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SEVENTH EDITION
A New History
of Social Welfare
Phyllis J. Day
with
Jerome H. Schiele
University of Georgia
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Day, Phyllis J.
A new history of social welfare / Phyllis J. Day; with Jerome H. Schiele. — 7th ed.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-205-05273-8
ISBN-10: 0-205-05273-8
1. United States—Social policy. 2. Social policy. 3. Public welfare—United States—History.
4. Public welfare—History. I. Schiele, Jerome H. II. Title.
HN57.D33 2013
361.6’10973—dc23
2012012779
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1—EB—13 12 11 10 09
Student Edition
ISBN-10: 0-205-05273-8
ISBN-13: 978-0-205-05273-8
Instructor Edition
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ISBN-13: 978-0-205-05365-0
à la Carte Edition
ISBN-10: 0-205-05311-4
ISBN-13: 978-0-205-05311-7
Contents
Preface xix
1. Values In Social Welfare 1

Values in Social Welfare 4
What Are Values? 5
Foundations of Charity and Control 5
Dominant American Social Values 6
Judaeo-Christian Charity Values 7
Democratic Egalitarianism and Individualism 8
The Protestant Work Ethic and Capitalism 9
Social Darwinism 10
The New Puritanism 10
Patriarchy 11
White Privilege 12
Marriage and the Nuclear Family 13
The “American Ideal”: “Looksism” and “Otherism” 14
Issues of Discrimination 15
Classism and Poverty 15
Institutional Discrimination 19
Conclusion: Values and Power 25
PRACTICE TEST 27
MYSEARCHLAB CONNECTIONS 28
2. The Institution of Social Welfare: An Overview 29

The Meaning of Social Institution 30
The Economy 31
The Polity 32
The Family and Religion 33
Social Welfare 34
Perspectives on Social Welfare 35
The Residual Perspective 36
The Institutional Perspective 38
Newer Perspectives in Social Welfare 39
ix
x Contents
The Scope of Social Welfare 44

Life Necessity Services: Overview 45
Educational, Recreational, or Rehabilitative Services: Overview 47
Protective or Custodial Services: Overview 48
Personal Social Services: Overview 49
The Profession of Social Work 50
The Emergence of the Profession 52
Conclusion: Social Work and Social Control 55
PRACTICE TEST 56
3. The Beginnings of Social Welfare 58

The Beginnings of History 6000–1200 B.C.E. 59
Africa: Birthplace of Humankind 60
Mesopotamia in the Bronze Age: To 1200 B.C.E. 61
Invasion, Conquest, and Patriarchal Religion 63
The Israelite Influence 63
Moving Into The Iron Age: 1200–400 B.C.E. 66
Early Judaic Social Welfare 66
The Dynasties of China 67
India and the Caste System 68
Greece, Christianity, and the Roman Empire 69
Greece and the City–States 69
Early Roman Society and the Beginning of Christianity 72
Jesus and the New Religion 75
State and Church in Rome 77
Conclusion: Beginnings of Charity and Control 80
PRACTICE TEST 81
4. Feudalism and the Welfare State 83

The Dark and Middle Ages 85
The Feudal Society 88
The Scientific Revolution 90
The Church and Social Welfare 92
Forms of Private Welfare 93
The Dissolution of Feudalism 94
The Black Death and the Witchcraze 95
Poverty Becomes a Crime 97
The Statute of Laborers 97
The Commercial Revolution 99
Contents xi
The Protestant Reformation: New Meanings for Work

and Welfare 99
Lutheranism, Calvinism, and the Work Ethic 100
Women Under Protestantism 101
Social Welfare and Work Morality 102
Social Welfare in England: The Tudor Period 103
The Elizabethan Poor Laws of 1601 104
Almshouses for the Impotent Poor 106
Dependent Children 107
Sturdy Beggars: The Able-Bodied Poor 107
Prisons 108
Overview of Social Welfare in England 109
The Industrial Revolution and the Emergence
of Capitalism 109
The Emergence of Capitalism 110
The Industrial Revolution and the
New Poor Law 111
Conclusion: Reifying the Values of the Past 114
PRACTICE TEST 115
5. Social Welfare Moves to the Americas 117

The Indigenous Peoples of America 120
The European Invasion of North America 122
The French in the New World 125
The Spanish in the New World 126
The Dutch in North America 128
The English in New England 129
Work in North America 131
The Practice of Indenture 131
Women in the Colonies 133
Social Welfare in the Colonies 136
Early American Poor Laws 136
Private Philanthropy 140
Slavery in the Americas 141
The Golden Triangle and the Triangular Trade 143
Toward the Revolution 145
Women in the Revolution 145
The New Nation and its Constitution 146
Conclusion: Revolution to Status Quo 148
PRACTICE TEST 149
xii Contents
6. America to the Civil War 151

The First Civil Rights Movement 153
Immigration and Migration 154
Employment and Unionization 156
Private Philanthropy 158
Religious Answers to Poverty 158
Social Reform Ideals 159
The Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor 160
Special-Interest Charities 161
Government Responses 162
Outdoor Relief 165
Special Treatment in the 1800s 166
Medical Care and General Hospitals 166
Mental Hospitals and Psychiatry 168
Education 169
Care of Blind, Deaf, and Developmentally Disabled People 170
Social Control 171
Juvenile Justice Systems 171
Adult Criminals and Penitentiaries 172
Nonwhite Minorities: Expendable Commodities in the New Nation 173
Native Americans: A Case of Genocide 173
Chinese in America 176
The Contributions of People of African Descent 176
Hispanic Americans 182
The Women’s Movement in the 1800s 183
Conclusion: Working toward Freedom 185
PRACTICE TEST 187
7. The American Welfare State Begins 189

The Civil War: A New Nation Emerges 192
Charity in the Civil War 194
After the Civil War 195
The Freedmen’s Bureau 195
Services for Veterans 195
Postwar Political Economy 196
Labor and Unionization 197
Population, Immigration, and the People 199
White Immigration, African-American Migration 199
Asian Immigrants 199
Native Americans After the War 201
Emancipation and the Plight of the Freedmen 202
“True Womanhood” 205
Contents xiii
Emerging Philosophies and Social Welfare 208

Social Darwinism and the Charity Organization Society 209
Private Interest Agencies 212
Populism and the Settlement House Movement 213
Child-Saving 215
Public Welfare Efforts 218
Professionalization of Social Work 220
Conclusion: Moving toward Reform 222
PRACTICE TEST 223
8. The Progressive Era, War, and Recovery 225

The Progressive Era 227
Population Movements and Immigration 230
Immigration Acts 231
Oppression of African Americans and Native Americans 233
African-American Leaders 234
Native Americans 237
Labor and the Unions 237
Women and Unions 238
Social Welfare in the Progressive Era 239
Reforms for Children 241
Medical and Psychiatric Social Work 245
Veterans’ Welfare 247
Aid to Blind People and Aid to People with Disabilities 247
Old Age Assistance 248
Unemployment Insurance and Workers’ Compensation 249
Juvenile and Criminal Justice 250
Women’s Movements and Peace Protests 250
Suffrage 251
Women and Health 252
Abortion and Contraception 254
The Professionalization of Social Work 256
Conclusion: New Freedoms and Old Constraints 257
PRACTICE TEST 258
9. The Great Depression and Social Security for Americans 260

The Great Depression 263
Social Revolt and Temporary Relief 265
Roosevelt’s Emergency Measures 266
Eleanor Roosevelt and Women in the New Deal 270
xiv Contents
Social Insurance in the United States 271

Programs of Social Insurance Based on Social Security Acts 273
Old Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) 274
Unemployment Compensation: Title III 274
Workers’ Compensation: State Social Insurance 275
Public Assistance Programs of the Social Security Acts 276
Old Age Assistance (OAA) 276
Aid to the Blind (AB) and Aid to the Disabled (AD) 276
Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) 277
Maternal and Child Welfare Act: Title V 278
The Professionalization of Social Work 279
World War II 281
Internment of Japanese Americans 281
The War Years 282
The War and People of Minorities 284
Social Welfare Services: The War and After 286
Women After the War 287
The Resurgence of Social Work 289
Reorganizing Federal Social Welfare Efforts 291
The American Dream 291
Conclusion: Moving Toward the Future 292
PRACTICE TEST 293
10. Civil and Welfare Rights in the New Reform Era 295
The State of the Nation Under Eisenhower 298
Social Programs in the 1950s 299
Social Insurance 300
Public Assistance 300
Civil Rights Before Kennedy 303
African Americans 303
Hispanic Americans 306
Chinese Americans 307
Civil Rights in the Kennedy–Johnson Years 308
Johnson and the Great Society 309
The Civil Rights Act and Continued Protest 309
The Voting Rights Act and New Legal Rights 314
Social Programs in the Kennedy–Johnson Years 315
Kennedy’s Social Security Amendments 316
The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 317
Programs Amended Under Johnson 320
Other Kennedy–Johnson Social Programs 322
Contents xv
Welfare, Civil Rights, and the Social Work Profession 325

Conclusion: Looking Back on the 1960s 326
PRACTICE TEST 328
11. The Return to the Past 330

A Retreat From the Welfare State 331
Social Programs in the 1970s 334
Public Assistance Programs 336
Other Social Welfare Programs 340
Food Stamps 340
Comprehensive Education and Training Act (CETA) 340
Education and Youth Programs 341
Housing 342
Juvenile Protection and Adult Corrections 342
Civil Rights in the 1970s 343
Japanese Americans 346
Other Asian Americans 347
Mexican Americans 347
Puerto Ricans and Cubans 348
African Americans 349
Women 351
Gay Liberation 353
Conclusion: Tightening the Reins 354
PRACTICE TEST 355
12. The Reactionary Vision 357

Biting The Conservative Bullet 358
Reaganomics: The Conservative Political
Economy 360
The New Federalism 362
Privatization 362
New Federalism: Returning Programs to States 363
Pruning the Programs 365
Old Age, Survivors, Disability, and Health
Insurance 366
Unemployment Insurance and the New Poor 367
Public Assistance Programs 368
The Family Support Act (FSA) of 1988 370
xvi Contents
Basic Needs Programs 372

Reaganomics and Nutrition 372
Reaganomics and Health Care 373
Housing in the 1980s 375
Education and Training 377
Civil Rights Under Reagan and Bush 378
The Costs of Social Welfare 381
Estimating Poverty 381
How Much Did Welfare Cost in the Reagan Era? 382
The International Element 383
Conclusion: Past Ideology in a Postindustrial World 383
PRACTICE TEST 385
13. The Decline of Social Responsibility 387

Clinton and the Republican Congress 388
Welfare As We Knew It 389
The “Contract with America” 389
Restructuring Public Assistance: Losing the Safety Net 390
The Structure of TANF 392
The Place of Values in TANF 396
Did TANF Work? 399
Other Safety Net Programs in the Clinton Era 401
Supplemental Security Income (SSI) 401
Earned Income Tax Credits (EITCs) and Child and Dependent Care Credits
(CDCCs) 402
Nutrition Programs: Food Stamps, WIC, and Child Nutrition 405
Homelessness and Housing 406
Health Care in America 407
Health Insurance 407
Medicare 409
Medicaid 410
Social Issues 411
Empowerment Enterprise Zones 411
Crime Control 411
Education 413
Employment and Jobs 413
Affirmative Action and Civil Rights 414
Private Charity 416
Welfare for the Wealthy and Corporate Welfare 417
Capital Assets and Tax Cuts 417
Corporate Welfare 418
Globalization, the International Economy, and American Social Welfare 422
Contents xvii
Conclusion 425
PRACTICE TEST 427
14. Spiraling Down to Welfare Past 429

The Bush/Cheney Presidency 430
Oil and War 431
Religion and the Presidency 431
The Conservative Economy and Poverty 432
Social Welfare in the Bush/Cheney Administration 434
Faith-Based Initiatives 434
Levels of Income Security 435
The First Level: Employment 435
The Second Level: Social Insurance 437
The Third Level: Public Assistance Programs 438
Health Care Under the Bush/Cheney Presidency 443
Medicare 443
Medicaid 444
State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) 445
Other Health Programs and Issues 445
Education 447
Juvenile and Criminal Justice Systems 448
Juvenile Justice 448
Criminal Justice System 449
Our “Ism-Ridden” Society 450
Racism 450
Sexism in the United States 451
Conclusion: Where are the Social Workers? 452
PRACTICE TEST 454
15. Political Stonewalls 456

The Bitter Remnants of the Bush Administration 457
The Historical Significance of the 2008 Election 457
The Economic Morass 458
Social Welfare in the Obama Administration 459
Obama’s Signature Acts: Health Care and
Stimulus Acts 459
Unemployment, Homelessness, and Housing 460
Human Rights and Justice 461
xviii Contents
Social Issues and Vulnerable Populations 467

Women 467
People of Color 468
LGBT Persons 469
The Elderly and Disabled 470
Portending the Future 471
Tea Party Movement 471
Mid-Term Elections 472
The Arab Spring 474
Social Work and the Obama Administration 474
The World in Turmoil 475
Conclusion: Afterword 476
Cycles of Power 476
Cycles of History 477
The “Why” of Values Analysis 478
Toward the Future 478
PRACTICE TEST 480
Notes 482
Photo Credits 511
Index 512
Preface
Traditionally, a preface is the place to thank those who have contributed to

the accomplishment that is a book. Throughout my life, people have touched
me with their feelings, thoughts, and knowledge, and this book is, in a very
true sense, a part of me that was part of them. My teachers, my colleagues, my
students, my friends, my family of origin and of marriage—all who partici-
pated in my life have contributed.
The book tries to answer the “why” of social welfare. In great part, it is a
history of those involved in the social welfare institution not as wielders but
as subjects, victims, recipients, and clients. It seeks to redress in part the loss
of history for women, nonwhite people, and other groups oppressed by social
institutions, and to relate intimately the place of the labor force and working
people with the social welfare institution. The breadth of the book ensures its
failure to adequately cover its aspirations. I am well aware of much left un-
done, through lack of either space/time or knowledge. However, it is a begin-
ning from which students and others can seek more deeply and, hopefully, fill
in its blanks.
A New History of Social Welfare looks at the earliest forces for both aspects
of social welfare: social treatment and social control. These themes are car-
ried forward from a perspective that considers the synergistic relationships of
economy, polity, religion, and social welfare and asks the “why” of treatment
and/or control. To this end, I view the ways people related to each other from
early history within their societal contexts and the needs of society either to
provide care for valued members or to ensure enough members for social tasks.
Because social welfare is so deeply affected by institutional racism, sex-
ism, classism, and “otherism,” the historical and evolutionary sources of these
“isms” are given a great deal of attention. One of the results of institutional
discrimination has been an “elimination” of history, or a selective compilation
of a series of achievements of men who are generally Caucasian or Aryan and
of the elite and/or warrior classes. That reading of history ignores or belittles
the contributions of women, nonwhite people, and the poor laborers on whose
backs history occurred. A New History hopefully provides new or reinterpreted
historical information to set a less biased social context.
Of particular import in this perspective is the analysis of humankind’s
relationships with deity—religions—both in providing charity and in elabo-
rating on or perpetuating social control. This dichotomy of religiously legiti-
mated charity and control underlies the development of social welfare in all its
ramifications, the values that provide the push to helping or controlling “others”
and the ways in which the profession of social work itself came into being and
grew. Religions are synergistically related to other major institutions of soci-
ety, whether we speak of European feudalism, the European invasions of the
Western Hemisphere, colonial America, the Progressive movement of the early
1900s, the conservative backlash of the Reagan era, the power of the Far Right
and the Religious Right to destroy the safety net of the poor or the makings of
xix
xx Preface
an imperialist president in the new millennium. This synergism, then, is the

key to the historical analysis of social welfare and the social work profession.
When I wrote the first edition of the book in the Reagan years, the conser-
vative backlash occurring seemed to be just a glitch to be overcome. By the
1990s, I saw that the Reagan years were probably a permanent trend to ulti-
mately reverse the social morality we had over the past 300 years. Under poli-
cies endorsed by the presidential administrations of George H. W. Bush, Bill
Clinton, and George W. Bush, we destroyed programs that underlaid our social
responsibility. Rather than replacing them, we now simply refuse to look at
the consequences. Social responsibility and morality have taken a back seat
to greed at both national and international levels. Our world has narrowed,
but worse, we as individuals and as a nation have narrowed, condensed, and
encapsulated ourselves. We have no space, no heart, for others, and this plays
itself out in our social policies.
While social policies continue to be made every day, only time will tell if
the lessons learned from history will have impact on future social work prac-
tice and the evolution of the social welfare institution. I hope, at the very least,
that events, values, and perspectives presented here will serve social work stu-
dents well in their attempts to find social justice for their future clients. The
many fine policy analysis texts now extant can provide frameworks for analyz-
ing the “what” and “how” of social welfare, and perhaps A New History can
help define the “why.”
And now to thank those who helped me with this project. The greatest
influence on the book and on my life was my mother, Nora Seymour Phelps,
dead these many years. She gave me, from the beginning of my life, the cour-
age to follow my convictions and search for reality no matter where the path
led. Although her heart finally failed her, her spirit never did. Also, my sis-
ters contributed more than they knew with strength, endurance, and courage
throughout their hard lives and harder deaths: Avah, who always knew that
“things will be better tomorrow”; Evah, with her gentle courage; and Lois, who
never gave up and always faced the world with valor. Thanks also to my men-
tors, Rosemary C. Sarri, who serves as a model, however unattainable, for more
women than she knows; and John E. Tropman, who always believed in me. My
gratitude to dear friends Joan Bowker, Keetjie Ramo, Harry Macy, and Mary
Ann Foley, all of whom have saved my life in ways they will never know; and
to my former husband, Jerald R. Day, and my children—Jerry II, Nora Gaye,
Merry Rose, Sean, and Joy Alyssa.
For the first edition, I continue to thank the editors and personnel at Pren-
tice Hall/ over the past more than 25 years: Nancy Roberts, Marianne Peters,
Judy Fifer, Julie Cancio, Jennifer Miller, Jacqueline Aaron, Michael Granger,
Patricia Quinlin, and Annemarie Kennedy.
Also, many thanks to my reviewers of all editions of this text, including
Albert Roberts, Indiana University; George Siefert, Jr., Daemen College; Jack
Otis, University of Texas–Austin; Patricia K. Cianciolo, Northern Michigan
University; Paul H. Stuart, University of Alabama; Marcia B. Cohen, University
of New England; Nancy L. Mary, California State University–San Bernadino;
James D. Stafford, University of Mississippi; Marina Barnett, Temple Univer-
sity; Karen A. Ford, James Madison University; Walter Pierce, Barry Univer-
sity; and Beverly Stadum, St. Cloud State University. Thanks for the seventh
edition go to Ashley Dodge, Carly Czech, Nicole Suddeth, Greg Johnson,
Meghan DeMaio, and Sneha Pant.
Preface xxi
Special thanks also to my colleague, Professor Jerome H. Schiele of the

University of Georgia, for his help in developing the Afrocentric perspective,
defining White Privilege as a social value, and collaborating with me in pre-
paring this seventh edition of A New History of Social Welfare for publication.
Thanks also to all my colleagues in social work education who have taken
A New History to heart for their classes, and to students who have read it and
found it useful in their lives. I hope you enjoy the new edition.
PHYLLIS J. DAY, MSW, MA, PH.D.

WITH
JEROME H. SCHIELE, D.S.W.
Dedicated to my mother, Nora Isabel Seymour Phelps 1892–1957, who

loved unconditionally and taught me unconditional love, and to all women
for their wisdom, strength, courage, and endurance.
This page intentionally left blank
1
Values In Social Welfare
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Values in Social Welfare 4 Marriage and the Nuclear Family 13
What Are Values? 5 The “American Ideal”: “Looksism” and
Foundations of Charity and Control 5 “Otherism” 14
Dominant American Social Values 6 Issues of Discrimination 15

Judaeo-Christian Charity Values 7 Classism and Poverty 15
Democratic Egalitarianism and Individualism 8 Institutional Discrimination 19
The Protestant Work Ethic and Capitalism 9 Conclusion: Values and Power 25
Social Darwinism 10
The New Puritanism 10 Practice Test 27
Patriarchy 11
White Privilege 12
Mysearchlab Connections 28
Competencies Applied with Practice Behavior Examples—in This Chapter

Professional x Ethical Critical x Diversity in x Human Rights
Identity Practice Thinking Practice & Justice
Research Based Human x Policy Practice Engage, Assess,

Practice Behavior Practice Contexts Intervene, Evaluate
1
2 Chapter 1
Once upon a time . . .

. . . love is not enough.
This is a book about love: of people helping others, of organizations that ease
Social welfare and the
the way for people in trouble, and of people joining together to work for the
profession of social benefit of others. Love is not simply the idea of helping others; it inspires each
work are much more of us to enter the field of human services, to share our efforts, and to work for
complex, and we the well-being of humanity. Our first and best intentions are to care for others,
must not let fairy tales to help the disadvantaged “live happily ever after.” But love is not enough.
blind us. Social welfare and the profession of social work are much more complex, and
we must not let fairy tales blind us.
Love’s dark side is power; society, through social welfare, uses that power
to control. Both help and control are traditions of social work and social wel-
fare, and through them we help to maintain society’s structures of inequality.
Despite society’s investment in social welfare, our own commitment as social
workers, or the willingness or ability of our clients, we will not be able to
change those structures unless we understand both sides of social welfare. As
it is, our targets for blame and change are misplaced. We blame our clients
when they fail despite our efforts, they blame themselves for failure, and so-
ciety blames both clients and social workers for wasted money and lost effort
Times and Events
Welfare based on the synergistic evolution of values . . . resulting from

interplay of politics, economics, and religion, and based on society’s
deliberate decisions concerning full personhood in a society.
The “whys” of discrimination against the poor, the elderly, gays, or ethnic
minorities
Social Treatment and Social Control
American Social Values
Judaeo-Christian Charity
Democratic Egalitarianism and Individualism
Work Ethic and Capitalism
Social Darwinism
New Puritanism
Patriarchy
White Privilege
Marriage and the Nuclear Family
The American Ideal
Issues of Discrimination: Prejudice with
Power
Classism and poverty
Racism
Sexism
Ageism
Heterosexism
Otherism
Values and Power
Values In Social Welfare 3
when poverty continues, deviant behaviors rise, and clients remain ungrateful
and unrepentant. To understand this, we must begin to question the why of
social welfare and social work.
Why is a good question, one we should ask more often. Why have our wel-
fare rolls grown, and why is there hunger in America? Why is there more crime
and delinquency? Why are so many people homeless? Why are mental health
clinics doing a booming business? Why are there so many people with prob-
lems, and why are our prisons overflowing? Why do the costs of all forms of
social welfare continue to rise? The answers lie in understanding the values
that created society’s institutions, how social welfare evolves from the interac-
tions among these institutions, and what purposes social welfare really serves.
A New History will help us answer these questions. First, we must under-
stand that social welfare does not stand alone in any society. Across human
evolution, across societies, and across time, the dynamic, ever-changing inter-
actions of any society’s polity, economy, and dominant religion create societal
values. These, in turn, determine concepts of social problems and construct a
society’s social welfare institution to deal with them. In our society, social wel-
fare is comprised of and vies with aspects of religion, polity, and economy, and
may be carried out by social work, its action arm, or a variety of other agents
such as bureaucrats, clerks, religious bodies, and so on (Figure 1.1).
A New History considers the trends and choices that have shaped atti-
tudes toward those involved in social welfare—women with dependent chil-
dren, the poor, the aged; people of ethnic, cultural, or religious minorities;
those with physical, emotional, or mental disabilities; and anyone not some-
how in accord with current standards of behavior, such as people who are gay,
who are unmarried with children, who do not work. The book’s purpose is
descriptive rather than analytical and is not meant to provide policy analysis
guidelines, except that our major values and their pursuant ideologies always
underlie present and emergent policies. Looking at values, we can discover
the “why” of refusing financial aid to dependent children after two years in
the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) program; the “why” of
denying marriage privileges to people of nontraditional sexual orientations;
the “why” of over-representation in prisons of people of ethnic minorities; the
“why” of denying adequate prescription financing for the elderly.
We lay the groundwork for answering questions by looking at the place
of social work and social welfare in society. First, we look at American social
values; second, at issues of poverty and classism; and finally, at institutional
discrimination in American society. In the process, we will discover the syner-
gistic sources and meanings of our values and their impact on perceptions and
practices of social welfare. To do this, we must place some of our own beliefs
Dynamic Interaction
Polity
Determination of Construction of
Economy Social Values Social Problems Social Welfare

Institution
Religion
Figure 1.1
Society’s Creation of the Social Welfare Institution
4 Chapter 1
and values in abeyance, for much of what we “know” is, in fact, value. This is
not an easy task, but it is essential.
VALUES IN SOCIAL WELFARE

Social welfare in any society has two major purposes: social treatment (help-
ing) and social control. We easily agree with the helping purpose but are gen-
erally unaware of the social control function of social welfare hidden in ideas
about equality and what we consider our “right” to change our clients. Society
needs certain social controls, for some behaviors must be regulated so that in-
terdependent people can live and work together. However, not all such control
is positive, especially when aimed at our most vulnerable citizens. Because
our clients need our help, they must meet our (and society’s) demands. Seldom
do they participate in social welfare decisions that affect their lives, and the
price they pay for our help is often their personal freedom.
Our personal, societal, and social work values, therefore, are perhaps the
most important factors in the practice of social work. Naomi Brill pointed
out that
We hold that all people are equal, but that those who do not work are
less equal. . . . We hold that individual life has worth, but that only the
fit should survive. We believe that we are responsible for each other,
but that those who are dependent upon others for their living are of less
worth.
She said further that human service workers are walking value systems,
and that they must become aware of those values, evaluate them rationally,
and change the irrational ones.1 Paternalism, or the idea that we know what
is good for others, is another problem. Because we have succeeded, we think
we have the right to impose our values and decisions on those who have not.
It implies that our clients lack something, that they are less than whole people
who
need to be brought up to our . . . levels. . . . [W]e, as experts and whole
persons, have the ability, knowledge and the right to round out, remake,
fulfill, or “pull [them] up” . . . there is a “right way” which the expert
knows, and a “wrong way” which the client does that underlies and col-
ors the whole intervention process.2
Values permeate social welfare, whatever the perspective, culture, or pe-
riod of history: what we “ought to” provide or how we “ought to” deal with
deviants. Every perception or reaction is value-laden and value-based, and we
can never be truly objective. Therefore, as social helpers, we have no right to
Our clients’ life impose what we believe on the lives of others. Our clients’ life situations and
situations and life life experiences are different from ours, and although we can empathize, we
experiences are cannot understand their lives. To assume that we do, to make life decisions
for them, is unethical. Society has a right to control dangerous or destructive
different from ours,
behaviors, but most of social work does not involve those problems. There-
and although we can fore, we should not enforce conformity to norms that may not be relevant to
empathize, we cannot the life situations of others. In fact, doing so often creates or perpetuates their
understand their problems.
lives. Our attitudes and values are often couched in religious, moral, or patriotic
terms, and these attitudes and values are so much a part of our lives that we
think they are facts rather than beliefs. A fact is the quality of being actual or
having objective reality,3 whereas a value is something intrinsically desirable.4
In more practical terms, a fact is the way things are, and a value is how we
wish they were.5 We “know” both facts and values, but we may confuse them
and base important judgments on what we wish rather than on what is. We
should always test what we “know” by remembering that fact is something
that has existed throughout history and in every culture. Everything else is
value.
What Are Values?

In addition to being the way we wish things were, values have four identifiable
characteristics, according to Hunter and Saleeby.6
• Values are conceptual abstractions drawn from immediate experience—
from what we ourselves have learned about the world. Our unique expe-
riences make each value unique to each of us (and to our clients).
• Values are affectively charged for emotional mobilization; that is, they
make us want to take action or make us feel emotionally positive or
negative about a situation. Racism, for example, makes us angry when
we see it in others, and perhaps embarrassed or unhappy when we see it
in ourselves, and we want to do something about the problem.
• Values are criteria by which our goals are chosen. For example, abortion
is a tremendously charged value in our society. Almost every one of us
takes a stand on abortion, based on whether we believe in the right of
every fetus to survive or the right of every woman to control her own
body. We set goals about abortion for ourselves and often work to set
abortion standards for others.
• Values are important rather than trivial concerns. We may prefer the
color blue, or to go to one university rather than another, but these is-
sues do not stir us to emotionally charged action. Rather, issues that in-
volve basic questions of life, death, freedom, our rights as citizens or as
workers, the concern we have for others—these are concerns that move
us to anger, pride, fear, hope, or love and to actions to attain or resolve
these emotions.
Miringoff and Opdycke say that values
are always in a state of change; sometimes they merge to form coher-
ent systems, sometimes they have vague relationships, often they are in
conflict. . . . [They] may be influenced by occupation, race, age, class po-
sition, or by external factors such as changing economic
conditions and new norms of social behavior.7 Ethical Practice
Practice Behavior Example: Recognize and
Foundations of Charity and Control manage personal values in a way that allows
professional values to guide practice.
According to Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, 1980, “a
society is an enduring and cooperating social group whose Critical Thinking Question: Reflect upon your
members have developed organized patterns of relation- own values and identify where they align and
ships through interaction with one another.”8 To find where differ from the NASW code of ethics. How
dominant American values come from, or the reasons for the will you manage your own personal values
way we treat others, we must trace our way to two human while maintaining the code of ethics?
characteristics so important that they are doctrines basic to
6 Chapter 1
society. The first is mutual aid; the second is protection from others and other-
ness. These characteristics are, respectively, the bases of values concerning so-
cial treatment and social control. Often contradictory, they have caused major
dilemmas in the way our social welfare institution works.
For early humankind, protection and aid included actions against preda-
tors (animal or human) and care for dependents (at first probably a mother–
child bond). The need for defense resulted in fears of outsiders and otherness,
whereas bonding was extrapolated into mutual aid in the wider society. As
families bonded together to share food and protection, mutual aid expanded to
include other cooperative efforts such as building, hunting, and farming. Care
of children expanded to include caring for the helpless or valued members of
the tribe, often the elders who had been instrumental in leadership or religious
activities. In tandem with mutual aid, the abhorrence of otherness and defense
against it meant protection of herds and homes from predators and, later, ag-
gression to win more land and wealth from others. Eventually, fear and hatred
of those outside the kin group were extended to in-group people who were
“different” or posed a threat to tribal solidarity. A reluctance to share with oth-
ers became firmly based, and today it is a reluctance to help those who do not
“fit in.”
The results of fear of otherness and a reluctance to share are not universal
cultural themes. Considerable variation exists in how human beings have in-
teracted with each other in relation to otherness and the distribution of mate-
rial resources. To explain this human diversity, historian Cheikh Anta Diop
offers a two cradle thesis of human societies.9 Diop suggests that in antiquity,
there were two distinct cultures or cradles: the northern and southern cradles.
The northern cradle was associated with what we now know is Europe, in-
cluding the middle east, and the southern cradle was associated with what we
now call Africa. Diop contends that the northern cradle was characterized by a
patrilineal and patriarchal social order, and an individualistic and xenophobic
cultural milieu. In contrast, the southern cradle was characterized by a matri-
lineal and matriarchal social order and a collectivistic and xenophilic cultural
environment. We posit that the American cultural value thrust appears to af-
firm more of the northern than southern cradle and that these attributes signifi-
cantly shape dominant social welfare values in the United States.
DOMINANT AMERICAN SOCIAL VALUES

Many values affect the human services, and all seem so positive that we rarely
question them even when they contradict one another. However positive
they may be for society in general, they can be intensely negative for certain
groups in our society, such as women, children, the unemployed, and people
of minority groups.
Values, of course, are the major premises by which we formulate our ide-
ologies and are the bases for social welfare policies and practices. They are the
motivations for our plans and create the blueprints for action. At the same time,
they circumscribe our willingness to act. For example, our Judaeo- Christian
values demand help for those in need, yet work ethic, marriage, and Puritan
morality values determine that certain people—for example, women who
have children out of wedlock or homeless men without jobs—are not worthy
of aid. This limits financial aid except in combination with work-related pro-
grams, even when there are no jobs. Underlying every social welfare problem
or program is this progression from values to ideology to policy, plan, and ac-
tion. In addition, at each step (policy, plan, and action) more values and their
derivative ideologies come into play.
The term dominant American social values is used to connote that al-
though the United States is a multicultural society, there are values that tend to
permeate the American social landscape. These values reflect the history, ex-
periences, and worldviews of those who control the major political, economic,
and religious institutions in the United States. We contend that those in power
not only control the material resources of a society, but they also regulate our
symbolic and internal lives that influence the values we endorse.
Among the most basic of these values are
• Judaeo-Christian charity values
• Democratic egalitarianism and individualism
• The Protestant work ethic and capitalism
• Social Darwinism
• The New Puritanism
• Patriarchy
• White Privilege
• Marriage and the nuclear family
• The “American Ideal.”
Judaeo-Christian Charity Values

Judaeo-Christian charity values are based, first, on Judaic teachings of social
justice and, second, on the teachings of Jesus as practiced in the early centu-
ries of Christianity. They are nonsectarian and social rather than religious, and
their major thrust is that those in need have a right to help and society has an
obligation to provide for them. As society’s primary social ethics, they are the
bases for social altruism. Their prescriptions of love and charity are probably
the reasons that people enter the human services.
Judaic prophets as early as Amos, in the eighth century B.C.E., enjoined
people to charity as social justice and religious obligation. They believed that
human relationships mirror those between deity and humanity, and that peo-
ple must care for one another as God cares for them. Every person has intrinsic
worth, and charity should be given without thought of self. Early Christian
traditions reiterated and strengthened the prophetic Judaic teachings, adding
ideas of equality for women. Jesus advocated for the poor and helpless, calling
for justice for women, the poor, children, and other unfortunates. However, as
time wore on, most of this advocacy position was lost.
If Judaeo-Christian values still underlaid social welfare, we would see a far
different America. No one would be without enough food, clothing, or shelter.
Every child would be assured of equal opportunity in the system, and soci-
ety would take responsibility for the disadvantaged. Although work for self-
support would still be encouraged, a person in need could seek help without
stigma. Failure would not be blamed on the individual but on the social struc-
tures that prevented success. Oppression and exploitation would not exist,
and success would be to invest in the lives of others rather than in personal
wealth for oneself.
Social work ethics reflect Judaeo-Christian values, but social work practice
owes more to other, more individualistic values. These distinctions help us
to understand why our social programs are not always socially just and why
8 Chapter 1
our clients cannot succeed despite our “good works.” Although we may have
chosen social work as our profession because of its ethical Judaeo-Christian
values, society’s goals for social welfare are more accurately based on more
restrictive values.
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, charity values continue to
evolve in at least three ways, though their finished forms will be difficult to
assess. First is a clear attempt to release the national government from the bur-
den of social welfare, moving it to local levels by “guilting” religions to take up
welfare responsibilities. President George H. W. Bush conceptualized this as
becoming a “thousand points of light.” “Faith-based initiatives” was the rally-
ing cry, with government support going to religious agencies rather than social
welfare or social work programs. Second is the movement of social welfare
tasks, such as public assistance, food stamp allotments, prisons, and hospitals,
to private enterprise, a trend championed by President George W. Bush. To
date, neither move has been as effective as government programs, since mas-
sive problems require much more than stop-gap local measures by religious
groups or profit-oriented corporations. The third is perhaps more interesting.
Not particularly religion-oriented, its genesis arises from the nascent global so-
ciety and has been conceptualized by individuals made spectacularly wealthy
by extra-national business, such as Bill and Melinda Gates or Warren Buffett.
This incipient movement, almost grass roots in nature, is oriented to globally-
inspired needs such as hunger or HIV/AIDS, where problems are recognized
and attacked with all weapons at hand, usually involving great sums of money.
Democratic Egalitarianism and Individualism

Democratic egalitarianism was a primary tenet in the founding of the United
States: All citizens are equal before the law, and no one has privileges based
on class, heritage, wealth, or other factors irrelevant to citizenship. No citizen
is better than any other, and all can share equally in societal decision mak-
ing through either direct vote or representation. Although an equal share of
resources is not guaranteed, the right to opportunities such as education and
employment is.
Despite the ideal, in practice we do not have equality in America. Origi-
nally, the Constitution gave citizenship only to male property-holders, deny-
ing it to women, the propertyless, white ethnic immigrants, and people of
color—primarily Native Americans, people of African descent, Hispanics,
and Asians. Although all native-born men (except for Native Americans) be-
came full citizens after the Civil War, women could not vote until 1918, and
Native Americans gained citizenship even later. The rights of African
Americans were denied by fiat until the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and women
are still denied explicit equal rights under national law. In addition, custom
restricts achievement opportunities for people of color, women, and other
minority groups. Moreover, choice of candidates and policies often depends on
wealth and power. Poor people have little power to choose and middle-class
people choose among those selected by the elite. Still, our persistent belief
in American equal opportunity has major impact on our assessment of client
motivations and capability.
Related closely to egalitarianism is individualism: the ideal of individual
effort and personal motivation by which any American can achieve success. It
is a frontier ideology, coming from early days in America when anyone could
win success in the new world of free land. Today, the value persists in the
ideas that there are frontiers of the mind and that education, technology, and
hard work can win wealth and success if only we try hard enough. We must be
self-reliant—in control of and responsible for our own lives—and sheer effort
will bring success. To ask for help from others is an admission of weakness,
and failure to achieve—money, happiness, status, whatever—is the fault of the
individual rather than society.
From this comes our tendency to blame the victim, to place the burden
of failure on personal lack of effort. We believe that people are poor because
they will not work rather than because of high unemployment. A person who
is robbed or raped should not have been where such crimes could happen, or
in some way “asked for it.” The aged poor should have planned better for re-
tirement, and poor children are hungry because their parents fail rather than
because society does not provide social insurance. Our “blanket value” of in-
dividual responsibility exonerates society and confirms personal failure for
those who cannot or do not reach “success.”
Success has many meanings. Our responsibility is to help clients to achieve
their own successes, not ours. Moreover, because American society is neither
fully egalitarian nor democratic, we realize that institutional discrimination
and class stratification keep some people from achieving success regardless of
their efforts. Opportunities do not accrue automatically with citizenship, and
blaming the victim does not overcome structural barriers to success.
The Protestant Work Ethic and Capitalism

The Protestant work ethic is the moral basis for American capitalism: an eco-
nomic system in which profit through business enterprise is mostly uncon-
trolled by governments. Bonacich says,
Capitalism . . . depends . . . on exploiting the labor of the [poor]. . . .
For this reason, [the wealthy] have an interest in [poverty], since if there
were no have-nots, there could be no one to work for them, no one to rent
their buildings, no one from whom wealth could be derived. This . . .
means that capitalist societies . . . can never rid [themselves] of poverty.
Poverty is the basis of wealth. The dependency of the rich on the poor is
the fundamental hidden reality of this system.10
A social rather than an economic or religious creed, the Protestant ethic
is a value accepted by most Americans regardless of religion. Its complex of
values includes individualism, personal achievement and worth, the morality
of wealth, and, for America, patriotism. Work for economic gain is the way to
success, a sign of personal morality, and a moral obligation. Conversely, pov-
erty and public dependency demonstrate immorality.
The work ethic springs from the mercantilist movement of the early
Middle Ages and the Protestant Reformation. Martin Luther’s belief in work
as a calling and John Calvin’s teachings on predestination came to mean that
those predestined to salvation were identifiable by their wealth. If wealth
showed morality, then surely poverty demonstrated immorality. With this line
of reasoning, the wealthy justified both their wealth and their exploitation of
workers to accumulate it; the rich felt they had a moral obligation to save the
poor by making them work. Surplus production could then be sold and profits
reinvested to make more profits—the “just rewards” of the wealthy.
Our definitions of worthy and unworthy poor come from that definition of
the Protestant work ethic. The worthy poor are those who cannot work—the
10 Chapter 1
aged or disabled, for example. However, people who can work should, even if
there is no work—they “can work if they want to” or “can support their fami-
lies if they work hard enough.” The doctrine of personal fault, then as now,
relieved the wealthy of the economic burden of supporting the poor and gave
them “religious credit” for not furthering the immorality of pauperism. We still
believe that poverty is the result of laziness or degeneracy. The work ethic is
so important a value in American society that we do not see who the poor
are: young children, mothers who care for them, the aged, and the disabled.
Although changing technologies and government programs create new unem-
ployment and underemployment, because of the work ethic we insist that any-
one who wants to work can earn enough to live on.
Social Darwinism
Darwinism, a biological theory never intended to become economic, says that
organisms unable to survive in an ecological niche will die out. In the nine-
teenth century, Malthus extrapolated the theory into a social and economic
one: Population trends predicted, to him, a future teeming with poor people
supported by “worthy” hard workers. This theory became known as social
Darwinism, which said that state support of the poor was against the laws of
“economic nature” and that the lives of people who were “economically unfit”
should not be saved by giving them public assistance. Moreover, it claimed
they were poor by choice because of moral degeneracy, and so should perish.
Any society continuing to aid them would be destroyed by their immorality.
Today, social Darwinist attitudes infect all of society’s institutions. Founded
on the economic issue of support for the poor, stigma spreads insidiously to
groups likely to be poor, legitimating discrimination and exploitation against
them regardless of their economic situations. Politically speaking, this main-
tains the status quo for the power elite. The idea that “they are not as good
as us” permeates society’s institutions and is directed against, among others,
people of color; those of “different” religions; homosexuals denied equal family
or job benefits; people differently abled physically, mentally, or emotionally;
elders neglected in nursing homes or abused by their caretakers; and, of course,
the poor, particularly mothers and their dependent children. Sadly, the TANF
program classes children in their parents’ economic status, and after two years
of public assistance, they too become “unfit” to receive society’s help.
Although rarely espoused openly today, social Darwinism exists covertly
in many welfare policies and programs and in the public idiom. Along with
the Protestant work ethic, it opposes Judaeo-Christian charity values and helps
to explain our society’s loathing of “reliefers.” Public assistance programs
demonstrate the value clearly in low grants, stigmatization of recipients, insen-
sitive and irrelevant eligibility testing, and attempts to put recipients to work
regardless of wage or personal situations. We still believe that supporting the
poor contributes to their immorality, although we are blind to the support we
give to the wealthy through tax breaks and government support of and invest-
ment in corporations.
The New Puritanism

Arising from political, economic, and religious changes in the fourteenth cen-
tury, New Puritanism now permeates American society. It is an essential po-
litical thrust of the Religious Right, a powerful lobby group for legislation to
enforce compliance to the patriarchal and Puritan values of the past. Puritan
values include chastity, particularly for women; honesty in dealing with oth-
ers; abstinence from things defined by religion and custom as immoral, such as
promiscuity, gambling, and the use of alcohol or drugs to excess; and “proper”
behavior (that is, behavior that will not offend others). Puritan morality also
emphasizes the sanctity of marriage and family and patriarchal authority in the
home and condemns lifestyles such as communal living and homosexuality.
The New Puritanism is somewhat analogous to what David Wagner calls
the “New Temperance,” a peculiarly American ideology that obsesses on sin
and vice. It particularly concerns substance abuse, sexual behaviors, food and
fitness, and suspect freedom of speech issues such as pornography, lewd lan-
guage, and the content of music, movies, and so forth.11 He contends that this
constitutes a culturally normative “consensus war . . . primarily against the
working class, ethnic and racial minorities, and poor people. . . .”12 The result
of this is to further the “otherization” of such groups and make them more sub-
ject to political control.
The Religious Right, made up primarily of Protestants with a sprinkling
of Catholics and Jews, uses modern technology in its battles: Television brings
the moral campaign into our homes and computer technology enables imme-
diate contact with adherents on action issues. This New Puritanism has cata-
pulted people from the radical Right into office, removed liberal incumbents,
and sponsored laws and movements that reinforce religious beliefs on wom-
en’s career and reproductive choices, prayer in school, and other moral issues.
Militant on the side of domestic law and order, it advocates national insularity
and military force to maintain it despite the interdependence of the world’s
nations.
Patriarchy
Patriarchy is a system in which power and authority are vested in men,
whereas women and other powerless groups, such as children, workers, and
slaves, are oppressed and often owned. More than the domination of women
by men, it arose early in history when patriarchs (male heads of families) took
absolute power over families and clans and began to conquer weaker groups.
Religious legitimation of conquest bonded with patriarchy to produce a new
kind of society, one based on male authority rights. Today, it is a worldwide
system of exploitation of women (sexism), the poor (classism), nonwhite peo-
ple (racism), and people and governments of developing countries (neocolo-
nialism or imperialism).
In a patriarchal society, male authority permeates every institution: In the
polity, men hold most appointed and elected offices and make laws, decisions,
and policies; in the economy, men have control of capital, resources, and the
production and distribution of goods and services; in religion, men hold the
highest offices, dictating moral standards of society; and in the family, men
make major decisions as “heads of the house.” Under patriarchy, women suffer
dual oppression: as women in male societies and as workers in patriarchal sys-
tems. They have been bought, sold, or married for political liaisons, and laws
control their sexuality, including reproduction, which is geared to produce
children as workers or to carry on men’s inheritances. In marriage, in the labor
force, and in systems of public assistance, they and their children are economi-
cally dependent, and ultimately their subsistence and well-being depends on
the largesse (or lack thereof) of men.
12 Chapter 1
Because of sex-role socialization in the patriarchal model, men and women

are believed to have natural or God-given “spheres of competence.” Men are
believed to be stronger, more capable in politics and economics, more logi-
cal, and more independent, and so should control all social institutions. Their
primary role is to support their families through paid employment. Women are
believed to excel in caring for and loving others, in homemaking tasks, and in
helping the dependent. They are presumed to be more emotional, more intui-
tive and less logical, less able to deal with stress, more dependent, and more
given to unruly or flighty reactions. In the home, women’s proper role is wife,
bearer and rearer of children, and homemaker for a nuclear family. Outside the
home, they should be caregivers—social workers, nurses, housekeepers, secre-
taries, and teachers, especially elementary school teachers.
Patriarchy controls the dependency of women and the work roles of men.
For women, questions of whether, where, and when they will be employed,
the kind of work they are hired for, and their income depend on men who
control the job market. They usually work in lower-paying, stereotyped jobs, or
with lower incomes than men for equal or comparable work. Married women,
even if they work, depend primarily on their husbands for economic support
and share their economic status. Women are ultimately re-
Policy Practice sponsible for their children and depend on man-controlled
systems at all levels for support: husbands, the courts to en-
Practice Behavior Example: Analyze, formu- sure support if they are without husbands, social insurance,
late, and advocate for policies that advance the employment market, or public assistance.
social well being. Men also are dependent on patriarchal structures but
Critical Thinking Question: How are domi-
have more freedom because they are more “legitimate.” Nev-
nant American values like the Protestant
ertheless, most men are workers, and they are constrained to
work ethic or patriarchy coded into current
the single role of family support. To lose their jobs is devas-
debates over social welfare programs?
tating, for their self-concepts are usually based on their work
roles. Patriarchy can be brutal for men as well as for women.
White Privilege13
Despite the election of African-American president Barack Obama in 2008,
White Privilege is a value so pervasive and so insidious in our culture that
we are still nearly blind to its existence. Along with patriarchy’s oppression
of women (sexism) and the values that oppress the poor (classism), it is a key
element in the development and support of many other values, such as social
Darwinism, the work ethic, and capitalism. Endowed with an almost religious
fervor, this elusive/unrecognized value is the adamant belief in the superiority
of whiteness. According to Jerome Schiele, White Privilege is
. . . the belief that European American norms and mores are universal
and supreme to other cultural prescriptions and interpretations14
and that it
. . . characterizes the power advantages that people of European descent
collectively have over people of color.15
Joe E. Feagin calls White Privilege a “racialized hierarchy of power” 16 and
says it is
. . . the set of benefits and advantages inherited by . . . those defined as
“white” in the social process and structure of U.S. society. The actual
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New History of Social Welfare A Connecting Core Competencies 7Th Edition PDF Full Chapter PDF

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New History of Social Welfare, A

(Connecting Core Competencies) 7th

Dimensions of Social Welfare Policy (Connecting Core

Human Behavior and the Social Environment: Social

Trapped: Brides of the Kindred Book 29 Faith Anderson

Social Welfare: A History of the American Response to

Gifts, Glamping, & Glocks (A Camper & Criminals Cozy

Understanding Social Welfare: A Search for Social

Exploring Child Welfare: A Practice Perspective 7th

A History of Asia 7th Edition, (Ebook PDF)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

1. Values In Social Welfare 1

2. The Institution of Social Welfare: An Overview 29

The Scope of Social Welfare 44

3. The Beginnings of Social Welfare 58

4. Feudalism and the Welfare State 83

The Protestant Reformation: New Meanings for Work

5. Social Welfare Moves to the Americas 117

6. America to the Civil War 151

7. The American Welfare State Begins 189

Emerging Philosophies and Social Welfare 208

8. The Progressive Era, War, and Recovery 225

9. The Great Depression and Social Security for Americans 260

Social Insurance in the United States 271

Welfare, Civil Rights, and the Social Work Profession 325

11. The Return to the Past 330

12. The Reactionary Vision 357

Basic Needs Programs 372

13. The Decline of Social Responsibility 387

14. Spiraling Down to Welfare Past 429

15. Political Stonewalls 456

Social Issues and Vulnerable Populations 467

Traditionally, a preface is the place to thank those who have contributed to

an imperialist president in the new millennium. This synergism, then, is the

Special thanks also to my colleague, Professor Jerome H. Schiele of the

PHYLLIS J. DAY, MSW, MA, PH.D.

Dedicated to my mother, Nora Isabel Seymour Phelps 1892–1957, who

Dominant American Social Values 6 Issues of Discrimination 15

Competencies Applied with Practice Behavior Examples—in This Chapter

Research Based Human x Policy Practice Engage, Assess,

Once upon a time . . .

Times and Events

Welfare based on the synergistic evolution of values . . . resulting from

Economy Social Values Social Problems Social Welfare

VALUES IN SOCIAL WELFARE

What Are Values?

DOMINANT AMERICAN SOCIAL VALUES

Judaeo-Christian Charity Values

Democratic Egalitarianism and Individualism

The Protestant Work Ethic and Capitalism

The New Puritanism

Because of sex-role socialization in the patriarchal model, men and women

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

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