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Like Smart Work, Smart Teams is an insightful, practical way
to accelerate and step-­change your productivity. The ability
to lead a productive team is so critical in the complex, ever-­
evolving nature of the way we work, with diverse teams in
diverse environments. Dermot has again provided a brilliant,
practical and insightful way to take your team or organisation
to another level.
—­  Mark Bateson, Operations Director, Miele Australia
Dermot’s work on personal productivity has had a significant
impact on my ability to stay organised and in control in a fast-­
paced and agile work environment. Smart Teams is packed with
practical tools and techniques you can use right now to lead
more effective and collaborative teams … essential reading for
those that want to expand their leadership impact.
—­  Richard Burns, General Manager, Customer Experience
& Technology, Aussie Home Loans
The saying ‘if you want to go fast go alone, but if you want to
go far go together’ echoes through this great book. Personal
productivity is like learning to walk, team productivity is like
learning to run.
—­  Matt Church, Founder, Thought Leaders Global
and author of Amplifiers
Dermot Crowley is Australia’s leading thinker and writer in
the domain of productivity. His first book, Smart Work, taught
us how to work productively in the digital age. Smart Teams
is a breakthrough body of work that teaches us how to create
cultures of productivity in our teams and organisations.
Implementing the strategies around meetings will give you
your life back, and the rest of the book will transform the
impact of your team and business. Critical reading for anyone
who wants their team to be more effective.
—­  Peter Cook, author of The New Rules of Management
Smart Teams is perfect for the clever and busy professional who
wants to help create flow rather than friction. It is packed full
of practical advice to not only increase your own productivity
but to create a superproductive culture. This book is a must-­
read for anyone in corporate trying to do more with less.
—­  Gabrielle Dolan, author of Stories for Work: The Essential
Guide to Business Storytelling
In Smart Teams, Dermot Crowley takes the individual
productivity concepts introduced in Smart Work to an entirely
different level. The game theory productivity concept is
brilliant, illustrating how to work with others in a way that
enhances not only your own productivity, but that of the entire
team. This book is an invaluable resource, filled with practical
insights and ideas for immediate implementation to improve
organisational productivity.
—­  Chris Galloway, Managing Director, Morningstar
Investment Management, Asia Pacific
In business today, productivity growth is fundamental. Dermot
Crowley’s first book, Smart Work, is an incredible asset for every
individual —­ a must read. With Smart Teams, Dermot has done
it again. He is skilled at creating simple, practical illustrations
and instructions that bring to life the opportunities and
solutions for teams to become more productive and for their
organisations to grow as a result. Find time to read it.
—­  David Smith, Managing Director, Diageo Australia
The Smart Work approach to personal productivity helped
myself and my team to claw back some time and sanity. Smart
Teams will now allow us to go to the next level and create a
culture where productivity can flourish. A smart book that is
relevant to any busy team in the modern workplace.
—­  Angus Sullivan, Executive General Manager, Retail Sales
& Service, Commonwealth Bank of Australia
 How to Move from
Friction to Flow and
Work Better Together

DERMOT CROWLEY
This revised edition first published in 2023 by John Wiley & Sons Australia,
Ltd Level 4, 600 Bourke St, Melbourne, Victoria 3000, Australia

First published as Smart Teams: How to Work Better Together in 2018 by John
Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd

Typeset in Crimson Text 12pt/15pt

© John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd 2023

The moral rights of the author have been asserted

ISBN: 978-­1-­394-­19130-­7

All rights reserved. Except as permitted under the Australian Copyright

Act 1968 (for example, a fair dealing for the purposes of study, research,
criticism or review), no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, communicated or transmitted in any form or by any
means without prior written permission. All inquiries should be made to
the publisher at the address above.

Microsoft, Project, Office, OneNote, Outlook, and Windows are either

registered trademarks or trademarks of Microsoft Corporation in the
United States and/or other countries. All other trademarks are the property
of their respective owners.

Cover design by Wiley

Cover image © suyoto suyoto/Shutterstock

Disclaimer
The material in this publication is of the nature of general comment only,
and does not represent professional advice. It is not intended to provide
specific guidance for particular circumstances and it should not be relied
on as the basis for any decision to take action or not take action on any
matter which it covers. Readers should obtain professional advice where
appropriate, before making any such decision. To the maximum extent
permitted by law, the author and publisher disclaim all responsibility
and liability to any person, arising directly or indirectly from any person
taking or not taking action based on the information in this publication.
Contents
About the author ix
Acknowledgementsxi
How to use this book xiii
Introductionxv
Part I: Moving from friction to flow 1
1 Enabling productive flow 7
2 Qualities of a smart team 21
3 Changing team behaviours 29
Part II: Working better together 47
4 Communicate: make less noise 53
5 Congregate: make meetings count 91
6 Collaborate: make projects great 135
7 Key skills for effective cooperation 171
Part III: Building a smart team culture 191
8 Creating a more productive culture 195
9 Some productivity projects 207
Postscript 217
About the author
Dermot Crowley is a productivity author, speaker, trainer and
thought leader. He was born in Dublin, Ireland, and moved to
Sydney, Australia, in 1993.
He has more than twenty-­five years’ experience working in the
productivity training industry and has run his own business,
Adapt Productivity, since 2002.
His passion for helping workers, leaders and teams to work
in a more productive and balanced way has led him to work
with many leading organisations around the World such as the
Commonwealth Bank of Australia, PepsiCo, Walmart, Citi,
Westpac, Deloitte, Allens Linklaters, Allianz and KPMG.
Dermot lives with his family in sunny Sydney. When not
training or writing, he can be found in the kitchen practicing
his other passion — cooking.

ix
Acknowledgements
Book number two, like the dreaded second album, has been
both incredibly fulfilling and more than a little challenging.
Could I do it again? Was I a one-­hit wonder? Was Smart Work
even a hit? All of those doubts crept in at night, but of course
there were lots of people behind the scenes to support me and
keep me on track.
This is now a revised edition of book number two! As with
my first book Smart Work, we believe that the lessons in
Smart Teams are critical to working productively in the hybrid
workplace that we now work in, and it was worth refreshing to
ensure it maintained its relevance
First, a huge thank you to my family, who support me and
create the space for me to do audacious things like write books.
Finn, you inspire me and give my life meaning. Here’s to many
more mountains to climb!
To my family in Ireland. Not quite James Joyce, but not bad for
a Dub! Thank you for always believing in me and talking me
up to all at home.
To Vera, who has helped me to believe in the positive power
of my message. You reflect the best version of me. Thank you.

xi
 Smart Teams

To my team at Adapt —­ Tony, Chauntelle and Matt. I look

forward to bringing Smart Teams to life with all of you. Thank
you for supporting me while I wrote it.
To all of the Thought Leaders family. I am constantly inspired
and driven by your amazing company. A special mention to
my mentors, Matt and Pete. I would never have started this
journey without your encouragement. Matt, focus is coming!
A big thank you to all of the amazing experts who contributed
to this book through interviews. It was a blast, and I learned
so much. Thank you, Colin, Matt, Donna, Lynne, Harley, Paul,
Scott and Stephen.
Finally, to my Smart Support Team. Thank you to Kelly for
project managing me and helping me transform a pile of
rubbish into an elegant state. To the team at Wiley, thank you
for trusting me again. Chris and Jem, it was great to work with
you again. You make my words better. And to Lucy, who fought
hard for a great idea.
And mostly, thanks to you, the reader. That you have invested
your money and time in my words is humbling. I hope you find
the return is great.

xii
How to use this book
Like Smart Work, this book has been written with a practical
focus. I want you and your team to do something different after
reading this. I am sure you have the same aspirations, but I am
also sure this is not the first business book you have bought.
Did you implement your learnings from those other books as
well as you had hoped? Maybe not. So here is my advice on
implementing Smart Teams and starting to turn around your
experience with the issues we will discuss.
Read it cover to cover, or flick through to the sections that grab
your interest. Then try to identify the productivity issue that,
if resolved, would have the greatest positive impact for your
team. Focus on that first, and create a project to implement it
straight away.
In chapters 2 and 3, I outline a process to help you and your
team to decide on the most impactful productivity principles
to focus on when working together. Make the time to do this
exercise —­ it will have a real impact. In chapter 9, I propose a
range of simple projects that you could implement with your
team over the next couple of months to create and sustain
change. I don’t ask you to do them all —­ just pick one and
implement it.

xiii
 Smart Teams

You will invest precious time and energy in reading this book.
I know that is hard when you are so busy. You will then need
to invest time working with your team to improve how you
communicate, congregate and collaborate. Again, not easy
when you are busy. But that is the point. You need to spend
time to make time! Don’t waste the initial time spent reading
this book by doing nothing with it.

Buying this book was your first

investment. Reading it your second.
But implementing the recommended
projects will be your third and most
lucrative investment.

xiv
Introduction
Since publishing Smart Work I have had many conversations
with clients about the best way to increase productivity across
a whole team, or across an entire organisation. Individually,
they loved the Smart Work approach, but they wanted to apply
the concepts in a sustained way to everyone involved. This is
far more complex than helping an individual increase their
personal productivity.
Helping individuals to work more productively through a set
of systems, processes and habits is a crucial starting point for
increased team productivity. But to boost productivity across
many workers in a sustained way we need to go beyond personal
productivity and examine how we work together.
We need to look closely at how leaders, managers and team
members communicate, congregate and collaborate, and
ensure that everyone understands the impact that our poor
work behaviours have on others’ productivity. Finally, our
leaders must take responsibility for creating a culture and an
environment that will allow productivity to flourish in the
long term.

xv
 Smart Teams

No matter how great our personal

productivity, and how good our
intentions, every time we interact with
others there is a risk that we will drag
their productivity down, or that they
will drag ours down.
This happens because we are busy, under pressure, tired and
sometimes a bit lazy. We don’t intentionally set out to hijack or
kill our colleagues’ productivity. Our work is complex, and we
are human. And as we push hard to achieve our goals and deal
with the everyday issues that come our way, we can leave a trail
of collateral damage in our wake.
This is now especially true as many organisations move to
hybrid and remote working models in the aftermath of the
COVID pandemic. As many of us moved to working remotely
or working between home and the office, the volume of
email noise and meetings only increased, while our ability to
collaborate effectively became more challenging.

Can you relate?

I saw this first hand at an off-­site team day for one of my key
tech clients last year. I was presenting to the leadership team and
their top 60 managers. I had been working with the executive
team for several months, and this was the start of an initiative
to drive the productivity principles to the next level.
It being a tech company, they all received a high volume of
email. Most managers were getting 300 to 400 (some over 500)
emails per day. This ludicrous volume of email was causing
stress, missed deadlines and lots of rework, and was diverting
xvi
 Introduction

the managers from the important work they should have been
focusing on.
Midway through my presentation, their CEO stood up and
asked, ‘How many of you feel like you are getting hammered by
emails?’ Almost everyone put their hand up.
So the CEO said, ‘Think about this. Last month we were all
at the half-­yearly conference for three days. How many of you
noticed that our email volume dropped to about a third of the
normal level over those three days?’ Again, most raised their
hand. ‘Okay,’ he said, ‘Connect the dots for me. What happened
there?’
Finally, someone in the audience said, ‘We were all in a room
together, so we weren’t sending emails to each other. So our
email volume fell.’ The penny dropped for everyone in the
room: when it came to email volume, they were creating their
own problems.
In their heads, they had been blaming external forces —­ their
US head office, customers, suppliers. Everyone but themselves.
But the reality was that they themselves had created an email
culture that had gone wild.
Email was the preferred communication method, even to the
person at the next desk. Everyone was CC’d on everything.
‘Reply All’ conversations were rife, sometimes generating 30
to 40 emails for each individual, even though the conversations
were relevant to few of them. No wonder their inboxes were
overflowing!
Many of those managers had already implemented the Smart
Work system to manage their own productivity, but how
could they possibly keep up when faced with the deluge of
emails in their inboxes each day? How could they be expected
xvii
 Smart Teams

to focus on the right stuff when they were drowning in the

wrong stuff?
Personal productivity training was a part of the solution, but
the greater need for the group was a shift in culture. A move
away from the rampant email culture that had evolved over
the years to one that used email in a more thoughtful way.
A shift away from the ‘death by meeting’ culture to a more
balanced one, with fewer meetings, involving fewer people,
taking less time and achieving better outcomes. A shift away
from a culture of complicated collaboration that just frustrated
people, to one where great things were achieved when they
worked together.
Having said that, this was a highly successful global organisation,
so they must have been doing lots right. And they were. They
got stuff done. But the costs of a less-­than-­effective productivity
culture were high, including long hours, stress, lack of balance
and high turnover.
The culture of our team and organisation often works against
our efforts to be productive —­ and our leaders can be a part of
the problem.

Productivity problems at the

team level
Smart Teams is not about task lists or zero inboxes. While
these are critical at the individual level, they are not the focus
here. This book looks at how we can work together to solve the
common issues that challenge our productivity daily.

xviii
 Introduction

There are four key productivity issues that we face when we

work together in complex environments such as the modern
corporate office.

1. Information overload
Hopefully you are not dealing with the extreme volumes of
email faced by the managers in the earlier story, but I bet you
are not too far from this! How many emails do you get each day?
Fifty or sixty? Not too bad. One hundred? That is a bit harder
to manage. Two hundred? Now you are feeling the pressure.
More than that and you are officially drowning!

What started out as a simple, useful communication tool between

academics has become a nightmare for many workers today.
Don’t get me wrong, I love email —­ just not too much of it. And
it is not just email that is overloading us with information. Each
day we juggle numerous other information systems, including
instant messaging, phone calls, voice mail, collaboration tools,
customer management systems and project dashboards.

We simply have too much information

these days, and it’s sometimes
difficult to turn this information into
intelligence.

Studies have suggested that our stress levels start to elevate

when we receive more than 50 emails daily —­ and that applies
to most people I work with! We need to reduce the volume of
emails and other information we send and receive. Most of it is
just noise, and the signal is getting lost.

xix
 Smart Teams

While taking advantage of the speed of communication and

the easy access to information that tools such as email provide,
we need to get back to a more focused way of working.

2. Too much time in unfocused meetings

Meetings are an important way for us to get work done, working
with and through other people. But for some of us, especially
senior managers, they have taken over our whole week, leaving
us with little time to get anything else done.
These can be resource-­heavy collaborations during which only
one or two people in the meeting are actually doing the work,
while everyone else watches on. There is an old Irish joke that
sums this up well: ‘How many workers does it take to dig a
hole? Six. One to dig the hole and five to stand around and
watch.’ Meetings should not be a spectator sport. If you are not
a player, should you even be there?
If not managed well, meetings can have adverse consequences.
Your workday should strike a healthy balance between time
working with others and time getting your own stuff done. If
you are in meetings most of the day, you will have little time
for your own work and your productivity will drop. When you
compensate for this imbalance by working longer hours, your
stress levels rise, relationships get frayed and the quality of your
work drops as you miss deadlines or are constantly rushing to
get stuff done on time.
Meetings often take more time than is necessary. An hour,
60 minutes, is a nice, round timeframe. But isn’t 30 minutes
just as neat, and potentially more productive? Parkinson’s Law
states that the work will always expand to fill the time available.

xx
 Introduction

We tend to schedule meeting durations based on habit rather

than need.
Finally, most meetings are poorly planned. Too many
participants come unprepared and waste everyone’s time by
preparing during the meeting. Changing this culture gives us
a great opportunity to boost team productivity without too
much effort.

3. Distractions and interruptions

Surely after the hours we have spent wading through those
emails and listening intently in those meetings we deserve a bit
of time to focus on getting some of our own work done at our
desk? But no, even there we are bombarded by distractions and
interruptions.
The truth is most of us are our own worst enemy here. We
become victims of email, and of our teammates. We don’t
bother to turn off our email alerts, because we quite like to
see what is coming into our overflowing inbox. We like the
distraction, yet complain bitterly about it to others. We often
fail to manage physical interruptions too. People interrupt us
and we all too often just let it happen. So when we do have
some time to focus on important tasks, we often don’t take
advantage of it.

4. Unnecessary urgency
Have you ever made it to the end of a busy day feeling like you
never actually got near what you had set out to do? Was today
filled with urgent issues, requests and interruptions? If that has
become the norm for you, welcome to the club!

xxi
 Smart Teams

Many people in today’s busy workplace are driven by a sense of

urgency. Not by what is important, but by what is most insistent
and pressing. Urgency is a great motivator to action, and
many of us are geared towards this way of working, deferring
important tasks until they hit a deadline and become urgent.
What worries and frustrates me more than anything is that
most organisations too are driven by urgency. People often tell
me they work in reactive organisations or reactive industries.
And everyone accepts this as normal. It may be the current
reality, but it does not have to be accepted by leadership or their
teams.
In a culture that accepts urgency as the legitimate driver of work
priorities, people are expected to react. And react they do —­ to
their boss, to customers, to colleagues and to themselves. But
this desire for a quick turnaround comes at a cost.
A reactive approach to work reduces the quality of our outputs,
causes unnecessary stress and reduces motivation on a grand
scale. Our busyness may make us feel productive, but being
busy is not the same as being productive.
It is my experience that industries are not reactive by nature,
and neither are organisations. It is people and their work styles
that cause urgency and reactivity every day of the working
week (and weekends if you are especially reactive).
The increase we have experienced in email noise, number
of meetings, distractions and urgency has only gotten worse
in the hybrid workplace. A perceived lack of control by
management, and lack of confidence by workers combine to
drive us to communicate more, to meet more and create more
interruptions and urgency to ensure that things are moving
forward in the right way. But I am not sure we are gaining any
real control or confidence from all of this activity.
xxii
 Introduction

We create friction rather than flow

In a typical team, wrestling with a combination of these
complex productivity issues means our weekly productivity
takes a massive hit.

Like mountain climbers wading through

heavy snow, we experience work
friction rather than work flow.
Everything is harder. Things take longer. We have to chase
everything up. Rework means we get behind, which causes
more urgency. And so the cycle goes on. We feel like we have
no control or power to change these friction-­causing factors.
This is just the way it is!
There must be a better way.
The slow food movement was pioneered by Italian Carlo
Petrini in 1986. Alarmed by the rise of the fast food culture, he
was initially motivated by a campaign to stop the opening of a
McDonald’s restaurant at the foot of Rome’s famous Spanish
Steps. I believe we need a ‘slow work’ movement to create
cultures that are responsive rather than reactive.
We need to slow things down a bit, and take more control of
doing good-­quality work in a timely way. The irony is that
by slowing down we will get more work done in less time.
And by embedding this shift across our team, we will build a
platform on which to create not just a productive culture, but a
superproductive culture.
In Part I we will look at some ways to move your team from
friction to flow.

xxiii
 PART I
Moving from
friction to flow
 Smart Teams

In 2001, Russell Crowe starred in A Beautiful Mind, a film

based on the life of American mathematician John Nash. A
pivotal scene in the movie depicts Nash’s eureka moment when
developing his thinking around non-­cooperative games, or
what became widely known as Nash’s Equilibrium.
I hope that John Nash, and Russell Crowe for that matter, would
excuse my poor attempt to explain such a brilliant theory, but
here goes.
While watching his friends jostle for position to ask a group of
women to dance, it occurred to Nash that an accepted theory by
the eighteenth-­century economist Adam Smith was incomplete.
Smith had stated that in economics the best result comes from
everyone doing what is best for themselves. Nash’s insight was
that the best result actually comes from everyone in the group
doing what is best for themselves, and for the group. Nash’s
Equilibrium became an important contribution to the field of
economic game theory, which is now used in many modern
applications, from online gambling to traffic flow analysis.
Sadly, I believe, it resulted in none of the men getting to dance
with a beautiful woman that night (at least in the movie).
So what does this part-­history, part-­Hollywood lesson have to
do with team productivity? Well, I reckon quite a lot. This is
what I call game theory productivity.

Our team is most productive when we

work in a way that is productive for
ourselves as individuals, and productive
for the team as a whole.
Creating this cultural change within your team requires a
shift in mindset by everyone involved. Everyone will need

2
 Moving from friction to flow

to challenge their current ways of working that might serve

themselves but not the wider team. There is no room for selfish
or selfless mindsets.

Are you selfish?

When we focus on being personally productive, but do not
consider or care about the productivity of others, we are
exhibiting what I call a selfish mindset.
We may be well organised, ruthless in our prioritisation and
focus, and obsessed about working only on the key activities
that help us to achieve our outcomes. But when we interface
with others, we care little for how our behaviours affect their
productivity.
This may mean we send rushed, poorly written emails to save
ourselves time, creating extra work for others as they try to
decipher our communications. Too busy working on our own
important priorities to stay on top of our email, we fail to
accept or decline meeting invitations. The meeting organisers,
and other participants, are unsure if we are attending. This can
lead to lost productivity, as when we fail to attend, the meeting
wastes everyone else’s time because we are needed to make the
final decision!
In a senior team I once worked with, one of the directors had
an interesting approach to meetings. He accepted meeting
invites but would often not turn up for the meeting. Only if
someone bothered to come and fetch him might he decide to
wander over and grace the team with his presence.
His justification for not turning up on time would be that he
was in the middle of something more important. As a senior

3
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 legislation, but from the circumstances that the existing laws
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{451}

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included, which is not possible. Moreover, everybody wished me
to take in this matter such decisions as I might think proper
in view of securing the continuation of the Servian Monarchy.
The first thing to be done was to safeguard the rights of the
direct line without seeking to bind ourselves by the Salic
Law, which there is really no reason to apply in our country.
I should add here that there are no anti-dynastic elements in
Servia, with the exception, perhaps, of a few hare-brained
individuals who really do not enter into account. My people
are profoundly attached to the reigning dynasty, and never
lose an opportunity of showing me their loyalty. It is the
same with all the political parties.

"Before promulgating the Constitution I decided to consult the

most influential members of the parties in office. They agreed
with me, and promised me to assist harmoniously in the work. I
have also consulted the leading members of the Liberal party,
and with two or three exceptions they have given me the same
assurances. Such being the case, I may say that the
Constitution of 1901 is not a production of my will or of my
good pleasure, but that it is the result of an understanding
between the Sovereign and the leaders of the three political
parties. I consequently reckon upon their sincere and active
co-operation, and I trust they will not fail me. I am firmly
convinced that the new Constitution will act as a fresh and
vigorous stimulus to my country, and that it will bring it
that calm and stability which it sorely needs. I sincerely
regard it as a source of prosperity and welfare for Servia."

SEVERALTY ACT, The Indian.

 See (in this volume)
INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

SEYMOUR, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward:

Expedition to relieve Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

SEYYIDIEH, The province of.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

SHAFTER, General:
Commanding the expedition against Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SHAFTER, General:
Surrender of Spanish forces at Santiago and all eastern Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

SHAFTER, General:
Report of sickness in army.
Removal of troops to Montauk Point.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST:
CUBA).

SHANGHAI.
"Shanghai is the New York of China. It occupies a position on
the coast quite similar to that of New York on our own eastern
coast, and its percentage of importations into China is about
the same as that which New York enjoys in the United States.
The large share of the foreign trade of China which Shanghai
controls is due largely to its position at the mouth of the
great artery through which trade flows to and from China—the
Yangtze-Kiang. Transportation in bulk in China up to the
present time having been almost exclusively by water, and the
Yangtze being navigable by steamers and junks for more than
2,000 miles, thus reaching the most populous, productive, and
wealthy sections of the country, naturally a very large share
of the foreign commerce entering or leaving that country
passes through Shanghai, where foreign merchants, bankers,
trade representatives, trade facilities, and excellent docking
and steamship conveniences exist. The lines of no less than
eight great steamship companies center at Shanghai, where they
land freight and passengers from their fleets of vessels which
are counted by hundreds, while the smaller vessels, for river
and coastwise service, and the native junks are counted
literally by thousands. The Yangtze from Shanghai westward to
Hankow, a distance of 582 miles, is navigable for very large
steamships that are capable of coasting as well as river
service. Hankow, which with its suburbs has nearly a million
people, is the most important of the interior cities, being a
great distributing center for trade to all parts of central
and western China and thus the river trade between Shanghai
and Hankow is of itself enormous, while the coastwise trade
from Shanghai, both to the north and south, and that by the
Grand Canal to Tientsin, the most important city of northern
China, is also very large."

United States, Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2191.

"When the English chose this position, in 1842, for their

mercantile settlement, it seemed difficult to believe that
 they would ever succeed in making the place a rival of Canton
or of Amoy. It is true that Shanghai possessed important
commercial relations already, and the great geographical
advantage of commanding the entrance to the navigable river
which traverses the whole empire from west to east; but the
builders of the city there had to struggle with enormous
difficulties of soil and climate. They had to solidify and
drain the land, dig canals, dry up marshes, cleanse the air of
its miasms, besides incessantly dredging and clearing the
channel, to keep it open for their ships. The first European
merchants established at Shanghai were favored in fortune by
the national disasters of China. The Taiping war drove
fugitives in multitudes to the territory conceded to
foreigners, and when the town of Soutcheou was destroyed, in
1860, Shanghai succeeded it as the great city of the country."

É. Reclus,
Nouvelle géographie universelle,
volume 7, page 455.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1898.
Rioting consequent on French desecration of a cemetery.
Extension of foreign settlements.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

SHANTUNG, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

SHIMONOSEKI, Text of the Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.
{452}

SHIPPING OF THE WORLD: In 1900.

Statement of number and net and gross tonnage of steam and

sailing vessels of over 100 tons of the several countries of
the world, as recorded in Lloyd's Register for 1900-1901
[dated July 1, 1900].

United States, Commissioner of Navigation,

Annual Report, 1900, page 125.

FLAG STEAM.
SAIL. TOTAL.
------------------------- -
----------------- -------------
Number. Net tons. Gross tons.
Number. Net tons. Number. Tonnage.

British:
United Kingdom. 7,020 7,072,401 11,513,759
1,894 1,727,687 8,914 13,241,446
Colonies. 910 378,925 635,331
1,014 384,477 1,924 1,019,808
Total. 7,930 7,451,326 12,149,090
2,908 2,112,164 10,838 14,261,254

American
(United States):
Sea. 690 594,237 878,564
2,130 1,156,498 2,820 2,035,062
Lake. 242 436,979 576,402
73 138,807 315 715,209
Total. 932 1,031,216 1,454,966
2,203 1,295,305 3,135 2,750,271

Argentine. 95 36,938 57,239

106 30,407 201 87,646
Austro-Hungarian 214 240,808 387,471
56 28,613 270 416,084
Belgian. 115 111,624 162,493
2 420 117 162,913
Brazilian. 215 85,799 133,507
117 29,580 332 163,087
Chilean. 52 38,960 62,872
75 48,106 127 110,978
Chinese. 48 41,847 65,721
1 573 49 66,294
Colombian. 1 555 877
5 1,110 6 1,987
Danish. 369 240,599 412,273
433 106,738 802 519,011
Dutch. 289 307,574 467,209
117 63,068 406 530,277
French. 662 542,305 1,052,193
552 298,309 1,214 1,350,562
German. 1,209 1,344,605 2,159,919
501 490,114 1,710 2,650,033
Greek. 139 111,797 178,137
230 65,957 369 245,094
Haitian. 5 912 1,750
2 414 7 2,164
Italian. 312 343,020 540,349
864 443,306 1,176 983,655
Japanese. 484 303,303 488,187
582 86,370 1,006 574,557
Mexican. 25 6,562 11,460
13 3,081 38 14,541
Montenegrin. 1 1,064 1,857
14 3,513 15 5,370
Norwegian. 806 467,123 764,683
1,574 876,129 2,380 1,640,812
Peruvian. 3 3,204 4,869
33 9,607 36 14,476
Portuguese. 48 37,153 57,664
156 53,391 204 111,055
Roumanian. 17 9,686 17,361
3 659 20 18,020
Russian. 496 292,277 469,496
750 251,405 1,246 720,901
Sarawakian. 2 244 418
2 418
Siamese. 4 821 1,435
1 294 5 1,729
Spanish. 422 416,882 642,231
175 52,549 597 694,780
Swedish. 678 260,023 418,550
755 218,722 1,433 637,272
Turkish. 135 58,974 94,781
170 48,709 305 143,490
Uruguayan. 17 6,438 10,468
19 4,032 36 14,500
Venezuelan. 12 2,450 4,246
8 1,185 20 5,431
Zanzibarian. 3 1,871 2,808
3 2,808
Other countries:
Hawaii. 23 11,185 16,922
24 29,707 47 46,629
Cuba. 35 17,651 27,040
11 2,410 46 29,450
Philippine Islands 69 19,587 31,099
42 8,236 111 39,335
Various:
Arabia,
Salvador,
Ecuador,
Liberia,
Samos,
Nicaragua,
Bulgaria,
Costa Rica,
Egypt,
Persia,
Porto Rico,
etc. 31 10,130 17,717
22 9,127 53 26,844

Total. 15,898 13,800,513 22,309,358

12,524 6,674,370 28,422 29,043,728

SHIRE HIGHLANDS, The.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

SHOA.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

SHUN-CH'ING, Anti-missionary insurrection at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).
SIAH CHAI, or Vegetarians, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.
Declaration between Great Britain and France
with regard to Siam.

A declaration of agreement, in part as follows, between Great

Britain and France, was signed at London, January 15, 1896:

"I.
The Governments of Great Britain and France engage to one
another that neither of them will, without the consent of the
other, in any case, or under any pretext, advance their armed
forces into the region which is comprised in the basins of the
Petcha Bouri, Meiklong, Menam, and Bang Pa Kong (Petriou)
Rivers and their respective tributaries, together with the
extent of coast from Muong Bang Tapan to Muong Pase, the
basins of the rivers on which those two places are situated,
and the basins of the other rivers, the estuaries of which are
included in that coast; and including also the territory lying
to the north of the basin of the Menam, and situated between
the Anglo-Siamese frontier, the Mekong River, and the eastern
watershed of the Me Ing. They further engage not to acquire
within this region any special privilege or advantage which
shall not be enjoyed in common by, or equally open to, Great
Britain and France, and their nationals and dependents. These
stipulations, however, shall not be interpreted as derogating
from the special clauses which, in virtue of the Treaty
concluded on the 3rd October, 1893, between France and Siam,
apply to a zone of 25 kilometers on the right bank of the
Mekong and to the navigation of that river.

{453}
II.
Nothing in the foregoing clause shall hinder any action on
which the two Powers may agree, and which they shall think
necessary in order to uphold the independence of the Kingdom
of Siam. But they engage not to enter into any separate
Agreement permitting a third Power to take any action from
which they are bound by the present Declaration themselves to
abstain.

III.
From the mouth of the Nam Huok northwards as far as the
Chinese frontier the thalweg of the Mekong shall form the
limit of the possessions or spheres of influence of Great
Britain and France. It is agreed that the nationals and
dependents of each of the two countries shall not exercise any
jurisdiction or authority within the possessions or sphere of
influence of the other."

In a despatch to the British Ambassador at Paris, written on

the same day, Lord Salisbury explained the intent and purpose
of the agreement as follows: "It might be thought that because
we have engaged ourselves, and have received the engagement of
France, not under any circumstances to invade this territory,
that therefore we are throwing doubt upon the complete title
and rights of the Siamese to the remainder of their kingdom,
or, at all events, treating those rights with disregard. Any
such interpretation would entirely misrepresent the intention
with which this arrangement has been signed. We have selected
a particular area for the application of the stipulations of
this Treaty, not because the title of the King of Siam to
other portions of his dominions is less valid, but because it
is the area which affects our interests as a commercial
nation. The valley of the Menam is eminently fitted to receive
a high industrial development. Possibly in course of time it
may be the site of lines of communication which will be of
considerable importance to neighbouring portions of the
British Empire. There seems every prospect that capital will
flow into this region if reasonable security is offered for
its investment, and great advantage would result to the
commerce and industry of the world, and especially of Great
Britain, if capitalists could be induced to make such an
application of the force which they command. But the history
of the region in which Siam is situated has not in recent
years been favourable to the extension of industrial
enterprise, or to the growth of that confidence which is the
first condition of material improvement. A large territory to
the north has passed from the hands of the Burmese Government
to those of Great Britain. A large territory to the east has
passed from the hands of its former possessors to those of
France. The events of this recent history certainly have a
tendency to encourage doubts of the stability of the Siamese
dominion; and without in any degree sharing in those doubts,
or admitting the possibility, within any future with which we
have to deal, of the Siamese independence being compromised,
Her Majesty's Government could not but feel that there would
be an advantage in giving some security to the commercial
world that, in regard to the region where the most active
development is likely to take place, no further disturbances
of territorial ownership are to be apprehended."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: France, Number 2, 1896, pages 1-3).

Perhaps the above explanation can be better understood after

reading the following:

"In the early eighties France commenced the subjugation of

Tonquin. … It was not until 1893 that France openly attacked
Siam. The demand was subtly formulated—on behalf, not of the
Government of the French Republic, but of 'the Empire of
Annam.' But even so the French had been in Annam for perhaps a
quarter of a century, whereas Siam could show an undisturbed,
undisputed tenure of the Mekong River's 'rive gauche' for at
least ninety years. … The cession to France of territory
amounting to rather more than one-third of the entire kingdom
was insisted upon; and in March 1893 that Power sent the
ship-of-war Lutin to Bangkok, where she remained for months a
standing menace. A rigorous blockade of the Siamese seaboard
followed, resulting in a few short days in complete surrender
of the disputed territory to France and the payment of a heavy
war indemnity. … By the Anglo-French Convention of last year
[as given above] the King of Siam's position became, to say
the least, slightly anomalous. That agreement practically
amounted to the fair division, between France and England, of
the whole of Siam save that portion situate in the fertile
valley of the Meinam, whose autonomy they still guarantee to
preserve. … France holds, in addition to the long-coveted port
of Chantabûn, that part of the province of Luang Phrabang
which is situate upon the right bank of the Mekong. … The
Siamese king is 'nulli secundus' among Oriental monarchs as a
progressive ruler. And fate has been unkind to him indeed! He
has encouraged English customs and the English language by all
the means in his power—has taken the kindliest possible
interest in the introduction of electric light, electric
tramways, &c., into his capital—has endeavoured to model his
army and navy, his prison and other systems, upon the English
method—and has in person opened the first railway (that
connecting Bangkok with Pâknam) in Siam. It is, indeed, one of
the strangest and most interesting sights, as you stroll
through the streets of the capital, to witness the 'riksha and
gharry of comparative barbarism travelling in juxtaposition to
the electric tramcar and the bicycle! And for his broad and
enlightened views the King of Siam has been requited by the
wholesale and utterly unjustifiable plunder of his most
fertile lands."
Percy Cross Standing,
The Significance of the Siamese Visit
(Nineteenth Century, June, 1897).

Frequent collisions between French and Siamese in the

so-called "neutral zone" on the right bank of the Mekong
continued, until a new convention was agreed upon in May,
1890. This gave to France the province of Luang-Phrabang, in
return for which she agreed to withdraw entirely from the
neutral territory and from the port of Chantabûn.

SIAM: A. D. 1898.
Gift of relics of Buddha.

See (in this volume)

BUDDHA.

SIAM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

SIAN FU,
SI-NGAN-FU,
The Chinese Imperial Court at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SIBERIA.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA.

SIBERIAN ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

 See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1805, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900.

{454}

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

Extension of British authority over the Hinterland of the
Colony of Sierra Leone.
The hut tax.
Insurrection of natives.

"Immediately adjoining the Colony of Sierra Leone, lying to

the northward and eastward, is the Hinterland, the boundaries
of which were defined by the Agreement between Great Britain
and France which was concluded 21st January 1895. The extreme
depth from south to north is about 210 miles, lying between 7°
and 10° north latitude, and 180 miles from east to west, lying
between 10° 40' and 13° 20' of west longitude. The estimated area
is rather more than 30,000 square miles—about the size of
Ireland. … Unlike many regions on the west coast of Africa,
the country is, for the most part, well watered by rivers and
running streams. The population of the Hinterland has not been
ascertained. It has been variously estimated, before the
present troubles, at from about 750,000 up to about 2,000,000.
The trade and revenue of the Colony depend almost entirely on
the Hinterland. A very large proportion of the goods imported
into the Colony are carried into and consumed in the
Hinterland. These goods are paid for by means of the products
of the Hinterland, which are exported, and the profits derived
from the exchange enable the merchants to pay the Customs
duties, which constitute the bulk of the Colonial revenue. The
territories forming the Hinterland are, according to the
native organisation, ruled over by a large number of Chiefs
(or Kings, as they used to be, and still in native parlance
are, called). The portions of country under each Chief are
well ascertained, and recognised by the various Chiefs and
their subjects. …

"The relations between the English Government and the Chiefs

at the time of the conclusion of the Agreement between France
and England in 1895 was … that some of the Chiefs whose
territories lay most adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone
had contracted with the English Crown certain treaties of
cession, and treaties directed to definite objects of amity
and good offices. In addition there had sprung up by usage a
limited consensual and advisory jurisdiction, under which
Chiefs as well as persons not Chiefs would bring their
differences (mainly as to territorial boundaries) before the
Governor of Sierra Leone as a sort of arbitrator, and
implicitly follow his awards. This jurisdiction was exercised
over an area of no defined limits, so far as any rules were
concerned. As a fact, it was limited by conditions of distance
and facility of travel, so that whilst the usage was most
established in the countries nearest to Freetown, there was
none in the more distant regions, or if there was any it was
at most so rudimentary as to be jurally of no account. … I
have not been able to trace any instance in which, either
under treaty or any other form of consent, or without consent,
the English Government has imposed, or endeavoured to impose
any direct taxation upon the Chiefs or people of the
Hinterland prior to 1896.

"The agreement between France and Great Britain delimited the

respective spheres of interest of the two countries south and
west of the Middle or Upper Niger, and thus defined for
England in the Hinterland of Sierra Leone a territory within
which, so far as concerned any question between France and
England, England was at liberty to exercise whatever species
or extent of jurisdiction she might consider proper. It made,
of course, no alteration on the existing native organisation,
nor upon the existing relations between England and the native
Chiefs, who were not parties to the agreement in any sense. …
On 31st August 1896 a Proclamation was published setting forth
that Her Majesty had assumed a Protectorate over the
territories adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone in which
Her Majesty had acquired power and jurisdiction. For purposes
of administration the Hinterland was divided into five
districts, intended to be of about equal size, avoiding
severance as far as possible by the district boundary of the
territories of Paramount Chiefs. These districts have been
named as the Karene, Ronietta, Bandajuma, Pangmua, and
Koinadugu districts. In anticipation of the arrangements that
might become necessary for the government of the Protectorate,
an Order of the Queen in Council had been made on 24th August
1895, … whereby, … Her Majesty was pleased, by and with the
advice of her Privy Council, to order that it shall be lawful
for the Legislative Council, for the time being, of the Colony
of Sierra Leone, by Ordinance or Ordinances, to exercise and
provide for giving effect to all such jurisdiction as Her
Majesty may at any time, before or after the passing of the
Order in Council, have acquired in the said territories
adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone. … Following upon the
Order of the Queen in Council, an Ordinance, entitled 'An
Ordinance to Determine the mode of exercising Her Majesty's
Jurisdiction in the Territories adjacent to the Colony of
Sierra Leone,' was passed by the Legislative Council and
Governor of Sierra Leone for the Government of the
Protectorate, on 16th September 1896."

Great Britain,
Report and Correspondence on Insurrection in
the Sierra Leone Protectorate
(Parliamentary Publications:
Papers by Command, 1899, C. 9388, pages 10-17).

The Ordinance above mentioned, which was reenacted, with some

changes, in September, 1897, provided, among other things, for
the imposition of a house tax, or hut tax, upon the natives,
and this proved to be the main cause of a serious native
revolt in the Protectorate. "By way of asserting the Crown's
 ownership of all lands, whether in use and occupation or
not—and also of attempting to make the people defray the cost
of governing them by methods they resent—the Protectorate
Ordinance imposes a 'house tax' of five shillings a year, and,
in the case of 'houses with four rooms or more,' of ten
shillings a year, on every 'householder'; the same to be paid
in 'sterling coin' on or after the 1st January in each year,
or, in default of payment on demand, to be distrained for with
so much addition as will defray the cost of removing the
property and disposing of it for 'the price current at the
nearest market.' The absurdity of thus importing the mechanism
of civilisation into 'house tax' levying among these ignorant
savages matches the injustice of the tax itself. The mud
hovels to be taxed are rarely worth more than the equivalent
of two or three shillings apiece, and shillings or other
'sterling coin' are rarely seen or handled by the natives,
such wages as they earn being generally paid in kind, and such
trade as they carry on being nearly always in the way of barter.
{455}
Few who are not chiefs or headmen own property worth as much
as five shillings, and property for which five shillings could
be obtained 'at the nearest market' might be worth the
equivalent of five pounds to them. There was no attempt to
raise the proposed house or hut tax before last January
[1898], and perhaps none of the natives have even yet any
understanding of the clauses of the Protectorate Ordinance
providing them with new-fangled 'courts of Justice,' and
taking from them all proprietary rights in their land. But as
soon as a proclamation was issued on 21st August, 1896,
notifying the contemplated changes, all who heard of them were
reasonably alarmed, and wherever the news spread seeds of fresh
discontent were sown. …

"There were burning of huts, buffeting of chiefs, and so

forth, in the south and east, as well as in the north, where,
owing to the alleged recalcitrancy of Bai Bureh and the zeal
of Captain Sharpe, the District Commissioner, the havoc was
 greatest. Early in February several chiefs and headmen were
brought to Freetown from Port Lokko in manacles, to be tried,
or punished without trial, on a charge of 'refusing to comply
with the provisions of the Protectorate Ordinance, and
inciting their subjects to resist the law.' 'The most
affecting part of the matter,' says the newspaper report, 'is
that the natives all loudly affirm their unswerving loyalty to
the Government, and say that they do not refuse to pay the hut
tax because they do not wish to, but because they really
cannot pay.' Their apologies were not listened to. Instead, a
detachment of the West India Regiment was sent up to assist
Captain Sharpe in the little war on which he had already
embarked. A futile attempt to arrest Bai Bureh on 18th
February led to a general uprising, and the first battle was
fought on 3rd March, when the town of Karina was recovered
from the 'insurgents' who had occupied it, and over sixty of
them were killed. Another fight occurred at Port Lokko, on 5th
March, when the 'insurgents' lost about forty more. These
victories being insufficient, fresh troops were sent up in
batches, until the entire force of conquerors numbered 800 or
upwards. They found it easier to cow than to conquer the
people, and the unequal struggle went on for three months. At
the end of May operations had to be suspended during the rainy
season, and before they can be renewed it may be hoped that
peace will be patched up. Already, indeed, the 'rebellion'
appears to be practically crushed, and with it all the
civilisation and all the commerce that had been planted in the
Karina district. Hundreds of natives have been shot down, many
more hundreds have died of starvation. Nearly all the huts
that it was proposed to tax have been destroyed, either by the
owners themselves, or by the policemen and soldiers."

H. R. Fox Bourne,
Sierra Leone Troubles
(Fortnightly Review, August, 1898).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1895 (January-February).

 Attitude of Free Silver majority in the U. S. Senate
towards the Treasury gold reserve.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);
and 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896.

In the American Presidential election.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896-1898.

The Indianapolis Monetary Commission report and
Secretary Gage's plan in Congress.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1897.

Negotiations by envoys from the United States for an
international bi-metallic agreement.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1900.

Practical settlement of the issue in the United States.
Attempted revival in the Presidential canvass.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER), and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SILVER REPUBLICANS.