FEDERAL UNIVERSITY LAFIA

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

HIS211: NIGERIA IN THE 19 TH CENTURY

2018/2019 ACADEMIC SESSION

COURSE OVER-VIEW

This course examines the major developments that took place in the Nigerian area in

the 19th century. These are internal and externally generated developments which aroused in

response to the demands of the period under study. These developments include the Sokoto

Jihad, changes in the Niger-Benue Region, changes in south-western Nigerian Area: Yoruba

related polities, changes in south –eastern Nigerian : Edo related polities, changes in Southern

Nigeria : the Niger Delta and the Igbo polities.

Aims and Objectives

These developments are important because of the far reaching changes they brought

about in Nigerian history and the insight they provide for understanding current efforts at

nation-building, national integration and development.

At the end of this module, students should be able to:

I. Identify developments in Nigerian history and establish their linkages,

II. Create a picture of the true nature of the events, the changes that followed, and

their consequences.

Course Outline

1. Nigeria on the Eve of the 19th Century

2. The Sokoto Jihad (1804-1809)

 3. Changes in the Niger-Benue valley area

4. Changes in the western Nigerian area: Yoruba Related Polities

5. Changes in the south-western Nigerian area: Edo-related polities

6. Changes in the south-eastern Nigerian area

Topic 1: the State of Society in Nigeria at the beginning of the 19 th Century

Introduction

This lecture, we will attempt an examination of the political, Social, and economic

relations that existed among the Nigerian societies up to the beginning of the 18th century.

These pictures will help us understand and appreciate the various forces that brought changes

in the area by the 19th century and how these changes impacted on the societies in general.

Political Development

It could be recalled that by the close of the 2 nd millennium some Nigerian societies,

particularly, the Yoruba, Benin, Bornu, among others, had started the process of state

formation and integration into different forms of political units. Between the 15 th and 18th

centuries, centralized polities like Oyo, Benin, Bornu, Zamfara, Kano, Zaria, Nupe, Igala, Gobir,

etc, had come into existence, with a recognized ruler, a hierarchy of officials, a state capital and

a defined territory. These centralized political units cut across ethnic boundaries made up of

several nationalities with diverse social and cultural interest. Those societies like the Igbo,

Idoma, Efik, Ibibio, Ijow, Isekiri, Yala, Bekwarra etc, with smaller political formation could be

easily identified on clan and village ethnic or sub-ethnic bases.

Leadership among the different groups in the Nigerian area up till the close of the 18 th

century was held in trust by individuals or group who exercise authority for the common
interest of all. Among the various communities, the criterion for participation in leadership role

was age or birth, in most cases, both. In some cases, such leadership had divine sanctions, as

office holders claimed. Within Bornu polity, the Mai was at the apex of the political institution.

Every authority was vested in him as the embodiment of the Safaiwa dynasty. Succession to

office of the Mai was hereditary and only the eldest son succeeded his father. The above

conditions in most societies eliminated competition and therefore subverted equal access to

power.

This principle of divine right to leadership was not only associated with centralized

political units, but also in the smaller kingdoms and segmentary polities. For instance, among

the Igbo, the Okpara held firmly to himself the Extended family unit on the ground of being the

first born male. However, by the beginning of the 19 th century, many individuals began to

challenge authorities established by divined rights and revolutionary changes had begun to

emerge in the Nigerian area. In Yoruba land for instance, individuals like Afonja formed a force

against Old Oyo administration which later led to the collapse of Empire. Also in Hausa land,

Uthman dan Fodio in 1804 led the reformist group that waged the Jihad that completely wiped

out the Sarikuna governmental systems in Hausa land.

Social Socio-Economic Development

The various Nigerian groups in their ethnic, political, linguistic and cultural differences

had existed at different locations with shared boundaries. These boundaries were enforced by

natural forces such as the forest, river, and mountainous terrains. The separation of these

communities enabled by these natural features did not in any way hinder contact among

societies. Their integration efforts were made possible by the existence of well marked trade
routes, rivers and creeks, inter-marriages, war, diplomatic missions, exchange of gift, visits of

some neighbours, adventures, etc.

Agriculture and other economic activities was the centre focus of the people’s

occupation. Production at the period was organized in a manner that it generated enough

surpluses that could serve the various institutions, officials, and others required to create and

sustain a communal living. The tempo of these developments changed at the beginning of the

19th century. Even though the process of integration continued, things were not the same again.

The obvious fact is that at the beginning of the 19 th century, many of the state systems were

unable to fulfill the basic requirements of the state system, yet the demand on the resources of

the community was high. The difficult situations created by the inability of the state to provide

the basic requirements of the communities led to the developments and changes that took

place in the 19th century among the various societies in Nigeria.

External Influences and Development in the Nigerian Area at the beginning of the 19 th

Century

External influences and development in the Nigerian area at the beginning of the 19 th

Century essentially can be situated around trade and cultural relations. It is recalled that, t rade

contact between the Nigerian people and the outside world first developed around the 11 th

century between the people of Northern Nigeria area and North Africa, the Middle East and

Asia, made possible by the use of camel through the Sahara desert. Such contacts enabled goods

from North Africa, Asia and of the Mediterranean origins to find their way into Hausa land and

Bornu area in exchange for slaves and gold which formed the major items then. Also, in the later

part of the 15th century the various groups in southern Nigerian area had established relations

with the Europeans traders beginning with the Portuguese and later the British, French, Germans.
 Meanwhile, Nigerian cultural relations with the outside world stated with the coming of

Islam then followed with Christianity respectively. Islam as religion was introduced first in

Bornu about the 11th century and later spread to Hausa land in about the 15 th century. During

such periods, the kings, princes, and court officials were the major target. At the beginning,

Islam was not radical because early Muslim scholars did not frown at the mixture of the religion

with traditional practices. They did not overthrow the kings either. However, by the beginning

of the 19th century, a group of Muslim scholars known as Ulama, had began to challenge the

existing situations. They began to argue that it was not enough for the kings, princes and court

officials to accept Islam, but that the practice of the religion should adhere to the dictates of

the Sharia laws. The neglect of this call set the stage for Sokoto Jihad in Hausa land in the early

part of the 19th century, with far reaching consequences.

In southern Nigerian area was the influence of Christianity beginning from the 15 th

century following the visit of the Portuguese traders and the Roman Catholic Mission. Its

influence was first felt in Benin. It also made significance success in Warri where the king

needed support in his struggle to be independent of Benin. Up to the close of the 18 th century,

the practice of Christianity was still limited to the king, princes and court officials, but by the

beginning of the 19th century, a new wave of Christian evangelization had begun in the Nigerian

area, with great consequences.

Topic 2: Changes in Northern Nigeria Area in the 19 th Century: The Sokoto Jihad (1804-

1809)

Background to the Jihad

 The Jihad in Hausa land in the 19th century had it Foundation on the teaching of Uthman

Dan-Fodio against the misdeed chest rated by the Hausa rulers which were against the tenet of

Islam. The pre-Jihad society was characterized by oppression, illegal acquisition of wealth,

extortion, taxation and exploitation, ill-treatment and reckless use of women, the use of magic

powers and charms, above all, alcoholism and drunkenness. Born in an ancient town of Gobir,

at the age of 20, he had started preaching and spreading his messages to distance places like

Zamfara, Kebi among others.

It was in the course of this that Uthman Dand-fodio came to understand the minds of

the various oppressed groups in the society. The oppressed had chains of grievances which

Uthman Dan-fodio capitalized and exploited to his advantage to carry out the Jihad in Hausa

land by the 19th century. The Sokoto Jihad therefore was essentially aimed at correcting the

socio-economic ills and other forms of injustices that has eaten deep into the fabrics of the

society.

The Beginning of the Jihad and Its Spread

The marching point of the Jihadists activity was Gobir where Uthman dan Fodio’s

preaching was making significant impact. Uthman seemed to appreciate the growing fear of the

state and tried to keep his followers within bounds. At many occasions, he had appeased Gobir

rulers by preaching in the palace. In such a visit to the king Sarki Bawa Jan- Gwarzo urged him

establish justice in the land. His visit to Sarki Bawa received tremendous success because it

paved the way for ultimate recognition of the community as a distinct body within the state.
 By 1788, the community was strong enough to force Sarki Bawa to accept certain

conditions put before him by the group. The occasion was the Idel-Kabir prayers (big Sallah), in

which Bawa, Uthman, and other Ulama (Malams) were in attendance.Having completed the

prayers, Bawa, in his usual way presented gifts to the Malams. But Uthman declined to receive

the gift but asked in replacement the following:

I. That he should be allowed to preach in the state without molestations

II. The all those who respond to his call must not be harassed and prevented from doing so

III. That all political prisoners should not only be treated with respect but be released and set

free

IV. That the subjects should not be burdened with tax.

Sarki Bawa accented to all the demands, but during the reign of Sarki Yunfa, the activity

of Uthman and his followers began to be questioned. Sarki Yunfa became alarmed when it

became clear that the community had developed into a broad body comprising adherents

drawn from all segment of the society, some of which were paying only lip service allegiance to

the state. Yunfa quickly geared to action by reviewing the activities of the community and

demanded for the return of Abd-al-salam, a prominent student of Uthman, taking refuge in

Gimbana near Kebi on account of his quarrel with the state during the reign of Nafata. In the

circumstance, Yunfa sent an expedition force against Gimbana to bring back Abd-al-salam to

Gobir to face trial.

Gimbana was sacked and Abd-al-salam and his supporters who survived the war were

taken as captives. On their way to Alkalawa, the capital city of Gobir, the expedition forces were

intercepted in Degel, and the captives set free. This act of open challenge to the authority was
responded to by ordering Uthman and his followers out of Degel. Thus the community had to

migrate to Gudu, 30 miles away from Degel. This movement described as Hejira in the tradition

of the Holy Prophet was the third stage of the Jihad which required a community of Muslims to

engage in its self defense. Based on this order, the community declared war against the state of

Gobir to challenge the prolonged and existing political order in Gobir and surrounding areas.

The victory achieved by the followers of Uthman against the forces of Sarki Gobir sent signal

and alerted other rulers to the challenge posed by these developments. The pre-cautionary

measures taken by the various rulers in the states against the possible spread got them into

hostile relations with the supporters of the movement whose number was on the increased in

their various state capitals. The eventual policy that emerged after the Jihad was the

establishment of the Caliphate system with its two capital cities in Sokoto and Gwandu

The Ethnic Factor

Most writers would prefer to describe the Jihad as Fulani war against the Hausa

oppressor. This in fact is outside the real issues at stake that calls for the Jihad. It must be

understood that the societies involved in the Jihad were divided into two groups or classes.

There were the ruling class which was made up of the rulers and their body of aristocrats on the

one hand, and the subjects comprised of the free men and the slave group on the other. There

were also traders, pastoralists, agriculturalists, artisans, clerical workers, among others. The

contradictions inherent in the complex relations among the groups mentioned prepared the

grounds for the Jihad. For instance, the Muslims versus the non-believers in Islam, the

fundamentalist Muslims versus the liberal Muslims, the ruled complained and question the

over-demanding tendencies of the rulers and their corroborators in the system, the
agriculturists versus the pastoralists who graze their cattle in their farm land, the rural dwellers

versus urban populations, and so many others to not mention.

The Fulani over time had so many grievances against the state on the issue of tax,

restrictions, and fines for the damage their cattle caused to farmlands. This group of Fulani saw

the Jihad as opportunity to get rid of the burdens of restriction, tax, and all forms of fines or

surcharges.

The same argument can be held for every other social group with one problem or the

other to settle with the hope that the Jihad would help provide answers to their long awaited

dreams. One striking features in the 19 th century Jihad in Hausa land therefore is that, even

though religious factor for the movement was much favoured, and taking in to account that the

leadership of the Jihad constitutes of people who were of Fulani origin, the mobilization for the

movement was not along ethnic lines.Far from this, Uthman dan Fodio had supporters in every

ethnic group as he had opponents in every group. The above however did not rule out ethnic

sentiments on the parts of some opportunists who may have exploited some connections to

satisfy their personal interest.

There is the view that most of the flag bearers who became Emirs of their various

Emirates and sub-Emirates were Fulani.This is true, but this was coincidental as it happened

that the first generations of flag bearers were Uthman dan Fodio’s students who were able to

report and pass the ideas of the revolution to their immediate communities. These students

were not recruited on ethnic basis, as there were some non-Fulani among them, and there is no

evidence that he gave flags on discriminatory basis. Flags were given on the basis of loyalty and
compromise to the ideals and principle for which the Jihad was fought.Indeed, this was how

Yakubu Bauchi and Abdullahi got their flags.

It will be interesting to note that there were some Malams who at the earlier stage had

refused to give their support to Uthman. Some of the Malams in opposition were Toronkawa of

Goni and those of Marata, and his lineage members.More to this was the violence that

accompanied the opposition of the Malams from his home town that he had to stay away from

his home town for the 20 years of his preaching. Research has also shown that the Fulani

Borooji (i.e. the pastoralist group) had refused to participate in the early part of the struggle. It

was only later perhaps, that they came to understand the ideals behind the Jihad. The situation

was the same with those Malams in his home town and some members of his family who had

refused to reconcile with him. It was only after his fame and popularity had been established

and after the death of Sarki Gobir, Bawa Dan Gwor’zo that the people of Marata in response to

the appeal of Abdullahi dan Fodio accepted to reconcile with him.

Just as Uthman dan Fodio had opposition among his Fulani ethnic group, so also did he

have support from other groups outside his Fulani origin. Uthman had one of his greatest

supports from his former teacher, Malam Jibrila, of Hausa stock. He was said to have been the

first to commend him as a good reformer.The ethnic factor which is generally emphasized is not

an issue as far as the 19th century Jihad in Hausa land is concerned. What mattered to those

involved in the movement was how they were affected by the social relations called to question

by the Jihad.They were the ones who had been bearing the brunt of the misrule, and other

forms of oppression, extortion, and exploitation. They saw the need for change and the change

was the Jihad. However, those groups who were benefiting from the existing order irrespective
of ethnic affiliation, religious inclination, fought on the side of the existing state so that it could

be retained.

Consequences of the Sokoto Jihad in Hausa Land

Political Impact

The Jihad made great impact on the lives of the people in the political, economic and

social aspects. In the political aspect, the Jihad provided the foundation for the establishment

of the Caliphate and the Emirate system of administration The Caliphate was run from two

capitals, Sokoto and Gwandu, with Sokoto as the headquarters of the Caliphate. The Caliphate

was run as a federation such as present day Nigeria, with provinces known as emirate each of

which were headed by the Emir Every emirate was run as a semi- independent entity except in

spiritual matters, appointment, and approval of a new Emir where Sokoto and Gwandu are

consulted as the final authorities. The Caliphate was a tribute oriented state, hence the Emirs

were obliged to collect and remit tributes which usually were to come as gift and levy to Sokoto

as due. The entire Caliphate was organized on Islamic model centered on the Koran and the

Sharia. Separation of power was strictly observed in order to uphold the independence of the

Judiciary. Despite the many problems faced by government of the various Emirates, they were

able to sustain the situation until when the British imperialism brought the system to an end in

1903.

Socio-Economic Impact

Since the basis of the new political, economic and social arrangements is Islam, religious

preaching, Islamic education and culture became widespread. In most areas, Islamic scholars

moved about to preach to people on their duties and obligations as provided by the Koran and
the Sharia laws. By this, Islam was more and more embraced by the people. Conversion was

also done through the establishment of schools throughout the Caliphate while Arabic became

the official written language in the Caliphate. There were inter-marriages among Moslems and

non-Moslems. Pastoralism was allowed but was regulated to minimize tension between the

pastoral Fulani and farmers within the community. Desert Tauregs were put in constant checks

to minimize incidents of slave and cattle raids.

In other to discharge their duties, the Emirates organized their economies for efficient

result. Peasant agriculture was encouraged. Individuals were afforded the protection and

security needed for efficient and effective economic activities. Markets were run efficiently with

various market officials to ensure that revenue was collected. They were not only involved in

the security and upkeep of the markets but also in peaceful conduct of trade and commerce

and the security of the traders and their goods. Meanwhile, so many of the taxes charged in the

pre-Jihad era were reviewed and reduced to three. These were Zakat (tithe), Karadji (land tax),

and Djizya (protection tax by non-Muslims).

Changes in the Niger –Benue Confluence

Introduction

The communities that constitute the Niger-Benue comprised of Igala, Igbira, Nupe,

Idoma, Bassa, Gwari, among others. The communities that constitute these various polities

were not exempted from the developments of the 19th century. They had witnessed the Jihad

wars, the impact of the abolition of slave trade, the resulting effect of the legitimate trade. Our

focus therefore is to examine these changes and their impacts.

 the Sokoto Jihad and changes in the Niger-Benue Region in the 19 th Century

While the states of the Niger-Benue by the beginning of the 19 th century were battling to

adjust to the new situation created following the abolition slave trade they had soon faced with

another severe pressure from the Jihadists from the states of Bida, Nasarawa, and Keffi. The

Jihadists were on expansionist movement along the lower Niger-Benue area annexing existing

communities and creating new territories out of them. It was only the intervention of the

British towards the end of the 19 th century by the invasion of Bida in 1889 that halted the

expansionist movement by the Jihadists based in the area.

The pressure forced the states of Basa-Nge and Basa-Komo to take refuge in Igala land.

Under the same intense heat from the Jihadist, the states of Opanda and Igu took refuge in

Idah. The Attah of Igala’s dominant position in the affairs of the area was completely lost. He

was not able to prevent the Jihadists from raiding her northern territories for which he had

dominated the politics of the area from the 17 th century to the first half of the 19 thcentury. Idah

lost the control of the traffic on the Niger which before then was the source of revenue for the

state. A canoe from Eggan in Nupe state could sail as far as the coast without having to

evacuate its cargo for another canoe for reasons of control and limitation on the river. It was

during the period that the Attah lost his influence among the Igbo of Nsukka, Onitsha and

Enugu areas.

The state of Bida now dictated the direction of affairs within the region. Consequently,

the whole areas of Kabba, Ayingba, Egbira etc, were being incorporated into Bida. The Jihad in

the area led to the emergence of new class of people. They had challenge the pre-Jihad power
arrangement that was dominated by clan and lineage heads. They had deemed it fit to seek a

new arrangement that recognized their positions cutting across clan and lineage boundaries.

The Yoruba of Kabba area for instance learnt to forget their internal differences and

decided to ally with the Yoruba of Akoko for the purpose of overthrowing the Bidah axis. Such

active collaboration which could have resulted into the establishment of a centralized authority

from such experience could not be achieved as a result of British invasion of Bida in 1889.

The Igbira-Igu, Opadan and other communities of the Niger-Benue embarked on long-

time struggle and resistance against the Jihadist throughout the second half of the 19 th century.

Basa-Komo, and Basa-Nge also waged a struggle against incorporation into the Igala states in

whose territory they took refuge. The various struggles combined to weaken the states of the

Niger-Benue confluence in the face of the European aggression and ultimate colonization. All of

them were forcefully brought under British colonial rule as from 1900

The Begining of British Imperial Mission in the Niger-Benue Region in the 19 th

Century.

The relation between the British and the peoples of the Niger-Benue region in the 19 th

century was guided by the charter granted the Royal Niger Company the Royal Niger Company

(RNC) to administer over the area prior to 1900. In the first instance, the company under the

name of the United African Company (UAC) and later National African Company (NAC) were

faced with stiff competition and rivalries from the French and the Germans. Its objective

therefore was first, to acquire political influence amongst the local rulers and then to use this as a

means for achieving the ultimate purpose of developing its commerce. Second, pay higher prices

for African products as a way to forcing the French and German companies to withdraw from the

Niger trade. This however was achieved by absorbing the other companies into NAC, in 1888.
Such relation was essentially dominated by the ambition of the company to establish a complete

and unchallenged control over the trade on the two rivers.

This did not mean the end of the competition for very soon it shifted ground to trying to

win the favours of the local rulers. The British has soon begun to establish post after post in the

areas deemed fits to them. They had also begun floating around with gift and seeking treaty of

friendship with local rulers, promising them military aids when the need arose. All these favours

to the people were aims at securing trade monopoly which gave the British ultimate opportunity

to interfere in the internal polity of the various people. Notable source of strained relationship

was the interpretations given to the treaties signed between the British and the local rulers. The

local rulers understood the terms of the treaties as European seeking their protection for which

they agreed to pay certain annual fees. The Europeans understood then to mean cession of

territory and sovereignty. It was this opportunity for interference that eventually manifested in

the Kede and Nupe rebellions in the later part of the century.

The Kede Rebellion (1884-1885)

The Kede are a sub-group of Nupe who specialized in fishing and canoe transportation

business. Prior to the jihad era in Nupeland they had enjoyed political autonomy and exercised

authority over the surrounding area. With the jihad and the emergence of Fulani dynasty, the

Kede’s special position in Nupe politics was challenged. The Bida based authorities tried to

impose its will by way of interfering in succession arrangement. The Kede revolt was therefore

as a result Bida’s attempt to impose their candidate on the Kede as a measure to putting an end to

Kede autonomy. In the wars that ensued between Bidah and Kede, the Kede did very effectively

against Bida due to their strong position in the control of Nupe canoe traffic on the Niger.
 They had first sent emissaries throughout Nupe to incite the people to rebellion, after

which they blocked the Niger between Raba and Egga and thus cut off the Bida forces to the

south of the river Niger. They seized Egga (the major European contact point) and compelled the

Rogan (Bida’s representative there) to support them. The Bida powers proved incapable of

crushing the revolt until they got the military support of the European firms. The Kede revolt

was finally crushed by an allied force of Bida and those of the British and French companies in

1885. This opened Bida up for European intrigues and interference. The intervention was

defended on the ground of protecting trade and clearing the Niger for free trade.

British Relations with Nupe 1885 – 1897

The contradicting interpretations given to treaties by the local peoples and the British

involved provided reasons for suspicion, impatience, and hostile relations among. Until 1885, the

Etsu Nupe had refused to sign a treaty with the British. The National African Company was

facing competition from a German company (Hoemgsberg and Sons), from Lagos and Sierra-

Leone whom the British feared might use her influence with the chiefs to make them have no

acess to signing treaties with the company. In March 1855 David Mackintosh however

succeeded in concluding a formal treaty with Maliki, the Etsu Nupe. By this treaty the Etsu gave

the NAC entire charge of all trading interests in his territory. All foreigners in the country

wishing to have to trade therein must obtain permission to do so from the NAC Ltd. On their part

the NAC agreed and bound itself to allow anyone who wished to trade full liberty according to

terms agreed by British laws. The company further paid 800 bags of cowries and promised to

pay an annual subsidy to the king. By this, the treaty did not grant full monopoly rights of trade

to the NAC.
 But in the later years, it did not only begin to behave in such manner, but also as if Nupe

had conferred on it the right to exercise political control. The RNC from 1886 began to harass

other foreign traders in Nupe land and exercised the right of levying duties both on foreign

traders and indigenous traders. In the meantime the Etsu Nupe took prompt measures to protect

his territory and to force the RNC to evacuate it without fighting. Consequently, on 13th

November 1887, the Etsu addressed a public assembly of all European merchants and their

agents in Nupe land. He denounced out rightly the claims and activities of the RNC. The Etsu

demanded to know why the RNC collected duties and on whose authority. He ordered that all

duties already collected be sent to him immediately. He declared that henceforth all, without

exception, were free to trade in his territory subject to payment of duties to him.

He reinstated that he had never ceded any territory either to the British or to anybody

else. Early in 1896 the RNC provoked another crisis by establishing military posts at Jebba, and

Bajibo as a proof that it could defend British interests against the French and local hostility that

were eminent. This was an outright interference in Nupe’s internal affairs and a clear violation of

its territory, contrary to existing agreements between Nupe and the British. In response to this,

the Etsu ordered the boycott of Jebba and Bajibo with the intention of starving RNC military

posts. He commanded Nupe working on RNC ships and between Lokoja and Jebba to leave the

company’s service.

The attempts made by the Calphate in Sokoto to reconcile the two parties failed because

they were all set on war course. On the 26 th January, 1897, Bida was attacked and after two days

of courageous resistance Bida surrendered on 28th January, 1897. The Emir fled to Kontagora

and there was no one to sign the instrument of surrender. The Makun under the pressure of his

mother gave himself up and it was with him the company signed a peace treaty.
 Exercise: What was the issue at stake in the relation between Nupe and the British

between 1893-1896?

British Relations with Ilorin 1893-1896

The relation between the RNC and Ilorin authorities had it foundation on the British

authority in Lagos disagreeing with Ilorin over boundary adjustment following the British

intervention in Yoruba civil war in 1893. The Lagos government soon gave cause for hostility

when it engineered the expulsion of Ilorin Ajeles (Residents) from Otun Ekiti, Aiyede, Ikole, and

Ishan. This worsening relation soon degenerated into war between the British and Ilorin

beginning 31st March 1896 to 16th February, 1896. In the war, the Emir refused to surrender to

the British even though he had lost a great number of his troops, Ilorin was defeated and lost to

the British. Meanwhile, with the defeat of Ilorin, the authorities of the Caliphate came to realize

that the British were bent on having their way, therefore the need to fight back.

Consequently, the Caliph issued an order declaring Jihad against the infidels (the

Christians). In a message to Yola, the Caliph Abdulrahman wrote ‘You have seen what the

company has done to Bida. You are not to allow the company to remain in any part of the

country where you have jurisdiction’. But the authorities could not hold for long because of the

prevailing situation where the French were threatening from the north-west, the British from the

South, and Germans from the east. In the face of these formidable enemies they chose the least

of the evils and this was the British whose friendship even though bitter and pretentious, was

reluctantly accepted in 1898. The friendship came to an end in 1900 when the British revoked

the charter granted RNC and took direct control of its claimed territories. It was Lugard who

completed the assignment of bringing the caliphate under the British in March 1903.
 Summary

This lecture focused on the activities of the British as represented by the Royal Niger

Company and how this has demonstrated on the sovereignty of the emirates of the Sokoto

Caliphate. Various reasons, including the promotion of trade and the prevention of slave-trade

and the upholding of the treaty agreements entered into by the parties involved were given to

justify the dislocation of the independence of the emirates. From the activities of the British in

the whole of Nigeria and the circumstances of the time, it is very clear that the interests pushing

the RNC are different from the ones proffered. The above reasons set the British on the course of

invasion and colonial imposition. The Caliphate could not resist as it should have not only

because of superior military strength of the invaders, but also because of the peculiar situation of

the Caliphate – threats from all angles and, of course, the internal arrangement of the caliphate

which emphasized the independence of each emirate to devise its own security measures and

prevented the possible use of the power of combination. This latter point explains the relative

ease with which the British conquered the emirates of the Sokoto caliphate ono after the other.

Topic 4: Changes in South-Western Nigeria Area in the 19 th Century: Yoruba

Related Polities

Introduction

The societies of south-western Nigeria area in the 19 th century comprised of the

Yoruba and Edo (Benin) related peoples and the western Igbo, Ijaw whose settlements fall

within the lower Niger spreading around Asaba and other western Niger-Delta groups

boarding the present day Ondo State. Within the area was the existence of two powerful
kingdoms namely, Oyo Empire and Benin Kingdom. There also existed patches of smaller

kingdoms like Itsekiri and Warri as well as clan and village polities of Uhrobo, Ekiti, Yagba,

and Akoko amomg others. These societies were not exempted from the changes that

occurred in the Nigeria area by the 19 th century. This area witnessed economic and political

changes that ushered a new political arrangement. The situation was most manifested in

collapse of Oyo, the largest and most powerful of the Yoruba related polities, the second

being the Great Benin Kingdom. This lecture therefore attempts to explain the factors that

influenced the changes and the consequences that followed. We shall be looking at internal

and external factors respectively.

The Collapse of Old Oyo Empire

Old Oyo was a very large and powerful state that had dominance over virtually all

the Yoruba speaking areas of present day Nigeria and neighbouring states of Dahomey

(present day Benin Republic), Borgu, and Nupe in northern Nigeria area. Oyo was a state

built on cavalry military power therefore could not operate effectively in the forest belt.

Consequently, it could not make its impact felt among her neighbouring Yoruba

communities located in the forest belt. Oyo impact was much more felt among

neighbouring settlements boarded in her immediate south east with the Ijesha kingdom at

Oshogbo and Bornu, and the lower Niger area.

By the 16th and 17th centuries, Oyo had become so powerful that it became the

major factor for stability in Yoruba land. Taking advantage of its capital located on the
 savannah region, Oyo controlled and dominated the trade routes linking northern Nigerian

neighbours and those of southern Nigerian communities in the coastal region. But by the

middle of the 18th century, these progresses had started to show some signs of decline due

to internal crisis manifested in succession disputes that saw enthronement of many weak

Alafins in quick successions.

Practical in this sphere was the seizure of state- power by the Bashorun (prime

minister), Gaha and the succession of Alafin Bashorun back to the throne and his bloody

vengeance on Gaha and his supporters and members of his family. The challenge to the

authority of the Alafin in the second half of the 18 th century by leading military serving

chiefs was another signs of this internal instability in Oyo. Afonja, the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo,

and head of the Cavalry (Army) force appear to be some of such challenges. Afonja’s

rebellion received the support of other leading chiefs in Oyo who saw it as opportunity to

express their own grievances against the Alafin and some provincial rulers. Afonja also had

the support of a few Muslims and as well relied on some slaves in the metropolis having

promised them freedom. The political troubles in Old Oyo culminated in the collapse of the

Empire with far reaching consequences that change the direction of Yoruba polity.

Consequences of the fall of Old Oyo Empire

The of Oyo led to the mass movement of people from the centre of Oyo to the southern

part of Oyo such as Ife, Egba, Ekiti, among others. The dislocation caused by the pressure

created opportunity for some ambitious chiefs and war leaders of the moving groups to found

new settlements which they controlled. Related to the above implications were cultural

changes introduced by such mass movement of people. These changes were largely in the area
of language, music, dance and dressing. As a matter of fact, various Oyo dialects filtered into,

and in some cases, altered the languages of the recipients. Another consequence was the

emergence of civil war over who control the new Oyo (Yoruba) polity following the fall of Oyo,

Ilorin under Afonja was determined to take control of the politics of Yoruba land. Ibadan was

not left out of the desire to assume the position of control over the polity in Yoruba land. In an

effort to achieve this, the Muslim community and its leadership under the command of Abdul-

Salami, Emir of the Yoruba, set on an expedition against the northern Yoruba areas. The fight to

determine who take charge was fought between Ilorin and Ibadan in 1883 in which Ibadan

gained victory over Ilorin. The victory of Ibadan over the Ilorin forces signaled Ibadan’s

ascendance over Yoruba politics.

The ascendancy of Ibadan in Yoruba polity was one among the consequences of the

collapse of Old Oyo Empire. As already noted, the victory of Ibadan over Ilorin signaled its

ascendancy in Yoruba politics. Ibadan was a settlement which haboured refugees and acted as

defensive post protecting Ife, Ijebu, and Egba settlements. Ibadan had embarked on integration

wars which saw the whole of these settlements and elite among the refugees accepting its

ambition to the political leadership over the entire Yoruba land. Even though Ibadan was

challenged in many ways, she managed to sustain the leadership of Yoruba land up to the

period the British intervened in the polity of the area and eventual colonization in the 20 th

century. Among the many wars Ibadan fought to integrate the various communities in Yoruba

land into a single polity was the Ekiti-Parapo the resolution of which acted as foundation to

British imposition colonial rule.

The Yoruba Wars

 The Yoruba Civil Wars had its foundation from the fall of Old Oyo Empire with great

consequences cutting across the entire Yoruba land. The civil wars were caused by the Ibadan

iron-hand rule over the incorporated Yoruba states of the Ijesha, the Ekiti, the Ondo, the Ife, and

the Akoko and their reaction to the formation of a confederate alliance known as Ekiti-Parapo, an

anti-Ibadan movement. Ekiti-Parapo had the greatest sympathy for Ilorin, a sworn enemy of

Ibadan in the contest for dominance among the Yoruba states of the 19th century. That contest

started with the fall of Oyo and the desire of succeeding states of Ibadan, Ijaye and others to fill

the vacuum left by Oyo.

Ibadan ultimately won the contest and embarked on an imperial drive which saw its

imperial rule over the whole of the Yoruba-speaking states, except Ilorin, Ijebu, Egba, part of

Akoko and the Kabba area which were under the aegis of Bida rule. In the areas subjugated,

Ibadan planted their ajele (residents or Governors). These ajele ruled their various provinces with

iron-hands. It was in order to free themselves from the yoke of Ibadan imperialism that the states

formed the Ekiti Parapo. The opposition to this led to Jalumi and the sixteen years war leading to

Lagos apprehension and intervention for the sake and advancement of legitimate trade and the

propagation of Christian faith. The Christian missionaries and their Saro assistants were the

brains behind the peace move. Using the Alafin of Oyo, still the most important and prominent

ruler in Yorubaland, as a front, they got Lagos’ government to help restore peace in the land

The British Intervention in the Yoruba Civil Wars

The civil wars were caused by the Ibadan iron-hand rule over the incorporated Yoruba

states of the Ijesha, the Ekiti, the Ondo, the Ife, and the Akoko and their reaction to the formation
of a confederate alliance known as Ekiti-Parapo, an anti-Ibadan movement. Ekiti-Parapo had the

greatest sympathy for Ilorin, a sworn enemy of Ibadan in the contest for dominance among the

Yoruba states of the 19th century. That contest started with the fall of Oyo and the desire of

succeeding states of Ibadan, Ijaye and others to fill the vacuum left by Oyo. Ibadan ultimately

won the contest and embarked on an imperial drive which saw its imperial rule over the whole of

the Yoruba-speaking states, except Ilorin, Ijebu, Egba, part of Akoko and the Kabba area which

were under the aegis of Bida rule. In the areas subjugated, Ibadan planted their ajele (residents or

Governors). These ajele ruled their various provinces with iron-hands. It was in order to free

themselves from the yoke of Ibadan imperialism that the states formed the Ekiti Parapo. The

opposition to this led to Jalumi and the sixteen years war leading to Lagos apprehension and

intervention for the sake and advancement of legitimate trade and the propagation of Christian

faith. The Christian missionaries and their Saro assistants were the brains behind the peace move.

Using the Alafin of Oyo, still the most important and prominent ruler in Yorubaland, as a front,

they got Lagos’ government to help restore peace in the land.

British efforts at intervention was helped in no small way by the Ijebu incident, where the

most well-armed state in Yoruba land was defeated and humiliated by the superior arms of the

British. The failure of the Ijebu and the heavy casualties suffered in the invasion, undoubted1y

discouraged other potentia1 resistance to British intervention. Ilorin was to experience the strong

arm of the British in 1897 because it resisted. In 1893, Governor Carter travelled to the interior

and made treaties with Oyo and Abeokuta. Soon afterwards, one was concluded with Ibadan in

1895. The Lagos government’s military power was further demonstrated by the bombardment of

Oyo. Missionaries said that their feelings at this wholesale destruction were indescribable

because, according to them, it was like the opening of a prison door at least for those areas the
wars had affected most gravely. With the extension of the treaty agreement to other states,

British rule was established all over Yorubaland.

The abolition of slave trade and the changes in South-Western Nigerian Area

By the beginning of the 19th century the peoples of the western Nigerian area were no

more strangers to the Europeans. Those at the coast interacted with the Europeans in trade mostly

dominated by local rulers as middlemen in the trust system. It must be noted that the major

article of trade from the 16th century was slave. Slaves were traded across the Atlantic and it was

intensified in the 17th and 18th century until it was abolished in 1807. Those of the hinterland who

had no direct contact with the Europeans felt their presence indirectly through a taste of their

industrial manufactured goods which were rather directly consumed or were resold to people

further inland in exchange for slaves. With the abolition of the trade, the European saw the need

to take the abolition war to the source of supply.

Some, especially the Christian missionaries, saw an aspect of the war in terms of

evangelization and conversion of the suppliers of the human commodity.

Yet others, and in particular, the industrialists saw the way out in the encouragement of

trade in raw materials between the Nigerian people and European manufacture. African rulers

were not impressed by the abolition. They were willing to sell provided there were buyers. It was

this situation that convinced the British of the need to deal with the problems at its root. Anti

slave squadron had to be used to block the coastal states to put the rulers under pressure to

abolish the trade. The British also used dialogue to convince the rulers to enter into treaty of

agreement to end the trade. It was in pursuit of these various ways of enforcing the abolition that
caused a radical change in the relationship between the local peoples and the Europeans by the

close of the first half of the 19th century.

British Relation with Lagos

The coast of Lagos and its hinterland never attracted the British as was the case with

Bight of Biafra did in the immediate post-abolition period. It however, soon attracted their

attention because of the slavers’ activity in the area. It could be recalled that, abolition of slave

trade by the British parliament in 1807 was done without the will, wishes, and participation of

the Africans. Even in the absence of this neglect, the Yoruba like the other Nigerian societies

were expected to abide by the law not made by them. More importantly, the abolition was done

to further the interest of the British industrialists who wanted to invest in cheap raw industrial

materials and human resources of the land. In pursuit of this interest the British sought to sweep

aside the independence and sovereignty of states.

In 1851 the British through the use of force imposed their nominee in a disputed

succession in the Kingdom of Eko (Lagos). The reason for this was the zeal to stop slave-trade

and promote legal trade. Fronting the British intervention in Lagos was the Christian missionary

activity in Abeokuta. The Christian missionary interest in Yoruba land started with keen interest

generated by freed slaves from the nineteenth century Yoruba civilians who were settled in

Sierra Leone. In the 1840s, missionaries began to follow a few of the returning freed slaves to

Badagry, Abeokuta, and other places prepared to welcome them.

Missionaries supplied ammunition to their supporters in Badagry and they fought on the

side of the Egba in their war against Dahomey in March 1851. It was partly to find a direct trade
route from Abeokuta to the coast that missionaries joined traders in urging the British

government to intervene in Lagos’ internal affairs which in 1850 were centered on a succession

dispute between Kosoko and Akintoye. The dispute had lasted for half a century. The weaker

contestant, Akinkoye, signed an anti-slavery agreement and thus enlisted British support against

his vigorous assertive and ambitious rival, Kosoko. Akintoye was forcefully enthroned while

Kosoko was driven out of Lagos.

Akintoye, we should note, was pro Egba and was ready to welcome the missionaries.

Kosoko was the opposite of Akintoye. He was patriotic and wanted the independent and

sovereign status of Lagos which was being threatened by the activities of the British anti-slave

squadron in the Bight of Benin. The indomitable Kosoko carved out a new state for himself at

Epe. The intervention gave the British a better ground from which they extended themselves to

the hinterland in line with their forward policy. After ten years of consular presence in which the

king, Akintoye, seemed increasingly a mere puppet, a colony was established at the instance of

Palmerstone who recommended the annexation on military grounds. Accordingly the British

forced the king to cede Lagos. The treaty of cession was signed on 6th August, 1861. From

Lagos, missionary activities spread beyond Abeokuta to Ibadan, Ijaye, Oyo, Ogbomosho and a

few villages near these major towns.

The Ijebu Invasion of 1892

The relations between the Ijebu authorities and the Europeans, especially as from the

1850s had not been of best terms. It was characterized by extreme hostility. The hostile

relationship was influenced by the activities of the Europeans in Lagos, which was a stone-throw

from the Ijebu. The Ijebu were very much aware of the British consular intrigues which led to the

sack of Lagos in 1851 and the expulsion of its legitimate king, Kosoko, to their town, Epe. The
Ijebu implicated the Christian missionaries in the invasion and for this reason considered any

contact with them as dangerous.

Consequently, all the efforts made by the missionaries to introduce Christianity into Ijebu

land between 1852 and 1888 were vetoed by the Awujale, the ruler of Ijebuland. Also hated in

this connection were the returnee freed slaves otherwise called Saro. They refused to allow Saro

of Ijebu origins settle themselves in Ijebuland. These Saro, in the belief of the Ijebu, had

disqualified themselves as citizens by adopting European ways of life including their religion.

The Ijebu did not see any difference between the Saro and the Christian missionaries whom they

detested and urged other Yoruba groups who received them in their midst to do alike by

terminating their patronage of the missionaries and driving them out of their settlements.

As for the traders, the Ijebu were quite comfortable dealing with them so far as they did

not try to interfere with their role as the middlemen of the trade between Lagos port and the

Yoruba interior. It was exactly these sensitive points that were the bone of contention between

the Ijebu and the Lagos colony government which led to her 1892 invasion. Trouble however

started when the Ibadan wanted a direct route to Lagos to ease their access to European arms

which they had got through the Ijebu who held them to ransom on the many occasions they were

in such need. The European traders and their government in Lagos colony also wanted free

access to the Yoruba interior to promote legitimate trade which was being hindered by the civil

war among the Yoruba states in the interior and the resulting slave-catching the war encouraged.

This for the British was inimical to ‘legitimate trade’ and had to be stopped through direct

intervention and Christian missionaries’ activity.

But to the Ijebu, any such attempt on the part of Lagos’ government was viewed as an

infringement on their independence and sovereignty. It was against this background that Ijebu
demonstrated outright hostility towards the visit of the Lagos colonial secretary, Captain George

Chardin Denton, who was then acting colonial governor of Lagos colony in 1889. The authorities

in Ijebu-Ode viewed the visit as provocative as it was intended as a military demonstration to

dissuade the Ijebu authorities from acting as stumbling block to ‘legitimate trade’. The visitors

were thus given very cold reception. The Lagos authorities considered this as a humiliation and

promptly demanded an apology. An Awujale sent to Lagos to welcome a governor that had just

reported for duty was forced to sign a treaty which, among other provisions, abolished human

sacrifices and enjoined them to keep open the road through Ijebuland between Lagos and the

interior for all.

The Ijebu authorities considered this as an act of bad faith and a declaration of war and

embarked on measures they deemed fit to ensure the security of the state and their sovereignty.

As for the British authorities in Lagos, the rejection of the forced treaty was an excuse to embark

on the invasion. Folowing a fierce battle that came to play, on the 19 th and 20th of May, 1892, the

British forces entered the town of Ijubu and raised their flag. The British forces left the town on

30th May under the charge of Captain Campbell as head of local administration. Captain Bower

was left with 100 (one hundred) soldiers of Hausa contingent to keep order, thus, ended the

independence of Ijebu as sovereign states.

Topic 5: Changes in the south-western Nigerian area: Edo-related polities

Introduction

Edo related polities include the great Benin Kindom, the western Igbo clans ( Ishan,

Agbo, and Warri), Urhobo, Itsekiri, Isoko, Abo, Ijaws and Ukwauni polities. These polities over

time had been under Benin dominance up to the middle of the 18 th century. Benin dominion
however gradually came to an end when preasure of external relations engaged by some of these

polities by the beginning of the 19 th century began to alter the existing relations. The inability of

the authorities of the Benin kingdom to manage the various forces at work and their impacts on

existing relations culminated in the development that occurred in the later part of the 19 th

century.

Internal Development and the Collapse of Benin Kingdom in the 19th Century

Benin kingdom by the beginning of the 19 th century had existed for over 18 years not

only as the largest economy but one of the greatest and most powerful kingdoms in Nigeria and

West Africa in general. By the beginning of the 19 th century, Benin began to witness negative

changes confronted by both internal and external factors. By the first half of the 19 th century,

Benin economy was already experiencing decline. One major internal factor that hastened the

decline of the empire was the problem associated to the port of Gwatto. Resulting from

dangerous sand bars, Benin experience low visits by the European merchants as it became

increasingly dangerous to sail up the Benin River because of the sand bars.

Another devastating economic factor that facilitated the decline of Benin was the fall of

Old Oyo in 1837, following the Jihadist attack and the several years of Yoruba wars. The two

factors affected Benin trade relation with her Yoruba communities which has been in Benin areas

of influence long before the 19 th century. For instance, With the European goods, Benin had

established trade routes linking several Yoruba hinterlands like, Ekiti, Ondo, Ijebu, Ile-Ife and

Ibadan which she supplied fire arms. However, with the redirection of trade routes as the later

events compelled, Ijebu cloths which Benin used to buy and sell to the Europeans were by the

period traded directly by the Ijebu to the Europeans. The establishment of new routes by the
Yoruba to trade directly with the Europeans resulted in the loss of revenue formerly accrued to

Benin.

Benin economic loss means political decline as economic decline was bound to enforce

political instability. This is true of the fact that, with the decline in her economy, Benin no longer

has the power to maintain close surveillance on those communities she has earlier conquered and

brought under her control. Consequently, taking advantage of the situation on ground, other state

began to wage into Benin territories. Ibadan adventurers invade Ekiti area of Benin influence and

created an opportunity for Akure, Owo, and other neighbouring areas to assert their

independence from Benin. All these did not only affect Benin political control of these

communities, but altered Benin trade relations with the Yoruba which caused a drastic reduction

in revenue generation in the kingdom.

Benin economic decline was also facilitated by uncompromising role of the Benin rulers.

Worthy of mention were the succession disputes which follow after the death of Oba Osewede in

1851. His successor Adodo was said have been disowned by the opposition group. To enforced

his rule, he had engaged in human sacrifices in the period to appease the gods for better political

climate in the kingdom. Indeed, successive Benin rulers had increasingly engaged in this act by

killing a number of chiefs to secure themselves on the throne. Some of these desperate actions

were acts that the British had opposed opposing at the time, therefore, took advantage of the

situation on ground, to invade and eventually brought Benin intoBritish control in 1897.

External Development and the Collapse of Benin Kingdom in the 19th Century

The abolition of slave trade and British attempt to promote legitimate trade relations with

Benin account for the hostile relation upon which Benin Kingdom collapsed in 1897. Slaves
were traded across the Atlantic in the 16 th century and it was intensified in the 17 th and 18th

century until it was abolished in 1807. By the 1860s the activities of the British in the coastal

areas of the Bights of Benin and Biafra left no one in doubt about the British imperial mission.

Benin for instance became attractive to the British because it was considered that the area was

endowed with great economic resources, rubber, palm oil and kernels, ivory, from which British

merchants were excluded from the trade of the area by a ‘fetish’ king ( Oba Ovonramwen). With

the Royal Niger Company pressing from the Asaba end, the British in control of Yorubaland, the

Oba in the period 1888-96 had to do everything possible to tighten his hold on the trade in his

land.

He did this by imposing heavy duties on traders and banning trade when these duties

were not paid. British traders interested in trade for Benin items like palm oil, palm kernel, and

ivory found the Oba’s hold on trade unacceptable and inimical to their interest. Hence they began

to put pressure on the British consul to bring the king under control. Internally, all was not well

in the early years of Oba Ovonramwen’s reign. The king had executed many political opponents,

which probably left a lasting heritage of resentment by the British.

In 1896, Acting consul, J.R. Phillips sent a delegation of seven Europeans officials to

inform the Oba of his intended visit on appointed date, the Oba sent a message back that his

arrival should be delayed but his wishes were ignored. Itsekiri chiefs like Dogho who were

known supporters of the British and who were familiar with Benin customs advised Mr. Phillips

to postpone the visit as the Oba was celebrating the annual Igue festival on the appointed date

give by Phillips, when he could not receive visitors. Phillips was still adamant. There was then a

serious division among the Benin chiefs. The Oba took Phillips’s position as declaration of war
and went ahead to plan a preventive measure which resulted in the ambush of Phillips’ party with

heavy casualties on the side of Phillips’s party.

The Benin authorities’ feared reprisals and in such a disturbing mode, the Oba was forced

to go into extremities of massive human sacrifice to appease the gods in order to prevent the

feared reprisal. In any case, this only helped to worsen matter as this act became an evidence of

fetish charge. The reprisal by the British force brought the kingdom to its total collapse. Benin

was conquered, the houses were set on fire, and the treasures of Benin looted. The Oba

Ovonramwen was forced to go on exile to Calabar where he died. Benin was thus incorporated

and a martial administration was estab1ished in 1897.

Summary

The lecture focused on changes that had occurred in the Benin area in the 19 th century.

Like other societies in the Nigerian area in the 19 th century, Benin had witness some dramatic

changes in the economic and political spheres of its existence by the close of the 18 th century.

We specifically examined and brought out the economic factors that prepared the ground for

political problems and how attempt to resolve these resulted to desperate actions by successive

Obas. A step was taken to examine some hard time and internal crises resulting from the

European trade they had been used to. The abolition of slave trade by the British in 1807 and her

efforts to stop it at the source of its supply in West Africa and especially, the Births of Benin and

Biafra affected negatively British relations with Benin, an event which led to the eventual

intervention and conquest of Benin in 1897.

South-Eastern Nigeria in the 19th Century

The Abolition of Slave Trade and British Imperial Agenda

One of the majors factors of change in the South-Eastern Nigerian area in the 19 th

century was the abolition of slave trade and its replacement with legitimate. The change to

legitimate trade was not quite easy. From onset, the law abolishing slave trade was challenged by

coastal rulers. The abolition was merely considered as European affairs. They were willing to

sale slaves provided there were buyers. It was on this ground that the British seek the abolition to

its source of supply. And to enforce effective comply, the anti-slave squadron blockaded the

main Nigerian slave trading markets and ports. Meanwhile, any opposition was marched with a

threat of bombardment. To give their actions a legal backing, the British went in to negotiate and

signed anti-slave treaties with the rulers. The treaties were to provide an excuse for British

interference in the internal politics of the states under the pretext that the local rulers had broken

one or the other of the treaties. These however were followed with great consequences. Check

the case with Oba Ovonramwen of Benin kingdom, Oba Kosoko of Lagos, Jaja of Opobo, and

Nana of Itsekiri land, among others.

British trade monopoly and Political Dominion and the people’s Resistance

One of the major ways through which British imperial influence spread in south-eastern

Nigerian area was the activities of European traders in the area. It should be noted that in spite of

the overall non-compliance to the abolition of slave trade drive by the coastal rulers by the

1840s, nearly all the states had become fully engaged in the legitimate trade by the second half of

the 19th century. The new trade attracted a lot of conflicts in most areas which the British

capitalized to intervene in the internal affairs of the various states. The areas of conflict were the

question of fixing acceptable prices, occasional trade holdups, trade laws by local rulers, and
trade boycotts and molestation of British subjects. The attempts to resolve these problems, the

British appointed John Beef croft a British trader with many years of experience as consul for the

Birth of Benin and Biafra. Consequent upon this, Bee croft manipulated this position and went

into signing treaties providing for the protection of lives and properties of British traders. The

treaties guides against trade laws, boycotts and molestation of British subjects. He also

established the court of equity with the European trader at majority and a few Nigerians. With

the court of equity and threat of bombardment, Bee croft and of course, the British very often

interferes in the internal politics of the various states to the extent of deposing their rulers from

the throne.

As British imperialism pressed on these sovereign states and empires, their rulers resisted and
sought to send them back. These early rulers were the forerunners of nationalist movement in
Nigeria. Nationalist movement started with the desire to exclude foreigners and foreign ways
from dominating the people’s political, economic, social, and cultural life.
King Nana of Itsekiri: King Nana of Itsekiri was one among such rulers that gave the British
strong resistance. He was forced on exile later by the British. After European explorers and
adventurers had successfully traced the Niger to the sea and had seen what wealth Europeans
could take out of the area through which the lower Niger flowed, the British started coming with
the idea of trade, Bible, gunboat, and the flag. As they came, the traders had the determination to
control the palm oil trade in king Nana domain.
Alongside the European traders were the European missionaries who were determined to convert
the society to Christianity. King Nana was aware that Christianity, gunboat and the flag
threatened the state economy and politics. He was also aware that, foreign control of trade would
mean economic dependency of his state. He also believed that, if the Missionaries were not
checked, the culture of his people would be ridiculed. The interference of the British in the
internal affairs of his state amount to ultimate loss of political and economic independence. (See
Atome Kunu, 1987, p 267)
Chief Nana therefore, represents opposition to foreign control of his state. He was a wealthy
middleman who usually buys palm oil from the Delta hinterland and sold same to the British
traders. Nana took serious step in guiding against any form of trade monopoly by the foreign
traders. He ensured that no British trader and palm oil producers’ trade directly, except through
him. To enforce this, Nana took to the tactics of advanced payment for the commodity and
marriage from prominent families in Uhrobo land and became son-in-law.
Nana’s activity was viewed not only as unfair but oppressive by the British, his rival Itsekiri
trading chiefs, and palm oil producers. Informed by the activities of king Nana, Ikime (1972)
marked that, the authorities of the Niger coast protectorate, headed by Ralph Moore, ordered the
British military force on Nana’s city-state of Ebrohimi and sacked it. This action forced king
Nana to flee. (Atome p.267), he was later captured by the British force and sent on exile to
Ghana.
King Jaja of Opobo:
King Jaja of Opobo was another most resentful leader who opposed and resisted European
attempt to monopolise trade in his domain and interfere in the internal polity within his control.
Jaja was afraid that foreign control of trade would force his state to total economic dependency.
Not only that, he was apprehensive that if the missionaries were allowed total freedom to carry
out their activities, they would have no alternative to dislodge the people’s way of life.
This by extension would lead to loss of cultural identity of the African people. He was not
unaware of the fact that interfering in the internal polity of his sovereignty would also amount to
loss of political independence. Therefore to surmount this, he did not only forbids European
traders from having direct trade contact with his subjects nor have direct access to the hinterland
markets he also forbids missionary activities in his domain. (See Crowder, (1968 p 119-120).
And each time this order was undermined by the British traders, missionaries, and the consulate,
he would react by blocking their activities in his domain.
Indeed, Crowder (1968, pp119-120) reported that, the demand by the consulate to allow free
trade relations and freedom of religion in the land had always been overturned by king Jaja.
More to this, he demonstrate his dominion over the territorial integrity of his kingdom, by
placing certain charges inform of levies on the British traders. As Atome (1987, p267) rightly
pointed out, Jaja over a time bypassed British traders, missionaries, and the consulate on the oil
river and was exported oil directly from Britain. According to Atome ( 1968,pp119-120), after a
series event of this nature, Johnson who was the consul at the time kidnapped king Jaja in his
gunboat and rushed him to Accra , Ghana, where Jaja was tried and deported.

Socio-Economic impact of the abolition of slave trade on the coastal communities Abolition

of Slave Trade on South-Eastern Nigerian Communities in the 19th Century

The abolition of slave trade and its replacement with legitimate trade welcome the

intensified efforts of the Christian missionaries’ evangelization process in the area. They had in

pretext of influencing the Africans to turn their back against slave-trade and promote legitimate

trade through Christian teaching dived into interfering in the cultural practices and customs of

the local people. They were to teach Africans new ideas, European value, and mode of behavior.

They however had succeeded through their mission school trained clerks, interpreters, and
messengers and prepared them for the colonial governments in Nigeria. In this way, missionaries

became allies of British imperialism in Nigeria.

With the abolition of slave trade enforced by the application of threat and anti-naval

squadron, and the eventual introduction of legitimate trade from the first quarter of the 19 th

century, the idea of trade in industrial raw materials gradually became accepted norms of

business by the coastal rulers. Consequently, by the second quarter of the 19 th century the various

rulers and the people began to organize and participate in the new trade through production and

sale of palm oil and kernel in addition to other related goods. The abolition of slave trade and its

replacement with legitimated trade was not an end to internal trade and slavery. All it takes was

evolving new method of operation. For many societies, it does not only require aggressive and

deeper penetration of the interior communities, it became a source of recruitment for competing

trading houses.

The Igbo were not left out of the development and changes that occurred in the period.

Taking advantage of new European trade, the Aro built and maintained net work of markets and

trade routes and agent communities round the greater part of Igbo land. Though these agent

communities, assisted by Aro hired machineries, the Aro operated a successful net work of slave

trade until the colonial period.

There was however some level of exception to direct exposure to European influences in

the Igbo area, especially among communities of Onitsha, Edo, Igala, among others living on the

bank of the lower Niger River. Because they were isolated they never hesitated welcoming the

missionaries and European traders from the contact point. Consequently, Onitsha soon became a

commercial and trading center attracting other neighbouring Igbo hinter land communities

willing to do business with them. It is interesting too to note that Onitsha became a missionary
and education center within which cultural diffusion and integration filtered into the nooks and

cronies of Igbo land by the close of the 19th century.

Amongst the Niger Delta communities there was intense competition for the different

groups over who control the routes for the supply of palm oil and kernel to the European. The

above led to a great deal of interactions with lots of implications. Wealth and not age or social

position in the society became determinant of power and influence. It became common among

ambitious community to produce a stronger leader equipped with wealth and followers well

armed against weaker community. In the face of the competition over the monopoly of trade

routes, attempts were made by traders to blockage routes and outlets to trade. In the

circumstance, the various community heads became despotic thereby saw the need for arm units

to force these routes and outlets open for effective trading where necessary.

Wealth and other conditions derived from the European trade brought changes in all the

states in the Delta region. It was within the period that the three major city-states of Itsekiri,

Bonny, develop institutions sufficient enough to fashion their new way of life. By the close of

the 19th century, they had developed some forms of centrality in polity; even slaves could rise to

the position of headship.

The Efik of the Cross River Estuary had control over the lower cross river especially, its

estuary and its trade with the Europeans. Organized in a confederation of towns and city-states

levels. The only institution of authority that held them together was the Ekpe cult (society)

whose chief priest became the central ruler over-seeing the affairs of the various settlements.

Ekpe performed the role of central authority by collecting dues and custom duties, enforcing law

and order, and appending penalties when necessary.

 In their trade with Europeans, the Efik of played dominant role taking advantage of the

location of Calabar at the coast. Therefore, the prosperity of the Efik depended largely on the

trade in palm oil. The Efik had usually obtained their supplies from through purchase from other

communities inhabiting the Upper Cross River. They took advantage of the trade to acquire fire-

arms and other weapons from the Europeans for the organizing raids and petty warfare in the

hinterlands to sustain control over trade routes. Apart from contact with the upland communities

of the cross river area, during the eras Efik engaged in wide range of contacts with their Igbo,

Cameroon, and neighbouring communities of the Niger Delta region.

Political Impact

The impact of the developments manifested in internal instability gingered by succession

crisis, civil wars, and dethronements of rulers. Following internal politics which manifested in to

political unrest in Bonny between two competing royal lineage homes, Nana Pepple and Dapa

Pepple over who control trade with the Europeans, in 1837, Dapa Pepple seized control of

Bonny, the Nana Pepple groups took up arms against Dapa Pepple groups, invited the British

consul, John Bee croft who in turn send the king on exile in 1854. In Calabar, the struggle for

effective and efficient production and sale of palm oil led to the restructuring of Ekpe society in

a way that created wide gap between the rich and the poor on one hand and the freemen and

slaves on the other hand. This over time resulted in called the Blood men. The attempt to disarm

the new group brought in the British and their eventual colonization of the area in 1900.

Summary

The lecture has been on changes in the south-eastern Nigeria area in the 19 th century with

lot of emphasis on the abolition of slave trade and the impact of the new trading order in the area
through the activities of the European traders and their Nigerian communities. It is clear from the

lecture that the maind agents for British imperial domination in the area were through the

question of abolition of slave trade, introduction of legitimate trade, and the activities of the

missionaries, all of which had left far reaching impacts on the people within the area of study by

the close of the 19th century.

References

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