Derrida and the Idea of Europe

Author(s): Margaret Heller

Source: Dalhousie French Studies , Spring 2008, Vol. 82 (Spring 2008), pp. 93-106
Published by: Dalhousie University

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40838450

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 Derrida and the Idea of Europe

Margaret Heller

Europe as History

¿^yaclav Havel, in a speech to the European Parliament in 1994, had this to say about
V contemporary Europe:
Many people might be left with understandable impression that the European
Union, to put it a bit crudely - is no more than endless arguments over how
many carrots can be exported from somewhere, who sets the amount, who
checks it and who eventually punishes the delinquent who contravenes the
regulations . . . This is why it seems to me that perhaps the most important task
facing the European Union today is to come up with a new and genuinely clear
reflection on what might be called European identity, a new articulation of
European responsibility, and intensified interest of the very meaning of
European integration in all its wider implications for the contemporary world,
and the recreation of its ethos, or, if you like, its charisma, (qtd. in Groothues 1)
Here Havel repeats some of the common themes belonging to the traditional discourse
about "the idea of Europe": that Europe has a task, to be made clear by an authentic
thinking, that its common cultural identity is in question, that it has a unique
responsibility, that its unity has global (perhaps world-historical) meaning, and that its
true reality is a spiritual one, as an ethos or as a charisma, with the latter suggestive both
of charm and leadership. What Europe needs is something new - a new reflection, a new
articulation - yet also a return to the old: there should be cultural re-creation,
reconstitution. These all prescribe what Europe should do or be; they tell us "what is
Europe" in truth. The call to responsibility, creation, recreation, is in contrast to the drab
reality of "what is Europe" in Havel's today of 1994. He depicts his present Europe as
being only an administrative structure, a regulatory regime, with little more purpose than
to oversee the proper functioning of the merely economic, indeed, the merely vegetable.
Europe is about petty disputation; it should be about genuine thought. It is about carrots,
it should be about charisma.
I have called this a traditional discourse about Europe, but the tradition in not as old
as one might think. Our ideas of Europe as a geographical space, as a continent, as an
economic and political union, as a civilization, our ideas of what Europe is, what it has
been, what it could be, are not only various and contested, but also rather recent. As
Derrida will claim rightly, the question of Europe belongs to the discourse of modernity.
While the name of Europe originates with the ancient Greeks, our conception of Europe
as a particular place (that is, where it actually is), as having a particular history, and as
bearing a distinctive culture, does not. And, according to Peter Bugge's analysis of the
idea of Europe, Europe has never denoted a particular geography but rather a shifting set
of values used to identify one group of people in contrast to another one, usually Asiatic.
Both Europe and Asia are accordingly "discursive constructs, relational and subject to
constant negotiations and change" (4). The mantra of social history in the seventies was
the Marxist historian E.P. Thompson's claim that class is not a thing, but a relationship.
Something similar could be said about a geopolitical entity such as Europe; it is not a
thing, but a relationship and thus it has had borders that have moved according to
changing standpoints.

Dalhousie French Studies 82 (2008)

-93-

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94 Margaret Heller

Although Europe seems to d

our attention to the fact th
westernmost part of Asia, as
1997 The Myth of Continen
"continent," despite not fittin
thinkers, in their mapping of
function. Why is Europe, whi
continent? Only because it wa
The name of Europe is derive
a Phoenician, hence Asian, p
captivated, and brought to
Arnold Toynbee famously arg
which was centered on the Med
those who sailed the Aegean;
lands by waterways. Even for
meaning; it seems to have beg
the islands (Hay 2), and event
designate the lands on one side
with Asia on the other (Lewis 2
Except, it seems, during th
identify Greeks particularly as
between the rude barbarians
claims in his Politics, for exam

Those who live in a cold clim

intelligence and skill; and th
no political organization, an
natives of Asia are intelligen
therefore they are always
race, which is situated bet
being high-spirited and also
governed of any nation, and
to rule the world. (201)
Did the Romans think of th
geographical categories, Euro
heart of civilization" (Hay 4).
from the point of view of R
History in a Changing World,
in the Mediterranean - and
Mediterranean - drew its su
therefore scarcely more appro
is the British empire to-day" (
we now calf Europeans belie
identity. Being European in a
based on continents that would
Instead of Europe, the succ
identity immeasurably stren
Tilly, in his 1990 Coercion,
even exist "in the first mill
division was between Christi

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Derrida and Europe 95

Song of Roland "paynims are wr

however, in the final conquest of
became geographically confined to
succeed "Christendom" in the early
replaced it (Lewis 25). The former te
with classical origins, and in any cas
was broken in the Reformation, w
types of states, tied together thro
came to be seen as a sign of uniq
themselves to peoples they encount
the eighteenth century the philo
civilized powers in Asia. The Turks
nations in the East were used as fo
classic The European Mind and in
Encounter between Asian and Weste
The meaning of Europe in relatio
manner through the new concep
Civilization named a state of society
Europe might usually be thought t
because it was the most favored b
society achievable universally and n
thus it was not used to distinguish
civilization in Europe, but there w
During the nineteenth century, how
by Europeans, and their drawing of
to a strong sense of their superiorit
singular "civilization," used to desi
1818 by the plural "civilizations," us
the use of "histories" to designate
universal "History," meaning a
particularity of civilizations and t
standpoint which holds both that Eu
and that Europe uniquely posses
historical development of humanity
François Guizot was one of the f
"I have used the term European civ
pervades the civilization of the va
feature of this kind of discourse,
assertions about the essence of Eur
nation in particular exemplifies th
for pursing the study of European c
that France has been the center, t
has not herself invented somethin
principle of civilization,, which, pri
France." Guizot concludes from th
"rendered her eminently fit to m
anticipating a theme in the future
the burden of moral leadership:
Much as been given to us, mu
posterity a strict account of ou
now subjected to discussion, ex

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96 Margaret Heller

that all things shall be ope

under the eye of the world,
Denis de Rougement, in his
nationalist dimension, the ques
as a counter-weight to nation
European, it came to employ n
discovery of the Indo-Europe
eliding of this linguistic catego
Caucasian, as Ivan Hannaford
Edouard Drumont in his 1886
that all the nations of Europe
sprung all the great civilizatio
uphold the principles of justice
The identification of the Eu
the result that the essence of
Atlantic nations. The nineteent
as defined by a narrative of
scientific approach to histori
historical scholarship. The stud
the rise of historical linguistic
Maine and Paul Vinogradoff
organically to the remote pas
Roman, (Latin) Christian culmi
with "the western secular h
understanding of Europe, now
reference, became a fundam
civilization which emerged after
The First World War was w
states lost power to US and th
conservatives started to define
its economic advancement. Ev
the world power would impos
was, at least in much of the
"German" order (Bugge 1 1 )
programs "the most extreme
have ever existed" (38).
Post-war Europe was again
shrinking into its semi-conti
noncommunist, and hence now
was to be grounded in the trad
and in political freedom, all wh
work of European co-operatio
essentially regional. Accordin
launch itself on world history
(qtd. in Bugge 11). Subsequent
between what Peter Bugge c
institutions - and a culturalis
values. Havel's speech is clearly
The point of my account so
claim about the world-histori

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 Derrida and Europe 97

Europe has also an institutional fo

has taken new forms: at what point
Community, or the European Unio
itself? What are its true members,
political and economic union called
to be anything more than agreemen
Europe as Subject
The Other Heading: Reflections on
the debate over the idea of Europe
Europe:
There is the greatest uncertainly concerning the borders of Europe itself, its
geographico-political borders (in the center, to the east and to the west, to the
north and to the south), its "spiritual" borders (around the idea of philosophy,
reason, monotheism, Jewish, Greek, Christian [Catholic, Protestant,
Orthodox]), and Islamic memories, around Jerusalem, a Jerusalem itself
divided, torn apart, around Athens, Rome, Moscow, Paris, and it is necessary to
add, "etc.," and it is necessary to divide yet again each of these names with the
most respectful persistence. (63)
Nevertheless, Europe is substantial enough to be Derrida' s subject, and indeed for him to
write of it as a subjectivity with a name and even a face. The Other Heading was first a
paper given in a colloquium on "European Cultural Identity," with a shortened version
published as an article in the newspaper Liber in 1990; it came out in book form in 1991.
It was written, therefore, at the point of the dissolution of Cold War borders and the
breaking up of the former Soviet or Eastern Bloc under the headings of perestroika,
democratization, and the introduction of the market economy. The unification of
Germany was imminent and a number of new nations were already facing dissolution,
their borders challenged by emerging religious and ethnic conflict. Derrida's intervention
on the question of Europe was presented three years after the passing of the Single
European Act, meant to create a single internal market, and three years before the
ratification of the Treaty of European Union in Maastricht, which put into place
structures for the eventual introduction of the Euro and a common foreign policy. The
book was published as the first Gulf War began.
At the time, some of the implications of the ending of the Cold War seemed evident:
Fukuyama had in 1989 published his "end of history" argument, according to which the
global evolution to liberal capitalist democracy was historically inevitable. Other
possibilities were less anticipated: Samuel P. Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations had not
been written, and what was not yet on the horizon was the rise of radical Islamicism. The
"today" of The Other Heading was one of newspapers and television, and not one of the
World Wide Web and cell phones.
The Other Heading is therefore a response to a certain moment in Europe's history,
namely the ending of its division into Eastern and Western Blocs and to the anticipation
of new possibilities and new problems. Certain questions of history and culture, of
economics and politics, have become necessary according to Derrida "because of what
has started, or rather has accelerated, these past few months in the east or at the center of
Europe" (17). "Something unique is afoot in Europe," he observes prophetically, which
we face with "fear and trembling," because out of the emerging questions of identity "the
worst violences, those that we recognize all too well without yet having thought them
through, the crimes of xenophobia, racism, anti-Semitism, religious or nationalist
fanaticism, are being unleashed" (5-6).

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98 Margaret Heller

What does Derrida find so im

"TODAY"? It cannot be unders
past, for we are faced with
cannot be treated as being som
Europe has already experienced
(19). Contemporary Europe, a
repetitions or novelties, and w
other days. So Derrida will
through an exemplary figu
antinomies, for it must be link
the proper body of a singular
individual, social, national, sta
is Paul Valéry, who in his day
Europe's exemplarity in a num
Jackson Mathews in the colle
takes on the subject of Europea
Valéry' s question "what i
Europe?" and "What is Europ
the company of Valéry beca
feelings of hope and dange
appearances of religious and n
imminence much like our ow
moments as identical: "we sho
against the backdrop of analog
"wrongly and too precipitat
Derrida reads the present thro
and has been distorting.
For Valéry, writing in the 1
to be the crisis of humanity, o
head - one looking westw
achievements. Although living
to the Eurasian landmass, Eu
whether Europe can continu
spiritually, "the elect position o
a vast body" (Valéry 31). Why
rest of humanity?" (320). The
Jerusalem and Athens, and it i
is to be found in Europe's de
increase power, knowledge,
overwhelmed the world: "all
Europe" (323). On the one ha
borders to America, which is
essence of Europe can be di
exemplifies his Gallocentrism
position is threatened, for it h
the race," who, coming from o
Despite Valéry's hierarchies
the former's discourse conce
responding to the tradition of
elsewhere" (69). He identifies
can neither completely disavo

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Derrida and Europe 99

logic itself, that I do not wish to

but with one hand only, for I ke
outside Europe." For, likening hi
intellectual, "a citizen entrusted
Other Heading he is addressing f
"We are thus here in a large majo
of the European headland, in
predominantly Mediterranean" (2
am European, I am no doubt a E
recall this to myself, and why w
European," "an old anachronisti
hand, "I am not, nor do I feel, E
through," being "not quite Europe
Mediterranean" and retaining "som
shore." As an immigrant intell
Europe, though his long consid
incapable of "this other old age,"
to be a sort of over-acculturated
Derrida belongs to Europe both a
of the Mediterranean: "But this
from the other shore if not from t
French, nor European, nor Latin
Europe in the company of Valéry
world" (35). Just as importantl
Derrida identifies with Valéry no
with all due apology: "Moreove
advantage of accentuating in F
Valéry 's words - about Gallocent
Derrida thus proposes to respon
something else. To be able to have
must be considered under a head
promise, and the identity" of its
"the unicity of the other today
unforeseen, "as that of which o
Europe might recur, but always
question of Europe must includ
heading. Should it separate itself
does not yet exist?" Or should it a
itself, to return home to itself
Derrida will take his bearing thr
always split from itself in such a
this impossibility is the possibilit
// there are any" he writes "
experiment of the aporia" (41). "I
unsolvable contradiction and an
capitalized in abyss and requires m
of the possibility of the impo
contradiction that cannot be res
general rule if a responsibility be
each decision" would be settled
involve irresponsibility (72). De
Europe, "even if we no longer kn

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 100 Margaret Heller

not clear "to what concept, to

name be assigned today" (5).
borders are not given - no mor
appellation" (30-31).
Paleonymy is the history of t
"Like all the names we are invo
limit, a negative limit, and a cha
name recalled, or the memory
opening of identity to its very
names (event, decision, respons
exceed" theorization, present
discourse, the paradox of the p
once very seriously and cautious
the best paleonym, in a certain
promise (ourselves)" (82). The
name of Europe: it is "an act o
capital in order to be faithful to
perhaps responsibility consists
name, of the idiomatic limit, a c
(35).
Derrida writes of Europe as something with a name, as a real individual, a singular
entity. He speaks of Europe as having a face, and asks, what will it resemble? "Will it
resemble the face of some persona whom we believe we know: Europe? And if its non-
resemblance bears the traits of the future, will it escape monstrosity?" (6). Europe is not
only a subject of discourse ("I wanted to recall what has always identified Europe with a
cape or headland" [19]), but is spoken of as if possessing a subject position generating
discourse. A number of examples will show how important the personified Europe is for
Derrida's argument: "Europe has always recognized itself as a cape or headland" (20);
"Europe is not only a geographical headland or heading that has always given itself the
representation or figure of a spiritual heading, at once as project, task, or infinite - that is
to say universal - idea, as the memory of itself that gathers and accumulates itself,
capitalizes upon itself, in and for itself (24); "It is always in the figure of the Western
heading of the final headland or point that Europe identifies itself, identifies with itself,
and thus identifies its own cultural identity, in the being-for itself of what is most proper
to it, in its own difference as difference with itself, difference to itself that remains with
itself, close to itself (25); "Europe takes itself to be a promontory, an advance - the
avant-garde of geography and history. It advances and promotes itself as an advance, and
it will have never ceased to make advances on the other: to induce, seduce, produce, and
conduce, to spread out, to cultivate, to love or to violate, to love to violate, to colonize,
and to colonize itself (49). Derrida's Europe is personified, ensouled, has questions of
identity; as does any subject, it believes itself to be a coherent unity, with a single identity
which it recognizes in itself, but is always difference with itself. Europe has wrongly
identified itself with humanity or civilization in general, with the universal idea, with the
world-historical mission. Europe always has taken herself to be the captain of world
history, ahead of the rest - this is its always.
As a name, Europe not only has a paleonymic dimension that Derrida explores but
also a polysémie one: that is, it has a close association with other terms and their various
but related meanings. Following Valéry, Derrida announces that "we must focus our
attention on the word 'capital/ or more precisely on the tenor of its idiom"; "The
semantic accumulation that we are now highlighting organizes a polysemy around the
central reserve, itself a capital reserve, of an idiom" (57-58). In English translation, the

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 Derrida and Europe 1 0 1

Latinity of capital reserve is both avai

around the "head," such as heading and h
is The Other Heading. The capital res
head, the end, the telos, the capital lette
direction, a cape headed towards the sea
a capo; it is the reserve of capital that c
The double of capital, as city and eco
French is expressed in two genders - la
regulated polysemy of the word 'capita
it enriches with surplus value the sign
economic or fiduciary value" (65). Ar
Europe have a capital, a centre of cultu
centre need no longer entail a defined
economic change (38). A capital can be a
because apart from the city. The Frenc
the source of political revolution and t
document of the French government wh
cultivate solidarity, identifies Franc
European collective consciousness. Fran
"responsible" for Europe "today" (51
government, to "'conserve its avant-
Derrida observes, even the well-intenti
explicitly pluralistic, democratic, and
cultural homogeneity (54-5). The sam
European philosophers. One agent of h
his emphasis on "communicative action
are the master words of "cultural take
communicative action model discredits
name of intelligibility, good sense, comm
On the other hand, while Europe
normalization around a single capital or
particularity or difference expressed a
culture should involve the circulation
language to another, and resistance ag
"What philosophy of translation will do
should avoid both the nationalistic te
homogenization of languages through t
claim to be transparent, metalinguistic,
The questions of la capitale are accom
that of economic capital, the rule of ca
Marx's Das Kapital and of understandin
"frightening totalitarian dogmatism" of
of any critique of capital by contempora
the courage and lucidity for a new c
unprecedented techno-social structure
most particularly upon those who neve
57).
Another problem involves cultural capital - and most of Derrida's discussion here is
taken up by his encounter with Valéry' s treatment of the topic. The rhetorical use of
capital entails a hierarchy, in which only the specifically European culture produces what
is universal. (This kind of claim we might recognize as now coming from some American
scholars about the United States. According to Samuel P. Huntington, for example, the

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 102 Margaret Heller

belief in universal values such

cultural particularity.) Valéry a
capital because there is a sho
accumulated knowledge, who k
for humanity as a whole, for "
threaten Europe but, in Spirit, t
it is the reserve, le capital or l
from more recent American c
read the great texts; the challe
American colleges have threate
liberty per se.) As does Haro
disappearance of those who kno
how to belong to a tradition (V
Valéry sees threat of the di
globalization - the spread of de
non-Europeans, by "awakening,
imprisoned in their traditions
Europe has set the scene for it
criticize about European imperi
European unity and tradition its
capital around the globe: "'Eur
visibly to being governed by
ourselves of our history, we sha
or next to none. And those ha
Derrida 117).
Valery's worry employs the motif of "the Rape of Europa," which became the
subject of many a book in the inter-war period mourning America's surpassing of Europe
at the head of progress. In our own day, Slavoj Zizek repeats this theme in his Welcome
to the Desert of the Real He claims that Europe as an ideological notion was the outcome
of two abductions by barbarians from the West: first the Romans stole and vulgarized
Greek culture, and then medieval barbarians stole and vulgarized Christianity. And now,
Zizek asks, "was not Europe again kidnapped by the West - by American civilization,
which is now setting global standards and de facto, treating Europe as its province?"
(143). Here Western subjectivity is figured by Zizek as a masculine projection or over-
reaching (i.e. Western Man as Promethean, Faustian), while "Europe" is feminine, taken
from Asia by capture or captivation. Oddly, Derrida does not note the contradictory
gendering of Europe in The Other Heading.
He does take up Valéry's assertion that the idea of Europe entails responsibility:
"How can a 'European cultural identity' respond, and in a responsible way - responsible
for itself, for the other, and before the other - to the double question of le capital, of
capital, and of la capitale, of the capital?" (16). "Now, we must ourselves be responsible
for this discourse of the modern tradition. We bear the responsibility for this heritage,
right along with the capitalizing memory that we have of it. We did not choose this
responsibility; it imposes itself upon us ... [as] the language of our language" (28). But
while Valéry mourns the loss of European responsibility for world culture and its inner
coherence, Derrida maintains that these are "from the very beginning" contradictory.
Derrida asks us to be "the guardians of an idea of Europe, of a difference of Europe, but
of a Europe that consists precisely in not closing itself off in its own identity" (29), of a
Europe that is exemplary in going towards that which it is not - to another shore: "To be
faithfully responsible for this memory, and thus to respond rigorously to this double
injunction: will this have to consist in repeating or in breaking with, in continuing or in

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 Derrida and Europe 103

opposing?" Can we invent another ges

identity from alterity, from the ot
completely other shore?" (29-30).
What if Europe, in fact, is alway
possibility of heading toward the oth
already been? For responsibility is bot
5):
When a responsibility is exercised in the order of the possible, it simply follows
a direction and elaborates a program... It makes of ethics and politics a
technology... It begins to be irresponsible... It would seem that European
cultural identity, like identity or identification in general, if it must be equal to
itself and to the other, up to the measure of its own immeasurable different
"with itself," belongs, therefore must belong, to this experience and experiment
of the impossible. (45)
Ethics and politics measure responsibility's authenticity only according to its
impossibility (45), to its following of two imperatives, to its responsibility for two laws:
that of the capital and that of the other of the capital. This is the meaning of the "other
heading" - that it is our heading or another heading (it can go in another direction or be
directed differently); that the heading belongs not just to us but to the other, belongs not
only our egotistical calculation, but there is also an other to the heading. So to have a
heading is to have another heading, to acknowledge the heading of the other, and the
other of the heading (15-16). "From this paradox of the paradox... the heading splits, the
capital is de-identified". It has opened itself "without being able any longer to gather
itself (75). "It has begun to open itself onto the other shore of another heading, even if it
is an opposed heading, even if at war, and even if the opposition is internal" (76). It is
beginning even to open itself to another that is not Europe's other, "the other with itself
(76). Being "faithful to the heritage of a culture" means at the same time "cultivating the
difference-to-oneself." From these can be derived duty itself, the duty which is "to
respond to the call of European memory, to recall what has been promised under the
name Europe, to re-identify duty" (76) - this is not the usual idea of duty, but perhaps is
what secretly underlies it nonetheless.
After a long path where it was perhaps difficult to see where he is headed, Derrida
ends with a list of duties. There are not really different duties, but one duty in different
forms (77-79). The possibility of each instance of duty requires impossibility. Europe's
duty includes: as a cape or heading, Europe is also a shore, and thus it must be open to
what it is not; it must both incorporate and accept the alterity of foreigners; it must resist
anti-capitalist totalitarianism and the religion of capitalism; it must critique its traditions
but engage with them; it must defend its unique heritage of political freedom while seeing
that freedom has always been a promise rather than an accomplishment; it must respect
particularity but also universality and commonality; it must appreciate forms of thought
that are not purely rational while adhering to the Enlightenment. In short, it must
undertake the responsibility "to think, speak, and act in compliance with this double
contradictory imperative" - while at the same time responding to "any and every
instituted tribunal" (79).
The double duty to recognize the typical and the singular seems particularly to
belong to Europe:
And what if Europe were this: the opening onto a history for which the
changing of the heading, the relation to the other heading or to the other of the
heading, is experienced as always possible? An opening and a non-exclusion
for which Europe would in some way be responsible? For which Europe would
be, in a constitutive way, this very responsibility? As if the very concept of

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104 Margaret Heller

responsibility were responsi

birth certificate? (17)

Derrida's notion of a "Europea

ambiguity about the extent to w
the latter's Eurocentrism which
humanity, or from the latter
Europe. It is true that Derrida, u
to close off in advance a border
comes, which comes perhaps an
but does this gesture, which ena
the old Eurocentrism in a new g
the account of a past he unifies
the task of the future; is Derrida
has been, despite his acknowle
historical borders cited earlier? I
different relation and valuatio
"always" did have such a structu
the content of the old, here m
claims of Europe's exceptionalism
to be preserved, its special spir
claims concerning Europe's ident
something with a single identit
named a set of theories concer
substantiated into a persona, Eu
historically contingent, but hist
That Derrida has not departed
might think is suggested in tw
the other in 2004. They are inf
early 1990s. The new present is
unipolar world: the invasion of
France and Germany, and with
been newly incorporated into
Habermas and co-signed by Der
Common Foreign Policy, Begin
in a number of European news
Come," was written for the fif
May, 2004, that is, just a few mo
about the meaning of Europe wil
The Habermas/Derrida article
2005 in a collection called Old
Relations after the Iraq War. F
revealed the desirability of Eur
has also revealed at the same tim
(or Old Europe), especially Ge
foreign policy, but where Gre
support the alliance with the
unreliable, it is the "avant-gard
must - as it has so often - be
European sense of a "shared pol
create a European identity? Th

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 Derrida and Europe 1 05

have global reach, and no longer bel

"its own face" is a rich cultural diversit
The idea that there is a real or core E
of identity was, not surprisingly, no
states in the European Union. Péter E
New Europe, Core Europe volume, wr
promoted to the rank of Central E
necessarily for me personally).Then a
before I had the chance to get used to
have now become a non-core Europea
In the second article, Derrida beg
Diplomatique has become an internatio
it is still firmly based in Paris.
Europeanness. I cannot imagine such
same degree of liberty and the sam
different continent. That implies
consciousness and sense of duty. It
it champions are limited to a Euroc
it should serve as a reminder of
movement. ...Caught between US h
Arab/Muslim theocracy, Europe h
No longer "ahead" of other parts of t
still lead by staying true to its herita
Enlightenment in the future.
Derrida in The Other Heading wri
memory" and "the completely other of
"to the future, to the to-come of the e
perhaps comes from a completely othe
of openness to others and to the futu
substance of his argument rather rep
are French to the core. For Derrida, Eu
Europe is also the shore of the Atlantic
the continuation of a continent that ex
Pacific. Despite all his promises, Derr
reserve of a traditional discourse a
elsewhere.

University of King 's College

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