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STUDIES IN INDIAN AGRICULTURE
THE ART OF THE POSSIBLE
GILBERT ETIENNE
STUDIES IN
INDIAN
AGRICULTURE
The Art of the Possible
What lies ahead for Indian agriculture? This question must be asked
straightaway. The answer could be stagnation, with an absence of agrar-
ian reform resulting in scarcity or famine. This pessimistic view is
reinforced by the limited performance of agriculture during the Third
Five-Year Plan, 1961-1966, particularly after the catastrophic droughts
of 1965 and 1966, when a serious famine involving heavy human loss
would have occurred but for the large and timely supply of wheat from
America.
A close look at the facts leads us to less pessimistic, and also less
definite, conclusions, bringing to mind the old alchemists' formula,
Solve et coagula. In one place, for example, old, established habits may
tend to give way to new ideas; elsewhere they remain entrenched,
creating insuperable barriers. Important regions have become in-
volved—some have been so for a long time—in a broad process of
economic growth, while others have remained dormant, seemingly
unable to rouse themselves from their torpor.
Although I have dealt with several technical problems, I have not
attempted any kind of agronomic treatise—which, in any case, I should
not be capable of. My aim has been to analyze the rural economy of
India, and in particular the factors that influence agricultural produc-
tion. This has been the guiding line of my inquiries in the rural areas.
Although I have been principally concerned with economic develop-
ment, I have also entered into the fields of political science and
sociology wherever they seemed essential to the understanding of eco-
nomic phenomena. For similar reasons I have taken into account both
administrative and educational problems.
There is nothing unusual about my conclusions; however, since they
run counter to some firmly established "myths," I must clarify my
position and my method. Too many economists approach the study of
agriculture by basing themselves in large towns and making only
fleeting visits to rural areas. I followed the same pattern myself during
several visits to India between 1952 and 1963; but during the last one
viii PREFACE
GILBERT ETIENNE
This work has been made possible by a grant from the Swiss National
Fund for Scientific Research, to which I should like to express my
gratitude.
It gives me equal pleasure to thank Mr. Tarlok Singh, former mem-
ber of the Planning Commission of India, and Mr. Y. D. Gundevia, for-
mer Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs and, until the end of
1966, Secretary of the President of the Republic of India. I should also
like to acknowledge the services rendered by the Swiss Embassy at New
Delhi which helped me a great deal at every stage in the organization
of my work. Mr. D. P. Singh, former Joint-Secretary (Agriculture) of
the Planning Commission, at present Vice-Chancellor of the Uttar
Pradesh Agricultural University, Pantnagar; Dr. J. P. Bhattacharjee,
former Director of the Program Evaluation Organization, at present
with the F.A.O. in Rome; and Dr. D. Hopper, of the Rockefeller Foun-
dation at New Delhi, were unsparing of both the time and the assist-
ance which they gave me. Their knowledge of Indian agriculture has
been particularly useful to me. Surendra Pal Singh, M.P., member of
the Lok Sabha and deputy foreign minister since 1967, was, during my
stay in the Bulandshahr district, both a generous and an able friend,
with his deep knowledge of his native soil.
My acknowledgments are due all officials who welcomed me so
readily and with such unusual kindness. As for the farmers, if I have
made particular mention of those from Khandoï, I have not forgotten
the briefer, but equally friendly contacts that I was fortunate to make
in other villages.
Professor Louis Dumont, Director of Studies (Indian Sociology) at
the École Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris, was good enough to
allow me to profit from his experience, particularly of the Tamil areas.
The agricultural engineer M. Jacques Carluy, formerly Agricultural
Attaché to the French Embassy at New Delhi, made it possible for me
to work out certain technical questions. My old friend Jean-Luc Cham-
bard, Professor of Contemporary Indian Civilization at the School of
X ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Oriental Languages, Paris, has made my task very much easier through
his knowledge of the Indian rural environment. I am much indebted
to him for his help in my preparation both for this mission and for the
book.
Finally I should like to thank Mrs. Shirley R. Taylor for her remark-
able editing of the manuscript and my sister, Marceline de Montmollin,
for her very kind support during the writing of this book. As for my
wife, she has taken an active part, both in my researches on the spot,
and in their compilation.
If I have been able to profit from a great deal of support from many
people, it goes without saying that I alone am responsible for the facts
and conclusions presented.
G. E.
CONTENTS
Conclusion 317
Sources
also consulted the minutes of the panchayats, which are councils of the
village, the block, and the district.
T h e land records (which are absolute gold mines, and are not used
nearly enough) enabled me to get a picture of the general situation,
such as the area cultivated, or irrigated, the types of cultivation, the
size of landholdings, and the manner in which land is owned or
cultivated.
In addition to written sources, among the farmers I usually em-
ployed a questionnaire type of interview recorded on cards, taking care
to secure a characteristic sample by choosing representatives of differ-
ent castes, large as well as medium and small landowners, and agricul-
tural laborers.
In this kind of study the question of language is of prime impor-
tance. T h e main part of my research was concentrated on Uttar Pra-
desh where my knowledge of Hindi, and to a smaller extent of Urdu,
enabled me to talk with the farmers directly rather than through an
interpreter. At the village level all the documents are in the local
language and it is not usual to find anyone with a knowledge of
English. Even two steps higher in the scale, at the development block
or district level, a knowledge of the local language is indispensable if
one is to follow the officials' discussions and to understand documents.
(In Uttar Pradesh some documents are in Hindi and others are in
English.) In the state of Madras English is more widespread and only
in the villages did I have to make use of an interpreter. In Maharashtra
I studied, with the aid of a translator, sources written in Marathi. This
same translator 2 accompanied me when I interviewed the farmers who
did not know Hindi.
Choice of Regions
I was faced at the outset with an awkward problem: India has, accord-
ing to the 1961 census, a total of 564,718 villages spread over more than
three million square kilometers. These figures alone make it difficult to
conduct a fully comprehensive study, not to mention the variety of
people, customs, and climate. Should I, I wondered, try to cover the
greatest possible area of India, visiting as many villages as possible, or
should I make a special study of one area only?
Neither of these solutions seemed satisfactory. T h e first results in a
superficial analysis, for it is impossible to assimilate the economic life
of a village in a few days. An experienced research worker must be able
2 Since Marathi employs the same alphabet as Hindi, I was at least able to make
some check.
S C O P E AND M E T H O D O F T H E INQUIRY 5
Principal Themes
If the last phase of decolonization was swift,1 the political and eco-
nomic foundations of contemporary India are the product of a long
period of gestation derived from her geographical framework and her
traditional institutions as well as from the British regime. Itself com-
plex, this heritage is made even more so by the size of the territory and
population (439 million in 1961 and over 500 million in 1967) and
by the extraordinary diversity of customs, races, religions, languages,
and climates. Above all, the rhythm of India's history has been deter-
mined by the alternation of centrifugal forces leading to the crumbling
of political power and tendencies to regroup. T h e British helped to
reinforce the latter tendencies without going so far as to eliminate any
risk of division.2
cohesion and to establish ties that are flexible enough not to alienate
part of the population. In varying degrees, Burma, Ceylon, and In-
donesia have not yet solved this problem. The historical and sociologi-
cal background of India imposed upon the new republic a federal
framework in which the prerogatives of a central government and of
the various states were carefully proportioned. Side by side with the
cabinet and the Parliament, account must be taken of the state govern-
ments and their legislative assemblies.
A detailed analysis of India's constitutional law and its application
does not come within the scope of a work devoted to development. We
shall confine ourselves to its repercussions on the growth of the econ-
omy.
One seldom encounters criticism of India's federal system as such.
Communalism, however, is very pronounced: the intricate ties of reli-
gion, language, customs, and caste would blow up like so many power
kegs if centralization were too rigorous. From the economic point of
view, also, decentralization is sensible. It would have been impossible
to set in motion and to direct the cumbersome planning machinery
from New Delhi alone. Delegation of power to local authorities was
indispensable.®
But along with these advantages, the federal system does have some
weaknesses, in part inevitable. According to the Constitution, the
central power can intervene in extreme cases when the local executive
and legislature, impeded by party political struggles, lack a sufficient
majority to govern. (This has happened in Kerala on three occasions.)
The state is then administered by the central government, under the
President's rule, until new elections can be held. When local political
instability and the ineffectiveness of the legislature stop short of total
chaos, however, New Delhi is powerless to intervene, even though the
local economy may be unhealthy or even approaching bankruptcy.
Since the internal situations of the states are not uniform, their
rhythms of development and of achievements are different. Compared
with Madras and Maharashtra, which have efficient administrations,
the unwieldy mass of Uttar Pradesh is semiparalyzed by factions within
the Congress party. Development has been slow, indicating that, at a
provincial level, at least a minimum amount of political stability and
continuity is necessary for genuine economic progress.
The political powers of the states are consistent with their large
responsibilities in matters of planning, which makes it difficult to give
a global analysis of the Indian economy. A study of the national
3
Although China lends itself more readily than India to a centralized form of
government, it has encountered certain problems with regard to planning.
IS INDIAN AGRICULTURE
Central Central
Total Govt. States Govt. States
1st Plan 20,124 11,149 8,975 1,289 1,553
2nd Plan 47,990 25,590 22,400 650 5,020
3rd Plan 75,000 f 36,000 39,000 1,250 9,430
4th Plan 160,000 85,300 74,640 4,320 19,780
* Figures in millions of rupees; one U.S. dollar = 4.75 rupees before devaluation in
June, 1966, after which one U.S. dollar = 7.5 rupees. For the First Plan, figures are
actual expenditures; for the others, figures are estimates. Actual expenditures do not
always correspond to estimates, but the proportions remain the same. e
f This figure was in fact 86,300; the increase beyond the estimate was largely offset
by a rise in prices. See Fourth Five Tear Plan, A Drajt Outline, p. 3.
This table clearly reveals the determinant role played by the provin-
cial authorities in agricultural matters. The difference between invest-
ments by the central government and by the states is even greater, for
the statistics do not include local contributions raised by village ad-
ministration. The extensive role of the states in investments in irriga-
tion should also be noted: of the 9,600 million estimated by the
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC PLANNING 13
Fourth Plan for this expenditure, the states will be responsible for
9,200 million.
Does this mean that the central government has no means available
for carrying out its recommended agricultural policy? T h e states meet
only part of their own needs, with the central government making up
the balance. Thus for the First Plan, the central government guaran-
teed to pay 39 percent of the total sum spent by the states. For the
Second Plan, the states could raise only 12,800 million rupees out of a
total of 22,400 million rupees. For the Third Plan, the states estimated
a sum of 14,600 million, with the central government contributing
23,700 million.4 Despite these contributions, the central government
found that the agricultural plans were in trouble. At the beginning of
1964, for instance, the Planning Commission informed the states that
aid from the central government would be reduced if funds intended
for agriculture and community development were used for other pur-
poses, without previous authorization from New Delhi.6 Hardly to
anyone's surprise, the situation was not put right very quickly, and on
July 24, 1964, the Central Ministry of Agriculture and the Planning
Commission were obliged to repeat their instructions.®
It is clear that the states need to increase their fiscal effort. In
November, 1963, the Planning Commission had to call in the arrears of
eight states: Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra,
Mysore, Rajasthan, and Assam. (Let it be mentioned in passing that
the first four states at least were then, and still are, victims of an
unstable political situation.) The following March, the Minister of
Finance, T . T . Krishnamachari, expressed the opinion that "There
would be cause for anxiety if borrowed funds are utilized to fill
revenue gaps and not spent on projects which were economically
sound and could be expected to generate the resources for repaying
their liabilities." 7
In its report on the 1961/62 performance, the parliamentary Public
Accounts Committee condemned the "lethargy" of some states in fiscal
matters. For various reasons, too, it was not unusual for some ministers
of finance to underestimate their income and overestimate their ex-
penditures.8 An editorial in the Hindustan Times (Feb. 26, 1964)
commenting on the budgets that had just been voted said: "The finan-
cial health of the states varies from the near parlous position of
4 For these figures, see Review of the First Five Year Plan (1957), pp. 19, 24; Sec-
ond Five Year Plan (1956) , pp. 55, 87; Third Five Year Plan (1961) , pp. 58, 102.
8 See Hindustan Times, Jan. 2, 1964.
6 Ibid., July 25, 1964.
At the end of 1954 the Indian Parliament adopted the formula of the
"socialist pattern of society" as the guiding principle in its planning.
This inclination toward socialistic formulas was not new: it appeared
well before Independence in the speeches and writings of Jawaharlal
Nehru and several other nationalist leaders. In this respect, India has
been in the nature of an experiment, embarking on a third road which
is neither capitalist nor communist, and which many Asian and Afri-
can states are seeking. Although tinted with Marxist influences, the
approach tries above all to be pragmatic and adapted to the needs of
the situation. It does not exclude a certain flexibility, as is revealed in
the texts: "It is not rooted in any doctrine or dogma. Each country has
to develop according to its own genius and traditions." 11
This ideology has been put into practice: the government has en-
tered vigorously into the field of industry, but this has not hindered
» The Third Plan: Mid-Term Appraisal (1963), pp. 22, 32.
10
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Third Five Year Plan (Lucknow, 1961), I, 25.
u
Second Five Year Plan, p. 23.
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC PLANNING J
5
private enterprises from progressing in a very substantial way. What is
more, after some difficulties, the pendulum seems today to be swinging
toward more realistic formulas than those of the Second Plan, as can be
seen in the increasing encouragement given to private foreign inves-
tors. One senses also a tendency toward a more marked pragmatism
than in the past. Therefore the practical problems of implementing
the Plan now overshadow some of the political slogans, but, as we shall
see in later chapters, we have not heard the last from the dogmatists.
T h e influence of socialistic ideals can be equally seen in agriculture,
beginning with the plans for agrarian reform proposed by the Congress
party well before Independence. These proposals suggested not so
much the elimination of private ownership of land as, rather, particu-
larly after the session of Congress at Nagpur in 1959, the encourage-
ment of cooperative farms, which were considered "vital for rural
progress," 12 along with cooperative credit and marketing societies.
T o sum up, the mechanism of agricultural development is deter-
mined by a democratic regime that excludes compulsion or excessive
pressure but at the same time allows considerable influence to local pol-
iticians; It is, in other words, a federal system that accords wide powers
to the states and follows a method of planning that, without resorting
to the radical formulas of the U.S.S.R. or China, seeks to limit the
abuses of private ownership while at the same time encouraging a co-
operative system for services and production.
12
Third Five Year Plan, p. 49.
3
AGRICULTURE IN
THE FIVE-YEAR PLANS
'1961/62 82.7
1962/63 78.4
3rd
1963/64 80.4
Plan
1964/65 88.4
1965/66 72.3
S O U R C E S : Third Five Tear Plan, p. 302,
and Fourth Five Tear Plan, p. 172.
4
See particularly the figures provided by W. Malenbaum, Prospects for Indian De-
velopment (London, 1962), pp. 124-125.
i8 INDIAN AGRICULTURE