris expectationi responderetur." Wickgram's
dedication to Serm. var. tract. Aiii r_v.
1 " . . . non gravabor brevem indubitatorum operum Keyserspergii Catalogum
contexere: ne quispiam pseudo titulis delusus: subditicium ac ementitum opus pro

sincero posthac sit lecturus. Peregrinus latine ac germanice editus venam sapit
Keiserspergii. Sic oratio dominica et passio si latialiter legas/ ... Tractatus de
dispositione ad felicem mortem: modo calcographorum incuria non sit depravatus
keiserspergium redolet. Navicula item salutis: simul cum nave stultifera: ovis
errans: paradisus anime ... " Wickgram's dedication of Serm. var. tract., Aiiv -
Aiiir. Schmidt in his listing, Hist. litt.. ., I, p. 377, has omitted the second, third,
and fourth.
2 Margaritafacetiarum (Strassburg, 1508) 23r_43v, Dacheux refuses to recognize
Geiler's authorship of the section of this book devoted to Geiler's sayings: Die
iiltesten Schriften . .. , p. cxvi; Schmidt, Hist. litt .. . , I, p. 372, is less severe, merely
pointing out that included in this collection are the lmitatiunculae from Geiler
gathered by Peter Schott! See Schott, Lucubr., 151 v_154r, Re collections of facetie
as a literary genre, intended to improve morals, see Schmidt, Hist. !itt .. . , I, p.
xxviii; J. Knepper, "Beitriige zur Wurdigung des elsiissischen Humanisten Adel-
phus Muling," Alemannia 30, NS 3 (1902), p. 167.
3 Dacheux, Jean Geiler; p. 562: no source given; apparently dependent on
accusation of Wickgram quoted below, note 4. Cf. pp. 560-2, 565.

4 Schmidt, Hist. litt .. . , I, p. 377, has apparently misunderstood the following
passage, since he claims that Wickgram accuses both Otther and Muling of
In general those students of Geiler who reject the Pauli editions

also reject those of Muling, but there is far less discussion of Milling
than of the Franciscan. 1
(5) It is John Pauli, a conventual Franciscan, Guardian of the con-
vent in Strassburg, who claims to have heard all of Geiler's sermons
for the last four years of Geiler's life, who has been the center of the
most recent discussions of Geiler's works. Like Muling, Pauli is
eager to present the accidens facetiae, the stories and humorous anec-
dotes which imbue the texts with the "local color" of Alsace. In fact
he complains that other editors have misrepresented Geiler by omit-
ting this aspect of his sermons. 2 Thus Geiler emerges from the pages
of the Pauli editions much more as the popular folk-preacher, sharing
the superstitions and the earthy language of the countryside, than the
Latin sermons would suggest. Yet it must be made clear that even in
the Latin sermons Geiler's sarcasm, his humor, his biting criticism,
and his constant reliance on imagery and examples taken from the
life of the common people are readily apparent. With the exception
of Pauli's translation of the sermons on the Narrenschiff, which he did
corrupting the text of the two works mentioned. Note, however, that Wickgram
nowhere mentions either editor or translator by name. "Sic oratio dominica et
passio [are genuine] si latialiter legas/ sin patrio in sermone nostro/ nil est quod
incultius sit atque horreat magis: quando quidem inimicus quidem homo ...
agrum bono semine a patrefamilias conspersum fede contaminavit colluvie sue
pestifere zizanie: id quod etiam dum in humanis degente avunculo meo improbus
quidam sycophanta et scelere notior quam ut a me indicari/ aut debeat/ aut possit
agere: iam olim adortus est. locus enim ille quosdam festivos ac mire iucundos/
quibus Keiserspergius inter declamandum ad plebem gravitatem divini oraculi
egregie ac summo artificio temperaverat: bono cuidam viro danculum suffuratus
excripsit. atrumque ibi simul virus venenato ore in ecclesiasticos, et monastice
professionis viros evomuit: deinde calcographis divulganda per orbem sub
Keiserspergii nomine publicitus exposuit. Qua ex re vir ille innocentissimus et in
nullius iniuriam/ aut contumeliam unquam propensus ita indoluit. ut quanquam
vehementer ad patientiam esset compositus tamen sic incandescere visus est/
ut alias nunquam: Denique si mulctam (aibat) illi/ in quos acrius peccatum est
condonarunt: quid nos pro minori offensa exigemus: quamvis non videam/ quid
homini possit accidere molestius/ quam si in mille et eo amplius libris bona de se
opinio toties et apud tantam lectorum turbam ledatur: cum longe gravius sit
fame/ quam rerum furtim ablatarum dispendium." Wickgram, dedication to
Serm. var. tract. Aiiv.
1 For a positive evaluation of Muling as a humanist and translator of the works
of Geiler and others, see]. Knepper, "Beitrage ... ,"pp. 143-192, esp. pp. 151,
155-7.
8 "Nun sein nach des Doctors tod etliche kummen/ die haben in den truck
geben. . . und dennocht nicht als der doctor sie gesagt hat/ nit mer dann die
substantz gesetzt/ und der accidens facecien und straff/ und kurtzweiliger ding
die der doctor gesagt/ nit gedacht ... " Bros. I 49r 1.
not hear, all of his editions are Nachschriften, based on his recollections
recorded on his return home from the cathedral. In no case do we
possess Latin editions of the same sermons for purposes of comparison. 1
The first attack on Pauli's reliability as an editor comes from Peter
Wickgram in 1518. 2 Like Muling, Pauli is scathingly accused of pub-
lishing the mere nonsense and absurdities of his own imagination,
to the detriment of Geiler's reputation.
Though the two von Ammons, 3 Dacheux, 4 and Schmidt 5 are aware
of Wickgram's rejection of the Pauli texts and the different character
of them from the Latin ones, they nevertheless agree that the spirit
of Geiler breathes through them all, and that in their essential content
they can be considered reliable; anyone familiar with Geiler's works
can distinguish the unauthentic (!). All three men cite Geiler freely
from the entire corpus of works which bear his name.
1 One possible point of comparison is a sermon in Bros. treating the same theme
as Der Eschengriidel in lrrig Schaf. See Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner ... ," p. 82.
Pfleger finds that the content corresponds well, though the form is quite different.
2 "Non minori dehinc ignominia avunculum meum affecit loripes quidam
ludeus baptismate lotus: cuius habitum et professionem subticeo/ ne pari instituto

fratres acerbius in se aliquid dictum putent. is citra ullum ingenii aut doctrine
adminiculum: auditas ex ore Keiserspergii explanationes in sacra evangelia/
domum regressus cepit suas nugas: et mera deliramenta cum memorie parum
fideret/ simul cum iis que audierat coacervare: uncle dictu mirum quam tortuosa:
et nusquam sibi coherens compositio coacta sit: haud aliter quam (ut Flaccus ait)
humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam: Iungere si volet et varias inducere
plumas. Ceterum inconditum hoc monstrum et passim hians commissura: in-
scriptione magnifica Postille Evangeliorum Keiserspergii ere ingenti librariis
veniit, atque in maximam viri doctissimi iniuriam: iam tandem emersit in lucem.
De me interea sileo/ quern verpus ille impudens totiens audivit. ignominiam hanc
insignem ab avunculo meo deprecantem. Oravi hominem crebro/ institi/ concitavi/
rationem haberet christiani viri/ compresbyteri/ commilitonis pugne spiritualis:
denique tam probate vite: cum summa eruditione coniuncte. Sed ne aliud quidem
iam effeci: quam qui surdo narrat fabulam: adeo in nullam prorsus flecti potest
partem dure cervicis progenies: eiusdem ferme seu magis furfuris est cum hac
Postilla nugarum congeries. vulgo die brosemlyn." Wickgram, dedication to
Serm. var. tract. Aiiv - Amr.
3 F. W. P. von Ammon, Leben ... , p. 21; Chr. Fr. von Ammon, Geschichte der
Homiletik (Gottingen, 1804), I, pp. 269, 306-7.

4 Jean Geiler . .. , p. 566: "Tous ces ecrits, si divers quant a leur origine, ne
presentent evidemment pas un caractere egal d'authenticite. Ceperidant la doctrine
en est la meme et, sous ce rapport, nous n'hesitons pas a y reconnaitre en general
une unite parfaite ... celui qui a Ju Jes ecrits authentiques du predicateur et surtout
ses lettres, reconnait bien facilement ce qui peut Jui appartenir clans /' Evangelibuch,
Jes Brosamlin, la Postille, etc."
6 Hist. lilt . .. , I, p. 378: " ... on peut se servir des textes tels que nous Jes
possedons, a !'exception peut-etre d'un tres-petit nombre de passages." No iden-

tification of the unauthentic is made.
Others in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have

felt the objections to Pauli's texts to be so strong that they have ex-
cluded them from the authoritative corpus with which they have
worked. 1
Pfleger claims that in general it is Roman Catholic writers who have
rejected Pauli in their attempt to improve the image of the later middle
ages, de Lorenzi being especially clearly influenced by Janssen. He
argues that it is in the interest of Protestant scholars to uphold Pauli's
reliability because some of Geiler's sharpest criticisms of the Church
and society are to be found in his editions. 2 It should be noted, how-
ever, that the Roman Catholics Dacheux and Kerker are important
exceptions to such a scheme of explanation.
A militant concern to show that Pauli has been unfairly judged
because of Wickgram's personal bitterness can be traced back as far
as 1839 to the book published by Veith 3 which, the author explains
in the preface, attempts to place Pauli's name in a more favorable
light in gratitude for the pleasure which Schimpf und Ernst brought
him during an illness. His internal evidence for Pauli's reliability is
chiefly the fact that he reports harsh sayings of Geiler against both the
Jews and the monks; as a converted Jew and a monk, Pauli could be
expected to omit them. 4 Veith's explanation of Wickgram's ire is
twofold: as a child of the next generation after Geiler, with more
humanistic training and more taste, Wickgram was embarrassed by
just those elements of Geiler's preaching which Pauli was making
famous; secondly, he was angered to see the Franciscan reaping far
1 De Lorenzi, Schriften, I, pp. 103-4; M. Kerker, "Geiler von Keisersberg und
sein Verhaltnis zur Kirche," Historisch-politisch Blatter 49 (1862) pp. 756-7; E.

Roeder von Diersburg, Komik und Humor bei Geiler von Kaisersberg, Germanische
Studien 9 (Berlin, 1921), pp. 1-14.
2 Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner ... ," pp. 58-60. The Protestants he cites as up-
holders of Pauli's honor are Fr. W. Ph. von Ammon, Chr. Fr. von Ammon, Sto-
ber, Schmidt, Bolte. We can add Adolphe Schaeffer, "Un moine protestant avant
la Reforme (Jean Pauli)," Revue d' Alsace 14 (1863), pp. 337-354; 411-424; 458-467.
See the contemptuous outburst in reply by L'abbe Wint<1Cer, "Frere Pauli et
Monsieur le Pasteur Schaeffer," RCA 5 (1863), pp. 488-498.
One can see how much the historiographical picture has changed by comparing
the more recent view of the Roman Catholic Joseph Lortz, who stresses the need
for reform and the "uncatholicity" of such movements as nominalism in the later
middle ages. See his Die Reformation in Deutsch/and, 3 ed. (Freiburg i. Br., 1949),
I, esp. pp. 60 ff., 69 ff., 137-8.
3 K. Veith, Ueber den Barfiisser Johannes Pauli und das von ihm verfasste Volksbuch
Schimpf und Ernst nebst 46 Proben aus demselben (Wien, 1839).

4 Ibid., p. 10.
more financial profit from his editions than Wickgram could hope
for from editing the Latin manuscripts which he possessed.I Veith
also argues that the sermons which Pauli heard, those of the last four
years of Geiler's life, were the products of the great preacher's old
age when he had decided to take on simpler preaching tasks. 2
Writing nearly a century later, Pfleger's argumentation is remark-
ably similar, though far better documented. Three important new
pieces of evidence in Pauli's favor have been added. First, the study
made by Fischer, comparing the Navicula fatuorum to Pauli's Narren-
schiff and the Peregrinus to Otther's Christenlich bilgerschajft, indicates
that Pauli's translation remains even closer to the Latin text than does
Otther's. 3 Second, Pfleger's own research on Peter Wickgram 4 calls
attention to his seeking of additional benefices and his troubles with
the city council, calling Wickgram's personal judgment into question.
Third, the work of Nikolaus Paulus and Breitenstein 5 has shown
that the passages in Die Emeis which reflect so strongly the super-
stitions of the period are not inventions of Pauli, but are taken from
the writings of Nider and Plantsch.
Pfleger stresses the contribution of Pauli to our knowledge of
Geiler, providing us with a record of his extemporaneous wit and
use of the common people's language, even though his editions clearly
do not provide stenographic accuracy. 6 Other twentieth-century
1 Ibid., pp. 12-13. As early as 1783 the suggestion was made that Wickgram
went too far in his criticism, motivated by his own financial and "political" con-
cerns: the Reformation was coming, and he wanted to save Geiler's reputation.
See "Supplement zu den Nachrichten von Doctor Johann Geiler von Kaisers-
berg," Der Teutsche Merkur (1783), pt. IV, p. 209.
2 Ibid., p. 13; cf. Emeis, 4"2.
3 Fischer, Das Verhiiltnis . .. , pp. 43, 61. Cf. Zarncke, Narrenschijf, p. lxxxvi.
Fischer, p. 43, does however note Pauli's erratic omissions: "Das ist kein Zeichen
grosser Gewissenhaftigkeit des Uebersetzers ... "
4 L. Pfleger, "Peter Wickram, der letzte katholische Miinsterprediger des
Mittelalters," BES 39 (1920), pp. 146-154, 175-183. See Pfleger, "Der Franzis-
kaner ... ," pp. 50, 56-57.
5 "Geilers Stellung zur Hexenfrage." This argumentation cannot, however,
establish that Geiler actually preached this material. The very exactness claimed
for Pauli's use of Nider - in Nachschriften - would seem to militate against that
source. For an earlier view that Geiler made use of the Malleus maleftcarum, which
is never explicitly mentioned by him, see J. Hansen, Que/fen und Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter (Bonn, 1901), p.
291 n. 3. Cf. Breitenstein, "Die Quellen der ... Emeis," "Die Autorschaft der ...
Emeis" where he basically supports Paulus, sees Emeis as authentic.
6 "Der Franziskaner ... ", pp. 65-6. Cf. E. Martin, art. "Geiler von Kaisers-
berg," ADE, VIII (1878), p. 515.

scholars have allied themselves with this favorable view of Pauli. 1 It

must be born in mind, however, that what has been established is
primarily negative: Wickgram's motives in denouncing Muling and
Pauli must now be considered to be at least questionable; 2 and will-
ful perversion of Geiler's thought by Pauli now seems unlikely. But
there is no way of authenticating texts which are admittedly written
from memory and published years later, in the absence of parallel
texts for comparison. 3
SouRcEs FOR THE DiscussrnN OF GEILER's THEOLOGY
In view of the variety of types of sources available and the special-
ized nature of our inquiry, it seems necessary to distinguish degrees
of usefulness among these sources for the purposes of our study. It is
not merely the question of "reliability" which we are raising; for all
the works listed in our appendix can, in some sense, be considered
reliable sources of Geiler's thought and expression. In fact, those
which have most often been claimed "unreliable," the editions of
Pauli and Muling, may be exceedingly useful for the linguistic or
cultural historian. For as Pfleger has pointed out, 4 it is the imagery,
the unpolished expressions, and the details reflecting the culture of
the period which are best retained in the memory of listeners.
For our purposes, however, it is necessary to have sources which
permit us to see with as much precision as possible the theological
thought of Geiler. No matter how conscientious a hearer may be, if
he is not well-trained in scholastic theology, he seldom records for us
the kind of data which is essential for our study of Geiler's place in
late medieval theology. 5 Therefore the Nachschriften, which necessarily
1 Bolte, ed., Johannes Pauli . .. , I, p. *21. Paulus, "Geilers Stellung zur Hexen-
frage;" Newald, in Verfasserlexikon, col. 10.

2 Though the motive of anti-Semitism has not been discussed, it must be con-
sidered in the case of Pauli, unless the view that his Jewish ancestry is only a
legend is adopted. See K. Eubel, Geschichte der oberdeutschen (Strassburger) Minoriten-
provinz (Wiirzburg, 1886), pp. 64-67; Bolte, "Predigtmiirlein Johannes Paulis,"
Alemannia 16 (1888), pp. 38-9; Pfleger, "Das Franziskaner ... ," p. 53. Wickgram's
references to Pauli as Jewish would then be figurative for his greed.
3 No effort seems to have been made to study the relation of the Pauli editions
of Geiler's sermons to Pauli's own sermons with the aid of literary critical tech-
niques. Nachschriften of his sermons of 1493-4, predating his contact with Geiler,
have been preserved. See A. Linsenmayer, "Die Predigten des Franziskaners
Johannes Pauli," HJB 19 (1898) pp. 873-891. One of these has been published by
Karl Bartsch, "Johannes Pauli als Prediger," Alemannia 11 (1883), pp. 136-145.
4 Pfleger, "Der Franziskaner ... ," p. 50.
6 See the witness of a nun who recorded the sermons of Peter von Breslau in
the convent of St. Nikolaus in Undis where Geiler later preached: "Aber alle die
reflect selective listening and interpretation, are less useful to us than

those texts based on Geiler's manuscripts.
Furthermore, it is important to have Latin texts which permit us
to study Geiler's use of technical terms and to evaluate them in the
light of traditional usage. Much philological work must still be done
before we will be in a position to assess properly the theological
significance of German terminology in this period. Geiler himself
often had difficulty in finding proper German equivalents, sometimes
resorting to a Latin expression despite his intention to use the language
of the people. 1
In the light of these considerations. we have worked primarily
from the Latin Otther editions: the Peregrinus, Navicula penitentie,
Navicula fatuorum, Fragmenta passionis, Sermones de oratione dominica;
and the Biethen edition, Sermones prestantissimi. Less directly from the
hand of Geiler but still most useful is the Wickgram edition, Sermones
et varii tractatus.
Because of the care and skill with which Geiler worked as a trans-
lator, the lrrig Schaf and the Todtenbiichlein provide valuable evidence
for Geiler's relation to Gerson. The remaining works have been used
primarily for purposes of comparison.
THE NATURE OF GEILER's SERMONS
We are fortunate to have a contemporary description of the way

in which Geiler conducted himself in the pulpit. 2 On entering the
pulpit, he removed his hat, knelt to pray, then rising, made the sign
of the cross, saying (everything till the Gospel) in a low voice, "In
nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen."
He then gave the Latin text of his sermon and continued:
Ex quibus verbis erit previs sermo vulgaris divina mihi assistente
gratia. Die ungruntliche barmhertzigkeit gotes unsers hymmelschen
vatters. Der kostlich verdienst des schmertzreichen leidens unsers
herren Jesu christi, muess euch und mir erscheinen/ ynn unsern letsten
noeten. W er das begeret vonn hertzen der sprech Amen.
disse predigen lesent oder hoeren lesen, der sol nieman gedenken, dass sti von
worte zu worten hie standen, wenne daz under winde ich mich nit zu tun .... Und
die meisterliche kunst und klugheit bewisen, die klein verston und grop vernemen
nit behalten kunde. Sunder solt ich die predigen nach volkummenheit der wort
und !ere schriben, so waer mir not der gei&t und die gnode des predigers." Quoted
in Roder von Diersburg, Komik und Humor ... , p. 2.
1 Schmidt, Hist. !itt .. . , I, p. 395, has brought together examples of Geiler's
comments about the problems of translation to German. See Bros. I, 60rt-vz for
a listing of some equivalent terms in Latin and German.
2 Evange!ib., 3v1-2. Cf. Dacheux,/ean Geiler .. . , p. 538.
THE NATURE OF GEILER'S SERMONS 31
After repeating his text in German, he proceeded:

Kurtzlich von disen worten etwas weiter zuo reden dem allmechtigen
got zuo lob und zuo eeren/ und uns armen siindern zu underweissung
kan ich nit volbringen/ on besunderliche gnad gottes des allmechtigen
die uns zuo allen zeiten notturfftig ist (besunderlich in sisem werck)
die zu erwerben/ durch fiirtrettung der hymmelischen kiinigin Marie/
griissen sie mit dem englischen gruoss sprechend: Ave Maria.
Then kneeling, he recited the Ave Maria, rising again to say: "Grosse
gnad und barmhertzigkeit verleihe uns der allmechtig got. Amen."
Having covered his head again, he proceeded to explain the Gospel.
This pattern is remarkably similar to the one suggested by Surgant
in a model sermon in his Manuale curatorum. 1 There are some varia-
tions in the wording, but the structure is an exact parallel. One cannot
help but wonder whether Surgant may have been influenced by
Geiler's own practice.
The custom of reciting the Ave Maria before the beginning of the
development of the explication of the text can be found not only in
Geiler and Surgant, but also in Biel 2 and Maillard. 3
It seems clear that it was after the explanation of the Gospel for
the day that Geiler took up his thematic sermons. We read, for in-
stance, during Holy Week very explicit statements announcing that
he will first describe the events of that day's Gospel, then proceed to
the theme which he has been treating during Lent. 4 Notations at the
head of the sermons frequently indicate the general theme for the
cycle of sermons, then "Evangelium." Occasionally Geiler will
comment that the Gospel was so difficult to expound that it has taken
nearly the whole hour; 5 or that since the Gospel for the day is so
"prolixum," he will omit it and comment briefly on the Epistle,
1 Man. cur., lib. ii. cons. i. [fol. 69r_v]. See Kerker, "Zur Geschichte ... ,"
TQS 44 (1862), pp. 293 ff. For evidence that Geiler parallels Surgant's procedure,
announcing the ecclesiastical Sunday and its meaning, mentioning St. Nicholas's
feast and his miracles before proceeding to the thematic sermon, see Cond. mort.
120v1-2; Surgant, Man. cur., lib. ii cons. 1 [fol. 75v].
2 See Oberman, The Harvest of Medieval Theologv, p. 22.
3 0. Maillard, Histoire de la passion de Jesus-Christ, ed. Gabriel Peignot (Paris,
1835), pp. 18-19; Maillard, Oeuvres franraises d'Olivier Maillard: Sermons et poesies,
ed. Arthur de la Borderie (Nantes, 1877), p. 8.
4 "Est mihi animus primo loqui de gestis huius diei/ et secundo super verbo
proposito/ quod est orationis dominice conclusio." Oral. dom. VII Q. Sometimes
Geiler took time out from his series for festivals of the Church year: see Cond.
mort. 123v2. Cf. Nav. pen. 72r1.
5 Oral. dom. I I.
which is short and instructive and clear. 1 It was Geiler's iron-dad

rule never to preach longer than an hour. 2
This procedure explains why there are seldom evidences of the
day's Gospel in the thematic sermons, a fact which has caused Geiler
to be criticized for failing to expound Scripture. 3 For it is true that
the biblical texts for the preaching-cycles seldom function in the
sermons except as a point of departure. It is also fair to judge that
Geiler devoted more energy to the preparation for his thematic
sermons, and that his reputation was rather based on the latter than
on his postills. The only records we have, however, of the postills
are Nachschriften: Postill, and the Evangelibouch in three editions. There-
fore it is particularly important to note Wimpfeling's high regard for
Geiler' s skill in expounding the Gospels. 4
There is abundant evidence in the Latin editions that these were
intended as sermones predicabiles. But the notations for other priests
are not merely source-references: advice is also given on how to
select materials for sermons 5-and warnings to prepare carefully lest
they entangle themselves and their hearers! 6
Great concern is evident for the teaching of the common people.
Geiler assumes that they know very little of the Christian faith; and
with great care he avoids using Latin technical terms whenever pos-
sible so as not to confuse the people. 7 In preaching on the meaning of
"prayer" 8 and "penance," 9 for example, after setting out the various
ways these terms are used by scholastics, he consciously decides to
present to the people only the simple, "imprecise" meaning, for the
1 "Evangelium hodiernum prolixum est. .. et secundum Joannem: ideo egerit
expositione multa: ita quod fere totam occuparet horam et impediret materiam
quam accepimus tractandam: ideo eo omisso/ Epistolam vobis dicam que et
brevis est doctrinalis et aperta:" Arb. hum. 16r1-2. Geiler found John's Gospel
especially difficult to expound. For omission of Gospel, cf. Cond. mort. 132v1.
2 Wimpfeling, Vita I. K. 158V 1-2; cf. Epist. elegant. BiiiiV - er.
3 Schmidt, Hist. litt .. . , I, p. 381.
4 "In appostillandis ad populum evangeliis (etiam divi Ioannis) et apte connec-
tendis seu continuandis ut verba verb is cohererent: et sententie sententia quadra-

ret: vix sibi quispiam similis fuit ... " Vita I. K. 1S6r 2.
6 Fruct. spir. S8v2-S9r1.
8 "Omnia hec ex Schoto: sed vide ut dare et ordinate ad formam redigas: alias
implicaberis tu et audientes." Fruct. spir. SSv 2.
7 "Respondent doctores distinguentes de opere operante/ opere operato. Ego
autem his terminis non utar ad populum: quia non facile ca pit." Mort. virt. II,
21Qr1.
8 Nav. fat. XXV P-Q. Cf. Orat. dom. I N (M-0).
P Disp. ad mort. 149v2 - 1sor2.
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the only real Canaan of the American bondman, simply as a country
to which the wild goose and the swan repaired at the end of winter to
escape the heat of summer, but not as the home of man. I knew
something of Theology, but nothing of Geography. I really did not
know that there was a state of New York or a state of
Massachusetts. I had heard of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New
Jersey, and all the southern states, but was utterly ignorant of the
free states. New York City was our northern limit, and to go there and
to be forever harassed with the liability of being hunted down and
returned to slavery, with the certainty of being treated ten times
worse than ever before, was a prospect which might well cause
some hesitation. The case sometimes, to our excited visions, stood
thus: At every gate through which we had to pass we saw a
watchman; at every ferry a guard; on every bridge a sentinel, and in
every wood a patrol or slave-hunter. We were hemmed in on every
side. The good to be sought and the evil to be shunned were flung in
the balance and weighed against each other. On the one hand stood
slavery, a stern reality glaring frightfully upon us, with the blood of
millions in its polluted skirts, terrible to behold, greedily devouring our
hard earnings and feeding it upon our flesh. This was the evil from
which to escape. On the other hand, far away, back in the hazy
distance, where all forms seemed but shadows under the flickering
light of the north star, behind some craggy hill or snow-capped
mountain, stood a doubtful freedom, half frozen, beckoning us to her
icy domain. This was the good to be sought. The inequality was as
great as that between certainty and uncertainty. This in itself was
enough to stagger us; but when we came to survey the untrodden
road and conjecture the many possible difficulties we were appalled,
and at times, as I have said, were upon the point of giving over the
struggle altogether. The reader can have little idea of the phantoms
which would flit, in such circumstances, before the uneducated mind
of the slave. Upon either side we saw grim death, assuming a variety
of horrid shapes. Now it was starvation, causing us, in a strange and
friendless land, to eat our own flesh. Now we were contending with
the waves and were drowned. Now we were hunted by dogs and
overtaken, and torn to pieces by their merciless fangs. We were
stung by scorpions, chased by wild beasts, bitten by snakes, and
worst of all, after having succeeded in swimming rivers, encountering
wild beasts, sleeping in the woods, suffering hunger, cold, heat, and
nakedness, overtaken by hired kidnappers, who in the name of law
and for the thrice-cursed reward would, perchance, fire upon us, kill
some, wound others, and capture all. This dark picture, drawn by
ignorance and fear, at times greatly shook our determination, and not
unfrequently caused us to
“Rather bear the ills we had,

Than flee to others which we knew not of.”
I am not disposed to magnify this circumstance in my experience,

and yet I think I shall seem to be so disposed to the reader, but no
man can tell the intense agony which was felt by the slave when
wavering on the point of making his escape. All that he has is at
stake, and even that which he has not is at stake also. The life which
he has may be lost, and the liberty which he seeks may not be
gained.
Patrick Henry, to a listening senate which was thrilled by his
magic eloquence and ready to stand by him in his boldest flights,
could say, “Give me liberty or give me death,” and this saying was a
sublime one, even for a freeman; but incomparably more sublime is
the same sentiment when practically asserted by men accustomed
to the lash and chain, men whose sensibilities must have become
more or less deadened by their bondage. With us it was a doubtful
liberty, at best, that we sought, and a certain lingering death in the
rice swamps and sugar fields if we failed. Life is not lightly regarded
by men of sane minds. It is precious both to the pauper and to the
prince, to the slave and to his master; and yet I believe there was not
one among us who would not rather have been shot down than pass
away life in hopeless bondage.
In the progress of our preparations Sandy (the root man)
became troubled. He began to have distressing dreams. One of
these, which happened on a Friday night, was to him of great
significance, and I am quite ready to confess that I felt somewhat
damped by it myself. He said, “I dreamed last night that I was roused
from sleep by strange noises like the noises of a swarm of angry
birds that caused a roar as they passed, and which fell upon my ear
like a coming gale over the tops of the trees. Looking up to see what
it could mean I saw you, Frederick, in the claws of a huge bird,
surrounded by a large number of birds of all colors and sizes. These
were all pecking at you, while you, with your arms, seemed to be
trying to protect your eyes. Passing over me, the birds flew in a
southwesterly direction, and I watched them until they were clean out
of sight. Now I saw this as plainly as I now see you; and furder,
honey, watch de Friday night dream; dare is sumpon in it shose you
born; dare is indeed, honey.” I did not like the dream, but I showed
no concern, attributing it to the general excitement and perturbation
consequent upon our contemplated plan to escape. I could not,
however, shake off its effect at once. I felt that it boded no good.
Sandy was unusually emphatic and oracular, and his manner had
much to do with the impression made upon me.
The plan which I recommended, and to which my comrades
consented, for our escape, was to take a large canoe owned by Mr.
Hamilton, and on the Saturday night previous to the Easter holidays
launch out into the Chesapeake bay and paddle for its head, a
distance of seventy miles, with all our might. On reaching this point
we were to turn the canoe adrift and bend our steps toward the north
star till we reached a free state.
There were several objections to this plan. In rough weather the
waters of the Chesapeake are much agitated, and there would be
danger, in a canoe, of being swamped by the waves. Another
objection was that the canoe would soon be missed, the absent
slaves would at once be suspected of having taken it, and we should
be pursued by some of the fast-sailing craft out of St. Michaels. Then
again, if we reached the head of the bay and turned the canoe adrift,
she might prove a guide to our track and bring the hunters after us.
These and other objections were set aside by the stronger ones,
which could be urged against every other plan that could then be
suggested. On the water we had a chance of being regarded as
fishermen, in the service of a master. On the other hand, by taking
the land route, through the counties adjoining Delaware, we should
be subjected to all manner of interruptions, and many disagreeable
questions, which might give us serious trouble. Any white man, if he
pleased, was authorized to stop a man of color on any road, and
examine and arrest him. By this arrangement many abuses
(considered such even by slaveholders) occurred. Cases have been
known where freemen, being called upon to show their free papers
by a pack of ruffians, and on the presentation of the papers, the
ruffians have torn them up, and seized the victim and sold him to a
life of endless bondage.
The week before our intended start, I wrote a pass for each of
our party, giving them permission to visit Baltimore during the Easter
holidays. The pass ran after this manner:
“This is to certify that I, the undersigned, have given the

bearer, my servant John, full liberty to go to Baltimore to spend
the Easter holidays.
W. H.
Near St. Michaels, Talbot Co., Md.”
Although we were not going to Baltimore, and were intending to

land east of North Point, in the direction I had seen the Philadelphia
steamers go, these passes might be useful to us in the lower part of
the bay, while steering towards Baltimore. These were not, however,
to be shown by us, until all other answers failed to satisfy the
inquirer. We were all fully alive to the importance of being calm and
self-possessed when accosted, if accosted we should be; and we
more than once rehearsed to each other how we should behave in
the hour of trial.
Those were long, tedious days and nights. The suspense was
painful in the extreme. To balance probabilities, where life and liberty
hang on the result, requires steady nerves. I panted for action, and
was glad when the day, at the close of which we were to start,
dawned upon us. Sleeping the night before was out of the question. I
probably felt more deeply than any of my companions, because I
was the instigator of the movement. The responsibility of the whole
enterprise rested on my shoulders. The glory of success, and the
shame and confusion of failure, could not be matters of indifference
to me. Our food was prepared, our clothes were packed; we were all
ready to go, and impatient for Saturday morning—considering that
the last of our bondage.
I cannot describe the tempest and tumult of my brain that
morning. The reader will please bear in mind that in a slave State an
unsuccessful runaway was not only subjected to cruel torture, and
sold away to the far South, but he was frequently execrated by the
other slaves. He was charged with making the condition of the other
slaves intolerable by laying them all under the suspicion of their
masters—subjecting them to greater vigilance, and imposing greater
limitations on their privileges. I dreaded murmurs from this quarter. It
was difficult, too, for a slave-master to believe that slaves escaping
had not been aided in their flight by some one of their fellow-slaves.
When, therefore, a slave was missing, every slave on the place was
closely examined as to his knowledge of the undertaking.
Our anxiety grew more and more intense, as the time of our
intended departure drew nigh. It was truly felt to be a matter of life
and death with us, and we fully intended to fight, as well as run, if
necessity should occur for that extremity. But the trial hour had not
yet come. It was easy to resolve, but not so easy to act. I expected
there might be some drawing back at the last; it was natural there
should be; therefore, during the intervening time, I lost no opportunity
to explain away difficulties, remove doubts, dispel fears, and inspire
all with firmness. It was too late to look back, and now was the time
to go forward. I appealed to the pride of my comrades by telling them
that if after having solemnly promised to go, as they had done, they
now failed to make the attempt, they would in effect brand
themselves with cowardice, and might well sit down, fold their arms,
and acknowledge themselves fit only to be slaves. This detestable
character all were unwilling to assume. Every man except Sandy
(he, much to our regret, withdrew) stood firm, and at our last meeting
we pledged ourselves afresh, and in the most solemn manner, that
at the time appointed we would certainly start on our long journey for
a free country. This meeting was in the middle of the week, at the
end of which we were to start.
Early on the appointed morning we went as usual to the field, but
with hearts that beat quickly and anxiously. Any one intimately
acquainted with us might have seen that all was not well with us, and
that some monster lingered in our thoughts. Our work that morning
was the same as it had been for several days past—drawing out and
spreading manure. While thus engaged, I had a sudden
presentiment, which flashed upon me like lightning in a dark night,
revealing to the lonely traveler the gulf before and the enemy behind.
I instantly turned to Sandy Jenkins, who was near me, and said:
“Sandy, we are betrayed! something has just told me so.” I felt as
sure of it as if the officers were in sight. Sandy said: “Man, dat is
strange; but I feel just as you do.” If my mother—then long in her
grave—had appeared before me and told me that we were betrayed,
I could not at that moment have felt more certain of the fact.
In a few minutes after this, the long, low, and distant notes of the
horn summoned us from the field to breakfast. I felt as one may be
supposed to feel before being led forth to be executed for some
great offense. I wanted no breakfast, but I went with the other slaves
toward the house for form’s sake. My feelings were not disturbed as
to the right of running away; on that point I had no misgiving
whatever, but from a sense of the consequences of failure.
In thirty minutes after that vivid impression came the
apprehended crash. On reaching the house, and glancing my eye
toward the lane gate, the worst was at once made known. The lane
gate to Mr. Freeland’s house was nearly half a mile from the door,
and much shaded by the heavy wood which bordered the main road.
I was, however, able to descry four white men and two colored men
approaching. The white men were on horseback, and the colored
men were walking behind, and seemed to be tied. “It is indeed all
over with us; we are surely betrayed,” I thought to myself. I became
composed, or at least comparatively so, and calmly awaited the
result. I watched the ill-omened company entering the gate.
Successful flight was impossible, and I made up my mind to stand
and meet the evil, whatever it might be, for I was not altogether
without a slight hope that things might turn differently from what I had
at first feared. In a few moments in came Mr. William Hamilton, riding
very rapidly and evidently much excited. He was in the habit of riding
very slowly, and was seldom known to gallop his horse. This time his
horse was nearly at full speed, causing the dust to roll thick behind
him. Mr. Hamilton, though one of the most resolute men in the whole
neighborhood, was, nevertheless, a remarkably mild-spoken man,
and, even when greatly excited, his language was cool and
circumspect. He came to the door, and inquired if Mr. Freeland was
in? I told him that Mr. Freeland was at the barn. Off the old
gentleman rode toward the barn, with unwonted speed. In a few
moments Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Freeland came down from the barn
to the house, and just as they made their appearance in the front-
yard three men, who proved to be constables, came dashing into the
lane on horseback, as if summoned by a sign requiring quick work. A
few seconds brought them into the front-yard, where they hastily
dismounted and tied their horses. This done, they joined Mr.
Freeland and Mr. Hamilton, who were standing a short distance from
the kitchen. A few moments were spent as if in consulting how to
proceed, and then the whole party walked up to the kitchen door.
There was now no one in the kitchen but myself and John Harris;
Henry and Sandy were yet in the barn. Mr. Freeland came inside the
kitchen door, and with an agitated voice called me by name, and told
me to come forward, that there were some gentlemen who wished to
see me. I stepped toward them at the door, and asked what they
wanted; when the constables grabbed me, and told me that I had
better not resist; that I had been in a scrape, or was said to have
been in one; that they were merely going to take me where I could
be examined; that they would have me brought before my master at
St. Michaels, and if the evidence against me was not proved true I
should be acquitted. I was now firmly tied, and completely at the
mercy of my captors. Resistance was idle. They were five in number,
armed to the teeth. When they had secured me, they turned to John
Harris, and in a few moments succeeded in tying him as firmly as
they had tied me. They next turned toward Henry Harris, who had
now returned from the barn. “Cross your hands,” said the constable
to Henry. “I won’t,” said Henry, in a voice so firm and clear, and in a
manner so determined, as for a moment to arrest all proceedings.
“Won’t you cross your hands?” said Tom Graham, the constable.
“No, I won’t,” said Henry, with increasing emphasis. Mr. Hamilton, Mr.
Freeland, and the officers now came near to Henry. Two of the
constables drew out their shining pistols, and swore, by the name of
God, that he should cross his hands or they would shoot him down.
Each of these hired ruffians now cocked their pistols, and, with
fingers apparently on the triggers, presented their deadly weapons to
the breast of the unarmed slave, saying, if he did not cross his
hands, they would “blow his d——d heart out of him.” “Shoot me,
shoot me,” said Henry; “you can’t kill me but once. Shoot, shoot, and
be damned! I won’t be tied!” This the brave fellow said in a voice as
defiant and heroic in its tone as was the language itself; and at the
moment of saying this, with the pistols at his very breast, he quickly
raised his arms, and dashed them from the puny hands of his
assassins, the weapons flying in all directions. Now came the
struggle. All hands rushed upon the brave fellow, and after beating
him for some time they succeeded in overpowering and tying him.
Henry put me to shame; he fought, and fought bravely. John and I
had made no resistance. The fact is, I never saw much use of
fighting where there was no reasonable probability of whipping
anybody. Yet there was something almost providential in the
resistance made by Henry. But for that resistance every soul of us
would have been hurried off to the far South. Just a moment
previous to the trouble with Henry, Mr. Hamilton mildly said,—and
this gave me the unmistakable clue to the cause of our arrest,
—“Perhaps we had now better make a search for those protections,
which we understand Frederick has written for himself and the rest.”
Had these passes been found, they would have been point-blank
proof against us, and would have confirmed all the statements of our
betrayer. Thanks to the resistance of Henry, the excitement
produced by the scuffle drew all attention in that direction, and I
succeeded in flinging my pass, unobserved, into the fire. The
confusion attendant on the scuffle, and the apprehension of still
further trouble, perhaps, led our captors to forego, for the time, any
search for “those protections which Frederick was said to have
written for his companions;” so we were not yet convicted of the
purpose to run away, and it was evident that there was some doubt
on the part of all whether we had been guilty of such purpose.
Just as we were all completely tied, and about ready to start
toward St. Michaels, and thence to jail, Mrs. Betsey Freeland
(mother to William, who was much attached, after the Southern
fashion, to Henry and John, they having been reared from childhood
in her house) came to the kitchen door with her hands full of biscuits,
for we had not had our breakfast that morning, and divided them
between Henry and John. This done, the lady made the following
parting address to me, pointing her bony finger at me: “You devil!
you yellow devil! It was you who put it into the heads of Henry and
John to run away. But for you, you long-legged, yellow devil, Henry
and John would never have thought of running away.” I gave the lady
a look which called forth from her a scream of mingled wrath and
terror, as she slammed the kitchen door and went in, leaving me,
with the rest, in hands as harsh as her own broken voice.
Driven to Jail for Running Away.
Could the kind reader have been riding along the main road to or
from Easton that morning, his eye would have met a painful sight. He
would have seen five young men, guilty of no crime save that of
preferring liberty to slavery, drawn along the public highway—firmly
bound together, tramping through dust and heat, bare-footed and
bare-headed—fastened to three strong horses, whose riders were
armed with pistols and daggers, on their way to prison like felons,
and suffering every possible insult from the crowds of idle, vulgar
people, who clustered round, and heartlessly made their failure to
escape the occasion for all manner of ribaldry and sport. As I looked
upon this crowd of vile persons, and saw myself and friends thus
assailed and persecuted, I could not help seeing the fulfilment of
Sandy’s dream. I was in the hands of moral vultures, and held in
their sharp talons, and was being hurried away toward Easton, in a
southeasterly direction, amid the jeers of new birds of the same
feather, through every neighborhood we passed. It seemed to me
that everybody was out, and knew the cause of our arrest, and
awaited our passing in order to feast their vindictive eyes on our
misery.
Some said “I ought to be hanged;” and others, “I ought to be
burned;” others I ought to have the “hide” taken off my back; while no
one gave us a kind word or sympathizing look, except the poor
slaves who were lifting their heavy hoes, and who cautiously glanced
at us through the post-and-rail fences, behind which they were at
work. Our sufferings that morning can be more easily imagined than
described. Our hopes were all blasted at one blow. The cruel
injustice, the victorious crime, and the helplessness of innocence,
led me to ask in my ignorance and weakness: Where is now the God
of justice and mercy? and why have these wicked men the power
thus to trample upon our rights, and to insult our feelings? and yet in
the next moment came the consoling thought, “the day of the
oppressor will come at last.” Of one thing I could be glad: not one of
my dear friends upon whom I had brought this great calamity, either
by word or look, reproached me for having led them into it. We were
a band of brothers, and never dearer to each other than now. The
thought which gave us the most pain was the probable separation
which would now take place in case we were sold off to the far
South, as we were likely to be. While the constables were looking
forward, Henry and I, being fastened together, could occasionally
exchange a word without being observed by the kidnappers who had
us in charge. “What shall I do with my pass?” said Henry. “Eat it with
your biscuit,” said I; “it won’t do to tear it up.” We were now near St.
Michaels. The direction concerning the passes was passed around,
and executed. “Own nothing,” said I. “Own nothing” was passed
round, enjoined, and assented to. Our confidence in each other was
unshaken, and we were quite resolved to succeed or fail together; as
much after the calamity which had befallen us as before.
On reaching St. Michaels we underwent a sort of examination at
my master’s store, and it was evident to my mind that Master
Thomas suspected the truthfulness of the evidence upon which they
had acted in arresting us, and that he only affected, to some extent,
the positiveness with which he asserted our guilt. There was nothing
said by any of our company which could, in any manner, prejudice
our cause, and there was hope yet that we should be able to return
to our homes, if for nothing else, at least to find out the guilty man or
woman who betrayed us.
To this end we all denied that we had been guilty of intended
flight. Master Thomas said that the evidence he had of our intention
to run away was strong, enough to hang us in a case of murder.
“But,” said I, “the cases are not equal; if murder were committed,—
the thing is done! but we have not run away. Where is the evidence
against us? We were quietly at our work.” I talked thus, with unusual
freedom, to bring out the evidence against us, for we all wanted,
above all things, to know who had betrayed us, that we might have
something tangible on which to pour our execrations. From
something which dropped, in the course of the talk, it appeared that
there was but one witness against us, and that that witness could not
be produced. Master Thomas would not tell us who his informant
was, but we suspected, and suspected one person only. Several
circumstances seemed to point Sandy out as our betrayer. His entire
knowledge of our plans, his participation in them, his withdrawal from
us, his dream and his simultaneous presentiment that we were
betrayed, the taking us and the leaving him, were calculated to turn
suspicion toward him, and yet we could not suspect him. We all
loved him too well to think it possible that he could have betrayed us.
So we rolled the guilt on other shoulders.
We were literally dragged, that morning, behind horses, a
distance of fifteen miles, and placed in the Easton jail. We were glad
to reach the end of our journey, for our pathway had been full of
insult and mortification. Such is the power of public opinion that it is
hard, even for the innocent, to feel the happy consolations of
innocence when they fall under the maledictions of this power. How
could we regard ourselves as in the right, when all about us
denounced us as criminals, and had the power and the disposition to
treat us as such.
In jail we were placed under the care of Mr. Joseph Graham, the
sheriff of the county. Henry and John and myself were placed in one
room, and Henry Bailey and Charles Roberts in another by
themselves. This separation was intended to deprive us of the
advantage of concert, and to prevent trouble in jail.
Once shut up, a new set of tormentors came upon us. A swarm
of imps in human shape,—the slave-traders and agents of slave-
traders—who gathered in every country town of the state watching
for chances to buy human flesh (as buzzards watch for carrion),
flocked in upon us to ascertain if our masters had placed us in jail to
be sold. Such a set of debased and villainous creatures I never saw
before and hope never to see again. I felt as if surrounded by a pack
of fiends fresh from perdition. They laughed, leered, and grinned at
us, saying, “Ah, boys, we have got you, haven’t we? So you were
about to make your escape? Where were you going to?” After
taunting us in this way as long as they liked they one by one
subjected us to an examination, with a view to ascertain our value,
feeling our arms and legs and shaking us by the shoulders, to see if
we were sound and healthy, impudently asking us, “how we would
like to have them for masters?” To such questions we were quite
dumb (much to their annoyance). One fellow told me, “if he had me
he would cut the devil out of me pretty quick.”
These negro-buyers were very offensive to the genteel southern
Christian public. They were looked upon in respectable Maryland
society as necessary but detestable characters. As a class, they
were hardened ruffians, made such by nature and by occupation.
Yes, they were the legitimate fruit of slavery, and were second in
villainy only to the slaveholders themselves who made such a class
possible. They were mere hucksters of the slave produce of
Maryland and Virginia—coarse, cruel, and swaggering bullies,
whose very breathing was of blasphemy and blood.
Aside from these slave-buyers who infested the prison from time
to time, our quarters were much more comfortable than we had any
right to expect them to be. Our allowance of food was small and
coarse, but our room was the best in the jail—neat and spacious,
and with nothing about it necessarily reminding us of being in prison
but its heavy locks and bolts and the black iron lattice work at the
windows. We were prisoners of state compared with most slaves
who were put into that Easton jail. But the place was not one of
contentment. Bolts, bars, and grated windows are not acceptable to
freedom-loving people of any color. The suspense, too, was painful.
Every step on the stairway was listened to, in the hope that the
comer would cast a ray of light on our fate. We would have given the
hair of our heads for half a dozen words with one of the waiters in
Sol. Lowe’s hotel. Such waiters were in the way of hearing, at the
table, the probable course of things. We could see them flitting about
in their white jackets in front of this hotel, but could speak to none of
them.
Soon after the holidays were over, contrary to all our
expectations, Messrs. Hamilton and Freeland came up to Easton;
not to make a bargain with the “Georgia traders,” nor to send us up
to Austin Woldfolk, as was usual in the case of runaway-slaves, but
to release Charles, Henry Harris, Henry Bailey, and John Harris from
prison, and this, too, without the infliction of a single blow. I was left
alone in prison. The innocent had been taken and the guilty left. My
friends were separated from me, and apparently forever. This
circumstance caused me more pain than any other incident
connected with our capture and imprisonment. Thirty-nine lashes on
my naked and bleeding back would have been joyfully borne, in
preference to this separation from these, the friends of my youth.
And yet I could not but feel that I was the victim of something like
justice. Why should these young men, who were led into this scheme
by me, suffer as much as the instigator? I felt glad that they were
released from prison, and from the dread prospect of a life (or death
I should rather say) in the rice swamps. It is due to the noble Henry
to say that he was almost as reluctant to leave the prison with me in
it as he had been to be tied and dragged to prison. But he and we all
knew that we should, in all the likelihoods of the case, be separated,
in the event of being sold; and since we were completely in the
hands of our owners they concluded it would be best to go
peaceably home.
Not until this last separation, dear reader, had I touched those
profounder depths of desolation which it is the lot of slaves often to
reach. I was solitary and alone within the walls of a stone prison, left
to a fate of life-long misery. I had hoped and expected much, for
months before, but my hopes and expectations were now withered
and blasted. The ever dreaded slave life in Georgia, Louisiana, and
Alabama,—from which escape was next to impossible—now in my
loneliness stared me in the face. The possibility of ever becoming
anything but an abject slave, a mere machine in the hands of an
owner, had now fled, and it seemed to me it had fled forever. A life of
living death, beset with the innumerable horrors of the cotton field
and the sugar plantation, seemed to be my doom. The fiends who
rushed into the prison when we were first put there continued to visit
me and ply me with questions and tantalizing remarks. I was
insulted, but helpless; keenly alive to the demands of justice and
liberty, but with no means of asserting them. To talk to those imps
about justice or mercy would have been as absurd as to reason with
bears and tigers. Lead and steel were the only arguments that they
were capable of appreciating, as the events of the subsequent years
have proved.
After remaining in this life of misery and despair about a week,
which seemed a month, Master Thomas, very much to my surprise
and greatly to my relief, came to the prison and took me out, for the
purpose, as he said, of sending me to Alabama with a friend of his,
who would emancipate me at the end of eight years. I was glad
enough to get out of prison, but I had no faith in the story that his
friend would emancipate me. Besides, I had never heard of his
having a friend in Alabama, and I took the announcement simply as
an easy and comfortable method of shipping me off to the far south.
There was a little scandal, too, connected with the idea of one
Christian selling another to the Georgia traders, while it was deemed
every way proper for them to sell to others. I thought this friend in
Alabama was an invention to meet this difficulty, for Master Thomas
was quite jealous of his religious reputation, however unconcerned
he might have been about his real Christian character. In these
remarks it is possible I do him injustice. He certainly did not exert his
power over me as he might have done in the case, but acted, upon
the whole, very generously, considering the nature of my offense. He
had the power and the provocation to send me, without reserve, into
the very everglades of Florida, beyond the remotest hope of
emancipation; and his refusal to exercise that power must be set
down to his credit.
After lingering about St. Michaels a few days and no friend from
Alabama appearing, Master Thomas decided to send me back again
to Baltimore, to live with his brother Hugh, with whom he was now at
peace; possibly he became so by his profession of religion at the
camp-meeting in the Bay side. Master Thomas told me he wished
me to go to Baltimore and learn a trade; and that if I behaved myself
properly he would emancipate me at twenty-five. Thanks for this one
beam of hope in the future. The promise had but one fault—it
seemed too good to be true.
CHAPTER XX.
APPRENTICESHIP LIFE.
Nothing lost in my attempt to run away—Comrades at home—Reasons for

sending me away—Return to Baltimore—Tommy changed—Caulking in
Gardiner’s ship yard—Desperate fight—Its causes—Conflict between
white and black labor—Outrage—Testimony—Master Hugh—Slavery in
Baltimore—My condition improves—New associations—Slaveholder’s
right to the slave’s wages—How to make a discontented slave.
WELL, dear reader, I am not, as you have probably inferred, a loser

by the general upstir described in the foregoing chapter. The little
domestic revolution, notwithstanding the sudden snub it got by the
treachery of somebody, did not, after all, end so disastrously as
when in the iron cage at Easton I conceived it would. The prospect
from that point did look about as dark as any that ever cast its gloom
over the vision of the anxious, out-looking human spirit. “All’s well
that ends well!” My affectionate friends, Henry and John Harris, are
still with Mr. Freeland. Charles Roberts and Henry Bailey are safe at
their homes. I have not, therefore, anything to regret on their
account. Their masters have mercifully forgiven them, probably on
the ground suggested in the spirited little speech of Mrs. Freeland
made to me just before leaving for the jail. My friends had nothing to
regret, either: for while they were watched more closely, they were
doubtless treated more kindly than before, and got new assurances
that they should some day be legally emancipated, provided their
behavior from that time forward should make them deserving. Not a
blow was struck any one of them. As for Master Freeland, good soul,
he did not believe we were intending to run away at all. Having given
—as he thought—no occasion to his boys to leave him, he could not
think it probable that they had entertained a design so grievous.
This, however, was not the view taken of the matter by “Mas’ Billy,”
as we used to call the soft-spoken but crafty and resolute Mr. William
Hamilton. He had no doubt that the crime had been meditated, and
regarding me as the instigator of it, he frankly told Master Thomas
that he must remove me from that neighborhood or he would shoot
me. He would not have one so dangerous as “Frederick” tampering
with his slaves. William Hamilton was not a man whose threat might
be safely disregarded. I have no doubt he would have proved as
good as his word, had the warning given been disregarded. He was
furious at the thought of such a piece of high-handed theft as we
were about to perpetrate—the stealing of our own bodies and souls.
The feasibility of the plan, too, could the first steps have been taken,
was marvelously plain. Besides, this was a new idea, this use of the
Bay. Slaves escaping, until now, had taken to the woods; they had
never dreamed of profaning and abusing the waters of the noble
Chesapeake by making them the highway from slavery to freedom.
Here was a broad road leading to the destruction of slavery, which
had hitherto been looked upon as a wall of security by the
slaveholders. But Master Billy could not get Mr. Freeland to see
matters precisely as he did, nor could he get Master Thomas excited
as he was. The latter, I must say it to his credit, showed much
humane feeling, and atoned for much that had been harsh, cruel,
and unreasonable in his former treatment of me and of others. My
“Cousin Tom” told me that while I was in jail Master Thomas was
very unhappy, and that the night before his going up to release me
he had walked the floor nearly all night, evincing great distress; that
very tempting offers had been made to him by the negro-traders, but
he had rejected them all, saying that money could not tempt him to
sell me to the far south. I can easily believe all this, for he seemed
quite reluctant to send me away at all. He told me that he only
consented to do so because of the very strong prejudice against me
in the neighborhood, and that he feared for my safety if I remained
there.
Thus after three years spent in the country, roughing it in the
field, and experiencing all sorts of hardships, I was again permitted
to return to Baltimore, the very place of all others, short of a free
State, where I most desired to live. The three years spent in the
country had made some difference in me, and in the household of
Master Hugh. “Little Tommy” was no longer little Tommy; and I was
not the slender lad who had left the Eastern Shore just three years
before. The loving relations between Master Tommy and myself were
broken up. He was no longer dependent on me for protection, but felt
himself a man, with other and more suitable associates. In childhood
he had considered me scarcely inferior to himself,—certainly quite as
good as any other boy with whom he played—but the time had come
when his friend must be his slave. So we were cold to each other,
and parted. It was a sad thing to me, that loving each other as we
had done, we must now take different roads. To him a thousand
avenues were open. Education had made him acquainted with all the
treasures of the world, and liberty had flung open the gates
thereunto; but I, who had attended him seven years, had watched
over him with the care of a big brother, fighting his battles in the
street, and shielding him from harm to an extent which induced his
mother to say, “Oh, Tommy is always safe when he is with Freddy”—
I must be confined to a single condition. He had grown and become
a man: I, though grown to the stature of manhood, must all my life
remain a minor—a mere boy. Thomas Auld, junior, obtained a
situation on board the brig Tweed, and went to sea. I have since
heard of his death.
There were few persons to whom I was more sincerely attached
than to him.
Very soon after I went to Baltimore to live, Master Hugh
succeeded in getting me hired to Mr. William Gardiner, an extensive
ship-builder on Fell’s Point. I was placed there to learn to calk, a
trade of which I already had some knowledge, gained while in Mr.
Hugh Auld’s ship-yard. Gardiner’s, however, proved a very
unfavorable place for the accomplishment of the desired object. Mr.
Gardiner was that season engaged in building two large man-of-war
vessels, professedly for the Mexican government. These vessels
were to be launched in the month of July of that year, and in failure
thereof Mr. Gardiner would forfeit a very considerable sum of money.
So when I entered the ship-yard, all was hurry and driving. There
were in the yard about one hundred men; of these, seventy or eighty

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Justification in Late Medieval

Preaching: A Study of John Geiler of

The Theology of Debt in Late Medieval English

The Narrative Shape of Emotion in the Preaching of John

The Narrative Shape of Emotion in the Preaching of John

The Clash of Legitimacies: The State-Building Process

Where Sight Meets Sound: The Poetics of Late-Medieval

Borders and the Politics of Space in Late Medieval

Experiencing God in Late Medieval and Early Modern

Experiencing God in Late Medieval and Early Modern

HEIKO A. OBERMAN, Tucson, Arizona

THOMAS A. BRADY, Jr., Eugene, Oregon

E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Douglass, Jane Dempsey.

Copyright r966/ r989 by E. ]. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands

I. GEILER AND LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING 1

II. FAITH AND REASON • 45

The Authority for Interpreting Scripture . 75

IV. NATURAL MAN AND THE GRACE OF GoD 106

Geiler's View of the Christian Life 134

VI. HUMAN MERIT CORAM DEO. 162

The Mercy of God 162

VII. CoMMUNIO MERITORUM 179

The Work of Christ . . 179

The role of the Virgin Mary . 190

VIII. CONCLUSION: A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY REFORMER . 205

APPENDIX. WoRKS OF GEILER 209

In the present age of ecumenical rapprochement, both Protestant

the interest and helpfulness of the staffs of the Bibliotheque Nationale

May, 1966 E. JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

Since the original publication of this study in i966, our knowledge

1100-1J98 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, i98i).

First, the careful study by Herbert Kraume 6 will be most helpful to

Princeton Theological Seminary JANE DEMPSEY DOUGLASS

1944), pp. 13-14.

GEILER AND LATE MEDIEVAL PREACHING

Nominalism restudied.-A recent revival of interest in the theology

1 Paul Vignaux, Justification et predestination au X/Ve siecle (Paris, 1934); idem,

Articles on Ockham, ed. E. Buytaert (St. Bonaventure, 1958); G. Buescher, The

Tradition (Lund, 1955); Leif Grane, Contra Gabrielem (Gyldendal, 1962).

Late medieval preaching.-In the light of all these considerations, we

See Oberman, "Some Notes on the Theology of Nominalism," pp. 51-56.

W. Wackernagel, Altdeutsche Predigten und Gebete aus Handschriften (Basel, 1876);

the standpoint of contemporary research into nominalistic theology.

Methodological problems.-Several methodological problems encoun-

(5) Wide circulation of commonly-used collections of sermons and

THE CHOICE OF GEILER FOR INTENSIVE STUDY

In consideration of these difficulties in interpreting sermonic liter-

1 A. Zumkeller, "Das Ungeniigen der menschlichen Werke bei den deutschen

Predigern des Spiitmittelalters," ZKT 81 (1959), pp. 265-305.

p. 496 n. 2; idem, Die iiltesten Schriften .. . , pp. 102-4.

to Wimpfeling in 1510, preserved by Specklin. Though Specklin's Col/ectanea was

such a collection of precepts written soon after the discussions.

of the particular warmth with which Maximilian regarded Geiler,

1 "Ob summam vero eruditiooem cum vite sanctimonia copulatam, ab invic-