The Evolution of Policy For The Integration of Migrants in France, Issues, and Limits - Mona Rouger-Ducos

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Mona ROUGER-DUCOS

Erasmus Student
Facultatea de Filosofie şi Ştiinţe Social – Politice

The evolution of policy for the integration of migrants in


France, issues, and limits.

Key words: integration, migration, France, rights, political commitment

Iași, Romania
December 2023
In 2022, 55.3 million of the 446.7 million people of 27 countries of the European Union,
were born in a foreign country. In France, on average 12.7% of people are born abroad. 1 In
parallel, France is the country with a significant proportion of descendants of immigrants from
the EU. This part of the population encounters problems and difficulties, sometimes very
different, particularly in terms of integration.2 As Pierre Georges Van Wolleghem explains in
this book The EU’s Policy on the Integration of Migrants, a Case of Soft-Europeanization?,
“integration is a multifaceted phenomenon that touches on different domains such as literacy,
language, social inclusion, social housing, cultural and religious matters, family rights and so
forth”.3 Integrating is a process that is specific to each person, and which takes more or less
time. Indeed, for example, if a migrant speaks the same language as in their country of origin,
they will be better understood and will be more integrated. However, language is not the only
factor playing a role in integration within a society. Integration can be favored by many actors:
the mobilization of NGOs, public opinion, government migration policy...etc. For example, the
reception capacity of a country or even labor needs are variable factors that influence migration
policies. These different elements are not linear and evolve constantly. In France, the issues
surrounding the integration of migrants are numerous and have raised many questions since the
end of the Second World War. Public opinion and media are invested in these issues and the
notion of integration is very often returned to the political agenda. So, we will reflect on the
following topic: the evolution of policy for the integration of migrants in France, issues and
limits.

1
L’essentiel sur. . . les immigrés et les étrangers | Insee. (s. d.). https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/3633212#onglet-2

2
Bernardot, M. (2019). Chapitre 1. L’immigration en France : une vue d’ensemble. Dans : , M. Bernardot, Étrangers, immigrés : (re)penser
l'intégration: Savoirs, politiques et acteurs (pp. 13-37). Rennes: Presses de l’EHESP. https://doi-
org.srvext.uco.fr/10.3917/ehesp.berna.2019.01.0011

3
Van Wolleghem PG, (2019) The EU’s Policy on the Integration of Migrants, A Case of Soft-Europeanization?

1
I. An integration built over time by the French state and private actors.

A. The history of migrant integration policies.

The Fonds d’Action Sociale (Social Action Fund) is the first step in the integration policy
in France. Created in 1958, it was intended to improve housing for foreign workers. It was only
after the thirty glorious years (1945-1973), a period of strong economic growth and an increase
in living standards, that a policy of integration of immigrants in France emerged. Originally,
migrants came to France for labor needs and post-war reconstruction. However, after the
economic crisis of 1974, labor migration became rarer, and the immigrant population gradually
changed. Previously, very often immigrants worked in France but did not intend to stay there.
Consequently, an integrative process was not established. From 1974, measures were
implemented by the French Government for the integration of this part of the population. Valéry
Giscard d'Estaing then elected president, but at the heart of his seven-year term was the
promotion of languages and cultures. He created the Office National pour la Promotion des
Cultures Immigrées (National Office for the Promotion of Immigrant Cultures), which was then
renamed Information Culture et Immigration (Information Culture and Immigration). 4 In 1981,
a new policy emerged. Françoise Gaspard, deputy of the Parti Socialiste (Socialist Party),
proposes the establishment of an immigrant integration policy considering the intercultural
dimension of French society. Thus, in 1982, the Agence pour le développement des relations
interculturelles (Agency for the Development of Intercultural Relations) was created. The
agency aims to promote intercultural exchange and dialogue with a view to the social and
professional integration of migrants. In 1984, a single residence and work permit was created,
without geographical or professional restrictions. Migrants have freedom of settlement and
mobility.5

In 1989, a secretary general for integration was appointed and the integration policy was
gradually supplemented by the fight against discrimination. In 1998, the report of the High
Council for Integration named “Fighting against discrimination: ensuring respect for the
principle of equality” focused on discrimination based on nationality but also on origin. In

4
Laurens (2017) De la « Promotion culturelle des immigrés » à « l’interculturel » (1974-1980) : Discours d’État sur une catégorie d’État.

5
Immigration : l’évolution de la politique pour l’intégration des immigrés. (2022a). Vie publique. https://www.vie-publique.fr/eclairage/20189-
immigration-evolution-de-la-politique-pour-lintegration-des-immigres

2
addition, it emphasizes the need for an integration policy that includes both foreign-origin and
second and third-generation immigrants. The 2000s were marked by an integration policy of
welcoming new immigrants. In April 2005, the Agence nationale de l’accueil des étrangers et
des migrations et le Service social d’aide aux émigrants (National Agency for the Reception of
Foreigners and Migration and the Social Service for Assistance to Emigrants) became the
reference organization. At the same time, the Agence nationale pour la cohésion sociale et
l’égalité des chances (National Agency for Social Cohesion and Equal Opportunities) is
supposed to maintain the longer-standing immigrant integration missions.6 In 2007, signing the
reception and integration contract was compulsory for new migrants. This contract requires
civic training on French institutions and the values of the Republic, language training as well
as an assessment of professional skills. They also oblige parents to ensure the good integration
of their children. In 2016, the contract was renamed Contrat d’intégration républicaine
(Republican integration contract), from now on, it commits the migrant to follow a republican
integration course which consists of understanding the values and principles of the Republic,
learning the French language, social. 7

B. The different actors involved in the integration of migrants in France: associations,


NGOs, citizen initiatives.

In addition to the French Government, different actors contribute to the migrant integration
policy. In France, 1,500 associations contribute to the implementation of the reception and
integration policy. The associative sector relays proximity to the populations, thus playing an
important role in the integration of immigrants. It is also one of the actors in the implementation
of the integration policy, promoting access to rights and autonomy, through the actions it
implements in the field of language training, professional integration, social monitoring or even
access to citizenship.8 The first associations to help immigrants were born in the 1920s from

6
Agence nationale pour la cohésion sociale et l’égalité des chances - data.gouv.fr. (2023, 6 décembre). Agence nationale pour la cohésion
sociale et l&apos ; égalité des chances. https://www.data.gouv.fr/fr/organizations/agence-nationale-pour-la-cohesion-sociale-et-l-egalite-des-
chances/

7
Qu’est-ce que le contrat d’intégration républicaine (CIR) ? (2021, 25 juin). Service-Public.fr. https://www.service-
public.fr/particuliers/vosdroits/F17048

8
Les acteurs de l’intégration : Les associations. (2021). Ministère de l’intérieur. https://www.immigration.interieur.gouv.fr/Integration-et-
Acces-a-la-nationalite/Les-acteurs-de-l-integration/Les-associations

3
private charitable initiatives. This is for example the case of the CIMADE association which
was created in 1939 by young protestants who wanted to help migrants. 9
The associative
network is gradually developing. 10 However, the development of associations remains limited
because it was not until the law of October 3, 1981, that foreigners had freedom of association
in France. The latter was obtained in the context of the march for equality and against racism
in 1983 and the proliferation of associations originating from immigration campaigning in favor
of equal rights. This associative network, which became very dense in the 1990s and 2000s, is
supported by the Fonds d’action social (Social Action Fund) and the Fonds d'action et de
soutien pour l'intégration et la lutte contre les discriminations (Action and support fund for
integration and the fight against discrimination). This fund was set up by the French government
in 1966 to contribute financially to the development of community life, particularly in the field
of immigration and to fight discrimination immigrants. 11 From 2001, the Court des comptes12,
the financial jurisdiction responsible for controlling the regularity of public accounts, criticized
the financing of associations without a strategic vision and the proximity of some to
communities which were no longer “ethnic”.13 Therefore, the funds are reformed. The smallest
associations must professionalize to continue to obtain public subsidies. But very often they did
not have the capacity. The largest associations, for their part, will have to go through public
procurement and calls for tender procedures to be able to continue to exist.

Some associations also focus their actions on a specific problem encountered by migrants.
This is, for example, the case of France Terre d’Asile, a French association which is developing
a program over the period of 2023-2025 to improve reception and support conditions for
migrant women.14 In 2022, among people aged 15 to 64, 76% of immigrant men were workers
compared to 80% of non-immigrant men. Among women, the gaps are greater: the activity rate
of immigrant women is 62% compared to 72% for non-immigrants.15 Heavy discrimination and

9
La Cimade et l’accueil des réfugiés: Identités, répertoires d’actions et politique de l’asile, 1939-1994, (2014) Presses universitaires de Paris
Nanterre
10
Bernardot, M. (2017). Les associations et l’administration nationale chargée de l’intégration des immigrés : une analyse depuis « l’intérieur
». Migrations Société, 170, 91-108. https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.170.0091
11
mmigration : l’évolution de la politique pour l’intégration des immigrés. (2022, mars). Vie publique. https://www.vie-
publique.fr/eclairage/20189-immigration-evolution-de-la-politique-pour-lintegration-des-immigres
12
Page d’accueil | Cour des comptes. (s. d.). https://www.ccomptes.fr/fr
13
Bernardot, M. (2017). Les associations et l’administration nationale chargée de l’intégration des immigrés : une analyse depuis « l’intérieur
». Migrations Société, 170, 91-108. https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.170.0091
14
User, S. (s. d.). Projet AMAL – Autonomisation & ; protection des femmes migrantes. France terre d’asile. https://www.france-terre-
asile.org/nos-actions/femmes-migrantes-projet-amal

15
L’essentiel sur. . . les immigrés et les étrangers | Insee. https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/3633212#onglet-2

4
inequalities persist between men and women, which is why the France Terre d'Asile program
wishes to carry out different actions.

NGOs also participate in the integration of migrants in France, notably by denouncing these
inequalities. Indeed, this is for example the case of Amnesty International. On June 19, 2018,
in a context where the French National Assembly was discussing a bill which aimed to reduce
the rights of migrants, the NGO Amnesty International projected various messages on the
facade of the institution. Messages such as: “my best friend is a refugee”, “to offer them a
future” or “the strength of diversity” are projected on the National Assembly to highlight that
the French are willing to welcome refugees.16

Finally, civil society is also getting involved. This support often relies on self-organizing
collectives that do not have associative status. Citizens who get involved express their fraternity
and do not necessarily seek to provide a political response to the challenges of migration. For
example, the marauding raids carried out in Briançonnais by citizens looking for migrants who
could be trapped in the snow at the Col de l’Echelle testify to this commitment. 17 Another
example, Cédric Herrou, today a symbol of aid to migrants, was judged for having helped nearly
two hundred of them. Thanks to citizen mobilization, he received a four-month suspended
prison sentence due to the “principle of fraternity”. 18 In recent years, social media have enabled
different citizen initiatives to encourage each other and be shared on a larger scale.

II. The challenges of migrant integration

A. Public opinion

Since 1945, France has passed an immigration law every two years on average. From the
right as well as the left, none of these texts have succeeded in closing the burning debate on
immigration. The conditions for issuing the long-term resident card have changed eight times
since 1984, requiring foreigners to have five, ten or fifteen years of residence in France, and the

16
Amnesty France. https://www.amnesty.fr/refugies-et-migrants/actions-soutien/des-milliers-de-raisons-pour-accueillir-les-refugies

17
Jacquey, B. (2021). L’accompagnement des publics migrants par les associations. L'ENA hors les murs, 505, 62-64. https://doi-
org.srvext.uco.fr/10.3917/ehlm.505.0062

18
Pascual, J. (2018). Aide aux migrants : le Conseil constitutionnel consacre le « principe de fraternité » . Le Monde.fr.
https://www.lemonde.fr/immigration-et-diversite/article/2018/07/06/aide-aux-migrants-le-conseil-constitutionnel-consacre-le-principe-de-
fraternite_5326929_1654200.html

5
criteria for regularizing undocumented immigrants have been redefined nearly fifteen times
since the 1970s.19 This indecision regarding migration policies is due to the growing
polarization of opinions on the subject. The end of the thirty glorious years also marks the
conclusion of immigration as a strategy for rebuilding the country following the Second World
War. For the first time, the government is suggesting migrants to help them leave the country.
The establishment of a return assistance policy called “Stoléru million”, named after the
minister offering this sum to immigrants, aims to encourage migrants to return to their country
of origin.20

The transition from migration for work, which is generally temporary, to permanent
immigration, leads to a rethinking of the integration system. Like explains Pierre Georges Van
Wolleghem in his book The EU’s Policy on the Integration of Migrants, A Case of Soft-
Europeanization?: “Integration is therefore not only a matter of labour market integration
strictly speaking, but also a matter of social, cultural and political integration. ” .21 Young people
not feeling integrated and being very generally the first generation of children, whose parents
migrated to France to work, are speaking out. They are requesting their belonging to French
society and recognition of their rights as citizens. National demonstrations like the march for
equality and against racism in 1983 mobilized thousands of people in France, migrants or not,
to demand integration into French society. 22
At the same time, the rising far right is firmly
opposed to migration. Jean-Marie Le Pen, president of the National Front from 1972 to 2011,
underlines this in his expression “1 million immigrants = 1 million unemployed”. 23 The opinion
is divided. Questions of cultural and religious differences are often raised by opponents of the
integration of migrants. For example, within the church itself, the question of welcoming
refugees remains divisive and debate. In fact, some factors such as the fear of Islam and

19
Imbach, R., Vaudano, M., & Pierre, S. (2023). Le projet de loi « immigration » de Darmanin, dernier texte d’une longue série de 117
depuis 1945. Le Monde.fr. https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2023/11/14/la-loi-immigration-dernier-element-d-une-longue-serie-
de-117-textes-depuis-1945_6199984_4355770.html
20
Immigration : l’évolution de la politique pour l’intégration des immigrés. (2022). Vie publique.
https://www.vie-publique.fr/eclairage/20189-immigration-evolution-de-la-politique-pour-lintegration-des-immigres
21
Van Wolleghem PG, (2019) The EU’s Policy on the Integration of Migrants, A Case of Soft-Europeanization?
22
immigration : l’évolution de la politique pour l’intégration des immigrés. (2022). Vie publique. https://www.vie-
publique.fr/eclairage/20189-immigration-evolution-de-la-politique-pour-lintegration-des-immigres
23
Imbach, R., Vaudano, M., & Pierre, S. (2023). Le projet de loi « immigration » de Darmanin, dernier texte d’une longue série de 117
depuis 1945. Le Monde.fr. https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2023/11/14/la-loi-immigration-dernier-element-d-une-longue-serie-
de-117-textes-depuis-1945_6199984_4355770.html

6
terrorism pushes the Christian religion not always to say it is favorable to the integration of
migrants.24

In France, since the beginning of the 2000s, it is common for causality to be established
between the presence of migrants and descendants of immigrants on French territory and
terrorism. Such speeches help to reinforce the idea of a threat to national security, suspecting
migrants of patriotic disloyalty. The terrorist attacks are an opportunity to denounce security
problems allegedly caused by immigration.25 This contributes to stigmatization and the increase
in discrimination suffered by migrants. In addition, today, the media coverage and association
of suburban problems, violence, aggression, insecurity, or academic failure due to migration
have a strong impact on the perception of these issues by public opinion. These images often
associated with migrants can create a feeling of injustice, rejection, which considerably slows
down their integration. Numerous studies have highlighted the negative impacts of the feeling
of exclusion, particularly among young people: self-devaluation, feeling of powerlessness,
loneliness, depression, stress, disruptive behavior, conduct problems within school and outside.
26
According to a survey carried out in 2017, in France, 50% of respondents consider that the
media present immigrants in too negative a manner.27 This survey is alarming because
information is at the heart of democracies and is a source that provides citizens with elements
of knowledge essential to public deliberation and decision-making. However, such discourses
can create distrust towards migrants, which is a vicious circle. In fact, the more the information
produced by the media shows immigration from a negative point of view, the more public
opinion will be suspicious and direct their vote towards migration policies opposing the
integration of migrants so less migrants feel integrated.

B. Revocable rights

24
Paumard, A. (2018). The reception of migrants in France: Associations in conflict with the state. Études, 33-44. https://www.cairn-
int.info/journal--2018-4-page-33.htmp
25
Geisser, V. (2020). Immigration et terrorisme : « corrélation magique » et instrumentalisation politique. Migrations Société, 182, 3-13.
https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.182.0003
26
Amin, A., Poussin, M. & Martinez, F. (2008). Le rôle du sentiment d'exclusion et des perceptions de la société dans le processus
d'identification chez les jeunes français issus de l'immigration. Les Cahiers Internationaux de Psychologie Sociale, 80, 27-38.
https://doi.org/10.3917/cips.080.0027

Edo, A. (2022). VII/ Réalités de l’immigration et fabrique des opinions. CEPII éd., L'économie mondiale 2023 (pp. 103-118). Paris: La
27

Découverte.

7
In recent years, the rights of migrants have been increasingly threatened in France. A bill
has been presented to the Senate since the beginning of November. If the law is voted, it will
notably allow the expulsion of immigrants convicted of crimes, offenses punishable by at least
ten years in prison or five years in the event of repeat offenses but also in case of “serious threat
to the public order”. It doesn't matter what their situation is, even if they have family ties. In
addition, access to a residence and residence permit for family reasons has been restricted for
spouses of French people and parents of French children. Students must also have sufficient
financial resources to obtain a student residence permit. Access to French nationality will be
more complicated. However, it is one of the elements that allows you to feel integrated within
a society. For example, the law provides for the end of automatic acquisition of nationality upon
reaching the age of majority for children born in France to foreign parents or a ten-year
residence period in France for naturalization compared to five today. 28 In terms of health, which
is a human right, the Senate adopted on November 7, 2023, the abolition of state medical aid
for undocumented immigrants. State medical aid is a system allowing foreigners in an irregular
situation to benefit from access to care. The Senate replaced it with emergency medical aid
which would only be for the treatment of “serious illnesses and acute pain”.29

NGO’s wish to denounce and highlight the threat of this bill for the integration of migrants.
This is for example the case of Human Rights Watch. The NGO denounces legal vagueness,
particularly concerning the terms “serious threat” and “public order”. This raises fears of a
difficulty and a judgment that could be arbitrary given the thermal baths used. It also denounces
the failure to consider issues such as the abusive policies and practices of the French authorities,
notably blunder, restrictions on access to humanitarian aid particularly in the north of France or
the refusal of access to protection and essential services for unaccompanied children found on
French territory.30 In addition, the question of respect for children's rights is also raised.
International Organizations like UNICEF said weakening protections for children was likely to

28
Projet de loi pour contrôler l’immigration, améliorer l’intégration. (2023). Vie publique. https://www.vie-publique.fr/loi/287993-projet-de-
loi-immigration-integration-asile-2023

29
Afp, L. M. A. (2023). Loi « Immigration » : le Sénat adopte la suppression de l’aide médicale de l’Etat pour les sans-papiers. Le Monde.fr.
https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2023/11/07/loi-immigration-le-senat-adopte-la-suppression-de-l-aide-medicale-de-l-etat-pour-les-
sans-papiers_6198777_823448.html

30
France : Le projet de loi sur l’immigration menace les droits. (2023). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2023/11/06/france-
le-projet-de-loi-sur-limmigration-menace-les-droits

8
conflict with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child which protects family life and the
principle of non-separation.31 What’s more, citizen initiatives also take place. On November 2,
2023, in an article of the newspaper Le Monde, revealed that 3,000 healings called for the
maintenance of state medical aid.32 They share their fares and explain that for them: “reception
and emergency services, which are already weakened and under pressure, would find
themselves at once again forced to assume the consequences of political decisions far removed
from our realities.”. The bill is very controversial and provokes heated debate both in French
institutions and within public opinion.33

31
Hajj, P. (2023). Projet de loi Immigration et intégration : quel impact sur les enfants ? - UNICEF. UNICEF.
https://www.unicef.fr/article/projet-de-loi-immigration-et-integration-quel-impact-sur-les-enfants/

32
Collectif. (2023). L’appel de 3 000 soignants : « Nous demandons le maintien de l’aide médicale d’Etat pour la prise en charge des soins des
personnes étrangères » . Le Monde.fr. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/11/02/l-appel-de-3-000-soignants-nous-demandons-le-
maintien-de-l-aide-medicale-d-etat-pour-la-prise-en-charge-des-soins-des-personnes-etrangeres_6197818_3232.html

33
France : Le projet de loi sur l’immigration menace les droits. (2023). Human Rights Watch.
https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2023/11/06/france-le-projet-de-loi-sur-limmigration-menace-les-droits

9
All in all, Migrant integration policies are in constant evolution. Originally, in France,
migrants came to France for economic reasons, with the priority of earning money. Migration
flows have today evolved and changed, from now on migrants wish to integrate into French
society and wish to settle there. Public opinion is then divided between acceptance of migrants,
the rise of discrimination, the maintenance of prejudices and economic, social, and cultural
pressure. The Government, citizens, associations, and NGOs contribute to the improvement or,
on the contrary, to the decline of migrant integration policies. In addition, decision-making at
the level of the European Union must also be considered. The latter are far from trivial and can
have a strong impact on French migration policies. In 2000, the European Refugee Fund was
created. The objective of the latter is to correct the imbalances existing between the Member
States in terms of integration. This fund notably involves in France the creation of the Agence
nationale de l’accueil des étrangers et des migrations et le Service social d’aide aux émigrants
(National Agency for the Reception of Foreigners and Migration and the Social Service for
Assistance to Emigrants).34 However, European policies mainly focus on the integration of
nationals of Union countries. Furthermore, at European scale, migrant integration is the
responsibility of each Member State. Today, migration policies in France are tightening, making
the integration of migrants more and more difficult. Finally, I wanted to conclude with the
following quote from António Guterres: “All migrants are entitled to equal protection of all
their fundamental rights.” 35

34
HCR - The UN Refugee Agency. (s. d.). Observations du HCR sur la décision du Conseil portant création d’un fonds européen pour les
réfugiés (28 septembre 2000) (faisant suite à la proposition de la Commission COM (1999) 686 final) | HCR. HCR.
https://www.unhcr.org/fr/%C3%A9ditions/observations-du-hcr-sur-la-decision-du-conseil-portant-creation-dun-fonds-europeen-pour

35
OHCHR. (s. d.). International Standards governing migration Policy. https://www.ohchr.org/en/migration/international-standards-governing-
migrationpolicy#:~:text=International%20human%20rights%20law,International%20human%20rights&text=This%20means%20that%20all
%20migrants,and%20fulfill%20their%20human%20rights.

10
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Afp, L. M. A. (2023). Loi « Immigration » : le Sénat adopte la suppression de l’aide médicale de l’Etat pour les sans-papiers. Le Monde.fr.
https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2023/11/07/loi-immigration-le-senat-adopte-la-suppression-de-l-aide-medicale-de-l-etat-pour-les-
sans-papiers_6198777_823448.html

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Amin, A., Poussin, M. & Martinez, F. (2008). Le rôle du sentiment d'exclusion et des perceptions de la société dans le processus d'identification
chez les jeunes français issus de l'immigration. Les Cahiers Internationaux de Psychologie Sociale, 80, 27-38.
https://doi.org/10.3917/cips.080.0027

Amnesty France. https://www.amnesty.fr/refugies-et-migrants/actions-soutien/des-milliers-de-raisons-pour-accueillir-les-refugies

Bernardot, M. (2017). Les associations et l’administration nationale chargée de l’intégration des immigrés : une analyse depuis « l’intérieur ».
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l'intégration: Savoirs, politiques et acteurs (pp. 13-37). Rennes: Presses de l’EHESP. https://doi-
org.srvext.uco.fr/10.3917/ehesp.berna.2019.01.0011

Collectif. (2023). L’appel de 3 000 soignants : « Nous demandons le maintien de l’aide médicale d’Etat pour la prise en charge des soins des
personnes étrangères » . Le Monde.fr. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/11/02/l-appel-de-3-000-soignants-nous-demandons-le-
maintien-de-l-aide-medicale-d-etat-pour-la-prise-en-charge-des-soins-des-personnes-etrangeres_6197818_3232.html

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