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 Acknowledgments

Thank you to all my clients and students. You taught me as much as I taught
you.
And thanks to my colleagues in Communication Sciences and Disorders
and in Psychological Sciences whose writings and conversations, in person
and via e-mail, have helped me become woke.
A round of applause for Andrea Klingler, Mike Nobel, Kerry McShane,
and Amy Millholen, whose editorial talents made this book what it is.
Cheers for Bot Roda—the talented illustrator who gave life to all my
notions about what might be helpful to put in visual form.
Kudos to Adinarayanan Lakshmanan Sivakumar (Siva) and his team who
have done a wonderfully thorough job of compositing my manuscript into the
printed page.
Hooray! Rebecca McCauley and Charlie Barasch, who have edited each
chapter, making them more readable, updated, and cogent than my original
drafts.
As with all the earlier editions, I bestow love and appreciation to my
wife, Carroll. She has used her librarian and literary skills to edit, find
references, keep databases, get permissions, help with videos, and keep me
moving so this edition will finally see the light of day.
 Contents

Preface
Acknowledgments

Section I Nature of Stuttering

1. Introduction to Stuttering
Perspective
Overview of the Disorder
Definitions
The Human Face of Stuttering
Basic Facts about Stuttering and Their Implications for the Nature of
Stuttering
2. Primary Etiological Factors in Stuttering
What Do We Know About Constitutional Factors in Stuttering?
Hereditary Factors
Congenital and Early Childhood Trauma Studies
Brain Structure and Function
3. Sensorimotor, Emotional, and Language Factors in
Stuttering
Sensorimotor Factors
Language Factors
Emotional Factors
4. Developmental and Environmental Factors in Stuttering
Developmental Factors
 Environmental Factors
5. Learning and Unlearning
Learning
Unlearning
6. Theories about Stuttering
Theoretical Perspectives About Constitutional Factors in Stuttering
Theoretical Perspectives on Developmental and Environmental
Factors
Integration of Perspectives on Stuttering
7. Typical Disfluency and the Development of Stuttering
Overview
Typical Disfluency
Younger Preschool Children: Borderline Stuttering
Older Preschool Children: Beginning Stuttering
School-Age Children: Intermediate Stuttering
Older Teens and Adults: Advanced Stuttering

Section II Assessment and Treatment of Stuttering

8. Preliminaries to Assessment
The Client’s Needs
Insurance Considerations
The Client’s Right to Privacy
Multicultural and Multilingual Considerations
The Clinician’s Expertise
Assessing Stuttering Behavior
Assessing Speech Naturalness
Assessing Speaking and Reading Rate
FluencyBank
Assessing Feelings and Attitudes
 Continuing Assessment
9. Assessment and Diagnosis
Preschool Child
School-age Child
Adolescent/Adult
10. Preliminaries to Treatment
Clinician’s Attributes
Clinician’s Beliefs
Treatment Goals
Therapy Procedures
11. Treatment of Younger Preschool Children: Borderline
Stuttering
An Integrated Approach
Other Clinicians
12. Treatment of Older Preschool Children: Beginning
Stuttering
An Integrated Approach
Another Clinician’s Approach: Sheryl Gottwald
Treatment of Concomitant Speech and Language Problems
13. Treatment of School-Age Children: Intermediate
Stuttering
An Integrated Approach
Approaches of Other Clinicians
14. Treatment of Adolescents and Adults: Advanced
Stuttering
An Integrated Approach
Other Approaches
15. Related Disorders of Fluency
Neurogenic Acquired Stuttering
Psychogenic Acquired Stuttering
 Malingering
Cluttering

References
Author Index
Subject Index
 I
Nature of Stuttering
 1
Introduction to Stuttering

Perspective
The Words We Use
People Who Stutter
Disfluency
Overview of the Disorder
Do All Cultures Have Stuttering?
What Causes People to Stutter?
Can Stuttering Be Cured?
Definitions
Fluency
Stuttering
General Description
Core Behaviors
Secondary Behaviors
Feelings and Attitudes
Functioning, Disability, and Health
The Human Face of Stuttering
Basic Facts about Stuttering and Their Implications for the Nature of
Stuttering
Onset
Prevalence
Incidence
Recovery from Stuttering
 Recovery versus Persistence of Stuttering
Sex Ratio
Variability and Predictability of Stuttering
Anticipation, Consistency, and Adaptation
Language Factors
Fluency-Inducing Conditions
An Integration

Chapter Objectives
After studying this chapter, readers should be able to:

Explain why it is good practice to use the term “person who stutters”
rather than “stutterer”
Describe factors that may (1) predispose a child to stutter, (2)
precipitate stuttering, and (3) make stuttering persistent
Name and describe the core behaviors of stuttering
Name and describe the two major categories of secondary stuttering
behaviors
Name and describe different feelings and attitudes that can accompany
stuttering
Describe the elements of the new International Classification of
Functioning, Disability, and Health (ICF) system that are most relevant
to stuttering
Discuss the age range of stuttering onset and the types of onset, and
explain why the onset of stuttering is often difficult to pinpoint
Describe the meanings of the terms “prevalence” and “incidence,” and
give current best estimates of each of these characteristics for stuttering
Give an estimate of the number of children who recover without
treatment, and describe factors that predict this recovery
Give an estimate of the sex ratio in stuttering at onset and in the
school-age population
Explain what is meant by “anticipation,” “consistency,” and
“adaptation” in stuttering
 Explain some relationships between stuttering and language, and
suggest what they mean about the nature of the disorder
Describe several conditions under which stuttering is usually reduced
or absent, and suggest why this may be so

Key Terms
Adaptation: The tendency for speakers to stutter less and less (up to a
point) when repeatedly reading a passage
Anticipation: An individual’s ability to predict on which words or
sounds he or she will stutter
Attitude: A feeling that has become a pervasive part of a person’s
beliefs
Avoidance behavior: A speaker’s attempt to prevent stuttering when
he or she anticipates stuttering on a word or in a situation. Word-
based avoidances are commonly interjections of extra sounds, like
“uh,” said before the word on which stuttering is expected.
Block: A disfluency that is an inappropriate stoppage of the flow of air
or voice and often the movement of articulators as well
Consistency: The tendency for speakers to stutter on the same words
when reading a passage several times
Core behaviors: The basic speech behaviors of stuttering—repetition,
prolongation, and block
Developmental stuttering: A term used to denote the most common
form of stuttering that develops during childhood (in contrast to
stuttering that develops in response to a neurological event or
trauma or emotional stress)
Disfluency: An interruption of speech—such as a repetition, hesitancy,
or prolongation of sound—that may occur in both individuals who
are developing typically and those who stutter
Escape behavior: A speaker’s attempts to terminate a stutter and finish
the word. This occurs when the speaker is already in a moment of
stuttering.
 Fluency: The effortless flow of speech
Heterogeneity: Differences among various types of a disorder
Incidence: An index of how many people have stuttered at some time
in their lives
Normal disfluency: An interruption of speech in a typically developing
individual
Prevalence: A term used to indicate how widespread a disorder is over
a relatively limited period of time
Prolongation: A disfluency in which sound or air flow continues but
movement of the articulators is stopped
Repetition: A sound, syllable, or single-syllable word that is repeated
several times. The speaker is apparently “stuck” on that sound or
syllable and continues repeating it until the following sound can be
produced.
Secondary behaviors: A speaker’s reactions to his or her repetitions,
prolongations, and blocks in an attempt to end them quickly or
avoid them altogether. Such reactions may begin as random
struggle but soon turn into well-learned patterns. Secondary
behaviors can be divided into two broad classes: escape and
avoidance behaviors.

PERSPECTIVE
No one is sure what causes stuttering, but it is an age-old problem that may
have its origins in the way our brains evolved to produce speech and
language. Its sudden appearance in some children is triggered when they try
to talk using their just-emerging speech and language skills. Its many
variations and manifestations are determined by individual brain structure
and function, learning patterns, personality, and temperament. It also
provides lessons about human nature: the variety of responses that stuttering
provokes in cultures around the world is a reflection of the many ways in
which humans deal with individual differences.
This description of stuttering makes it seem like a very complicated
problem—one that will take a long time to learn about. It’s true that you
could spend a lifetime and still not know everything there is to know about
stuttering. But you don’t need to understand everything in order to help
people who stutter. If you read this book critically and carefully, you will get
a basic understanding of stuttering and a foundation for evaluating and
treating people who stutter and their families. And once you start working
with people who stutter, your understanding and ability will expand
exponentially.
If you continue to work with stuttering, you will soon outgrow this book
and begin to make your own discoveries. You will experience the satisfaction
of helping children, adolescents, and adults regain an ability to communicate
easily. Someday you may even write about your therapy procedures and
measure their effectiveness. Those of us who have spent many years engaged
in stuttering research and treatment all began where you are right now, at the
threshold of an exciting and rewarding profession that can have a major
impact on others’ lives.

The Words We Use

In any field—whether it’s education, medicine, or speech-language pathology
—words may be used in specific ways. Definitions of many of the specialized
terms used in our field are provided in the Key Terms list at the beginning of
each chapter. But some words and phrases deserve to be discussed at the
beginning.

People Who Stutter

Until recently, it was common practice to refer to people who stutter as
“stutterers.” In fact, some of us who stutter refer to ourselves as stutterers and
feel some pride in this term. It reminds me that a friend of mine who has
Parkinson’s disease is happy to call himself a “parkie” and even “a mover
and shaker.” However, many people prefer not to be labeled “a stutterer” and
prefer instead to be called “a person who stutters.” They feel, and rightly so,
that stuttering is only a small part of who they are.
Adults who stutter often say that changing the way they think of
themselves—as people who happen to stutter but with many more important
attributes—was one of the most significant things they did to break free of
the bonds of stuttering. Such reports remind us that clients are far more than
people who stutter. They are people, each with a huge array of characteristics,
only one of which happens to be that they stutter. This way of thinking
enables us to help both our clients and their families. When we use the phrase
“child who stutters” rather than “stutterer,” families listen beyond the sounds
of stuttering to the thoughts and feelings that their children are
communicating. It helps everyone view disfluencies in perspective as only a
small part of the whole child.
Some authors abbreviate “people who stutter” as “PWS.” Personally, I
feel that substituting an acronym that highlights stuttering is not really
different from using “stutterer.” In fact it may be even more demeaning. So I
won’t employ “PWS” as an acronym. However, I know that the language in
this book would grow stale and cumbersome if I were to use “person who
stutters” over and over. So I often refer to the “adult . . .,” “child . . .,” or
“adolescent you are working with.”

Disfluency
In our literature, “disfluency” is used to denote interruptions of speech that
may be either normal or abnormal. That is, it can apply to pauses, repetitions,
and other hesitancies in individuals who are typical speakers. It can also
apply to moments of stuttering. This makes it a handy term to use when
describing the speech of young children whose diagnosis is unclear.
When someone’s speech hesitancies are unequivocally not stuttering, I’ll
use the term “typical disfluency.” I won’t use the older term for the abnormal
hesitations in stuttering—“dysfluency” with a “y”—because it can easily be
mistaken for “disfluency” when you see it on the page and because the two
are indistinguishable when spoken.

OVERVIEW OF THE DISORDER

This section previews the next few chapters on the nature of stuttering and
gives me a chance to reveal my own slant on the disorder. I think this may be
helpful for anyone, but especially for those readers who have not had a
course in stuttering and who may, therefore, know few details of its nature.

Do All Cultures Have Stuttering?

Stuttering is found in all parts of the world and in all cultures and races. It is
indiscriminate of occupation, intelligence, and income; it affects both sexes
and people of all ages, from toddlers to the elderly. It is an old curse, and
there is evidence that it was present in Chinese, Egyptian, and Mesopotamian
cultures more than 40 centuries ago (Van Riper, 1982). Moses was said to
have stuttered (Garfinkel, 1995) and to have used a trick typical of many of
us who stutter—getting his brother to speak for him. I did something similar
when I was asked to read a prayer aloud in Sunday school.

What Causes People to Stutter?

The cause of stuttering is still something of a mystery. Scientists have yet to
discover what causes stuttering, but they have many clues. First, there is
strong evidence that stuttering often has a genetic basis—that is, something is
inherited that makes it more likely a child will stutter. This genetic
“something” has to do with the way a child’s brain develops its neural
pathways for speech and language. For example, the neural pathways for
talking may be less dense and less well developed in those who stutter. This
could impede the rapid flow of information needed to precisely sequence the
movements of many muscles needed for fluent speech. What’s more, the
commands to muscles must be coordinated with the many components of
language, including word choice, syntax, and semantics. The pathways may
also be vulnerable to disruption by other brain activity, such as emotions.
Isn’t it amazing that many of us learn to talk at 200 syllables per minute,
using huge vocabularies and complicated syntax and suiting what we say to
every particular situation!
Another clue about the nature of stuttering is that most stuttering begins
in children between ages 2 and 5. Thus, the onset of stuttering occurs at about
the same time that many typical stresses of early childhood are occurring.
One child may begin to stutter during a dramatic growth in vocabulary and
syntax. Another’s stuttering may first appear when the family moves to a new
home. Still another child may start soon after a baby brother or sister is born.
Many different factors, acting singly or in combination, may precipitate the
onset of stuttering in a child who has a neurophysiological predisposition, or
inborn tendency, for stuttering.
Once stuttering starts, it may disappear within a few months, or it may
get gradually worse. When it gets worse, learned reactions may be an
important factor in its severity. Playmates at school or adults who don’t know
how to correctly respond may cause a child to become highly self-conscious
about his stuttering. The child will quickly learn that by pushing hard, he can
get traction on a word that has been stuck. He may find that an eye blink or
an “um” said quickly before trying to say a hard word may avoid stuttering
temporarily. By the time a child is a teenager, learned reactions influence
many of the symptoms. He has learned to anticipate stuttering and may thrash
around in a panic when he speaks, trying to escape or avoid it. By adulthood,
his fear of stuttering and his desire to avoid it can permeate his lifestyle. An
adult who stutters often copes with it by limiting his work, friends, and fun to
those situations and people that put few demands on speech. Figure 1.1
provides an overview of many of the contributing factors in the evolution of
stuttering. In this and the subsequent four chapters, I’ll describe in detail our
current understanding of these influences.
Figure 1.1 Factors contributing to the development of stuttering.
Can Stuttering Be Cured?
As implied above, it often cures itself. Many young children who begin to
stutter recover without treatment. For others, early intervention may be
needed to help the child develop typical fluency and prevent the development
of a chronic problem. Once stuttering has become firmly established,
however, and the child has developed many learned reactions, a concerted
treatment effort is needed. Good treatment of mild and moderate stuttering in
preschool and early elementary school children may leave them with little
trace of stuttering, except perhaps when they are stressed, fatigued, or ill.
Most of those who stutter severely for a long time or who are not treated until
after puberty achieve only a partial recovery. Some of these people are able to
learn to speak more slowly or stutter more easily and to be less bothered by
their stuttering. Some, however, will not improve, despite our best efforts.

DEFINITIONS
Fluency
By beginning with a definition of fluency rather than stuttering, I am pointing
out how many elements must be maintained in the flow of speech if a speaker
is to be considered fluent. It is an impressive balancing act. Little wonder that
everyone slips and stumbles from time to time when they talk.
Fluency is hard to define. In fact, most researchers have focused on its
opposite, disfluency. (As I mentioned earlier in this chapter, I use the term
disfluency to apply both to stuttering and to typical hesitations, making it
easier to refer to hesitations that could be either typical or abnormal.) One of
the early fluency researchers, Freida Goldman-Eisler (1968), showed that
typical speech is filled with hesitations. Other researchers have acknowledged
this and expanded the study of fluent speech by contrasting it with disfluent
speech. Dalton and Hardcastle (1977), for example, distinguished fluent from
disfluent speech by differences in the variables listed in Table 1.1. Inclusion
of intonation and stress in this list may seem unusual. It could be said that
speakers who reduce stuttering by using a monotone are not really fluent. We
would argue that it is not their fluency but the “naturalness” of their speech
that is affected. Nonetheless, both aspects will be of interest to the clinician
working to help clients with all areas of their communication.

TABLE 1.1 Variables Useful in Distinguishing between Fluent

and Disfluent Speech*

*Suggested by Dalton and Hardcastle (1977).

Starkweather (1980, 1987) suggested that many of the variables that

determine fluency reflect temporal aspects of speech production. These
include such variables as pauses, rhythm, intonation, stress, and rate that are
controlled by when and how fast we move our speech structures. So, our
temporal control of the movements of these structures determines our
fluency. Starkweather also noted that the rate of information flow, not just
sound flow, is an important aspect of fluency. Thus, a person who speaks
without hesitations but has difficulty conveying information in a timely and
orderly fashion might not be considered a fluent speaker.
In his description of fluency, Starkweather (1987) also included the effort
with which a person speaks. By effort, he means both the mental and physical
work a speaker exerts when speaking. This is difficult to measure, but it may
turn out that trained listeners can make such judgments reliably. Moreover,
mental and physical effort may reflect important components of what it feels
like to be a person who stutters.
In essence, fluency can be thought of simply as the effortless flow of
speech. Thus, a speaker who is judged to be “fluent” appears to use little
effort when speaking. However, the components of such apparently effortless
speech flow are hard to pin down. As researchers analyze fluency more
carefully, they may find that the appearance of excess effort may give rise to
judgments that a person is stuttering. However, other elements, such as
unusual rhythm or slow rate of information flow, may result in judgments
that a person is not a fluent speaker, but is not a stutterer either. I will discuss
aspects of fluency again when I relate some of the elements of fluency, such
as rate and naturalness, to various therapy approaches.

Stuttering

General Description
At first, stuttering may appear to be complex and mysterious, but much of it
is based on human nature and can be easily understood if you think about
your own experiences. In some ways, it is like a problem you might have
with a cell phone.
Imagine that you have a cell phone with intermittent problems, such as
not holding a charge, dropping calls, and dropping words in the middle of a
conversation. The listener may say, in an impatient voice, “What did you
say? I can hardly hear you.” Then momentarily the connection may clear up
and you feel relief, only to be followed by exasperation when the call gets
noisy again or is completely dropped (Fig. 1.2).
Figure 1.2 Stuttering can be like having a cell phone that doesn’t
always work.

Compare this with the interruptions in communication caused by stuttering.

The typical behaviors of stuttering—repetitions, prolongations, and blocks—
often interfere with the smooth flow of information. It’s not unusual, in my
experience, for a listener to respond to my stuttering by asking, “What did
you say?”
Returning to the cell phone analogy: When you realize the listener isn’t
hearing you, you might resort to talking louder or slower or just giving up
and calling back later. Similarly, speakers who are stuttering usually react to
their repetitions, prolongations, or blocks by trying to force words out or by
using extra sounds, words, or movements in their efforts to become “unstuck”
or to avoid getting stuck. Sometimes they just give up and say “Never mind.”
If your cell phone calls were often hard to understand and calls were
often dropped, you would probably develop some bad feelings about your
phone. The first time it happened, you would be surprised. Then, as it
happened more and more, surprise would give way to frustration. If you
frequently had poor connections, dropped calls, and not holding a charge, you
would begin to anticipate problems and become afraid they would happen
whenever you tried to make an important call.
The person who stutters goes through many of the same feelings—
surprise, frustration, dread. These feelings—in combination with the actual
difficulty in speaking—may cause the stutterer to limit himself in school, in
social situations, and at work. This might be similar to your responses to a
troublesome cell phone. After months of problems, you would probably use a
landline, e-mail, or other forms of communication.
Another aspect of any description of stuttering involves specifying what
it is not. For example, an important distinction must be made between the
stuttering behaviors just described and typical hesitations. Children whose
speech and language are developing typically often display repetitions,
revisions, and pauses—which are not stuttering. Neither are the brief
repetitions, revisions, and pauses in the speech of most nonstuttering adults
when they are in a hurry or uncertain. Chapter 7 describes the differences
between typical disfluency and stuttering in more detail to prepare you for the
task of differential diagnosis of stuttering in children.
A distinction should also be made between stuttering and certain other
fluency disorders. Disfluency resulting from cerebral damage or disease or
psychological trauma differs from stuttering that begins in childhood. In
addition, stuttering differs from cluttering, another fluency disorder, which is
characterized by rapid, sometimes unintelligible speech. These other fluency
disorders may be treated somewhat differently than stuttering, although some
of the same techniques that clinicians use with stuttering are also useful with
these disorders. These other disorders are discussed in Chapter 15.

Core Behaviors
I have adopted the term “core behaviors” from Van Riper (1971, 1982), who
used it to describe the basic speech behaviors of stuttering: repetitions,
prolongations, and blocks. These behaviors seem involuntary to the person
who stutters, as if they are out of her control. They differ from the “secondary
behaviors” that a stutterer acquires as learned reactions to the basic core
behaviors.
Repetitions are the core behaviors observed most frequently among
children who are just beginning to stutter. Repetitions consist of a sound,
syllable, or single-syllable word that is repeated several times. The speaker is
apparently “stuck” on that sound and continues repeating it until the
following sound can be produced. In children who have not been stuttering
for long, single-syllable word repetitions and part-word repetitions are much
more common than multisyllabic word repetitions. Moreover, children who
stutter will frequently repeat a word or syllable more than twice per instance,
li-li-li-li-like this (Yairi, 1983; Yairi & Lewis, 1984).
Prolongations of voiced or voiceless sounds also appear in the speech of
children beginning to stutter. They usually appear somewhat later than
repetitions (Van Riper, 1982), although both Johnson and associates (1959)
and Yairi (1982). In contrast to my use of the term, earlier writers include
stutters with no sound or airflow as well as stopped movement of the
articulators in their definitions of prolongations (e.g., Van Riper, 1982;
Wingate, 1964).
Repetitions and sound prolongations are usually part of the core
behaviors of more advanced stutterers, as well as of children just beginning to
stutter. Sheehan (1974) found that repetitive stutters occurred in every speech
sample of 20 adults who stuttered. Indeed, 66 percent of their stutters were
repetitions. Although many of their stutters were also prolongations, as
defined above, how many is not clear, because Sheehan’s definition of
prolongations seems to differ from mine.
Blocks are typically the last core behavior to appear. However, as with
prolongations, some investigators (Johnson and associates, 1959; Yairi, 1977;
Freeman & Ushijima, 1978; Kenyon, 1942; Schwartz, 1974). Others disagree
(Smith, Denny, Shaffer, Kelly, & Hirano, 1996).
As stuttering persists, blocks often grow longer and more tense, and
tremors may become evident. These rapid oscillations, most easily observable
in the lips or jaw, occur when someone has blocked on a word or sound. The
individual closes off the airway, increases air pressure behind the closure, and
squeezes her muscles particularly hard (Van Riper, 1982). You can duplicate
these tremors by trying to say the word “by” while squeezing your lips
together hard and building up air pressure behind the block. Imagine this
happening to you unexpectedly when you were trying to talk.
People who stutter differ from one another in how frequently they stutter
and how long their individual core behaviors last. Research indicates that a
person who stutters does so on average on about 10 percent of the words
while reading aloud, although individuals vary greatly (Bloodstein, 1944;
Bloodstein & Ratner, 2008). Many people who stutter mildly do so on fewer
than 5 percent of the words they speak or read aloud, and a few with severe
stuttering stutter on more than 50 percent of the words. The durations of core
behaviors vary much less, averaging around 1 second, and are rarely longer
than 5 seconds (Bloodstein, 1944; Bloodstein & Ratner, 2008).

Secondary Behaviors
People who stutter dislike stuttering, to put it mildly. They react to their
repetitions, prolongations, and blocks by trying to end them quickly if they
can’t avoid them altogether. Such reactions may begin as a random struggle
to get the word out, but soon turn into well-learned patterns. I divide
secondary behaviors into two broad classes: escape behaviors and avoidance
behaviors. I make this division, rather than follow the traditional approach of
dealing with secondary behaviors as “starters” or “postponements,” for
example, because my treatment procedures focus on the principles by which
secondary behaviors are learned.
The terms “escape” and “avoidance” are borrowed from behavioral
learning literature. Briefly, escape behaviors occur when a speaker is
stuttering and attempts to terminate the stutter and finish the word. Common
examples of escape behaviors are eye blinks, head nods, and interjections of
extra sounds, such as “uh,” which are often followed by the termination of a
stutter and are therefore reinforced. Avoidance behaviors, on the other hand,
are learned when a speaker anticipates stuttering and recalls (consciously or
unconsciously) negative experiences he has had when stuttering. To avoid
stuttering and the negative experience that it entails, he often resorts to
behaviors he has used previously to escape from moments of stuttering—eye
blinks or “uh”s, for example. But he employs these behaviors before
attempting to say the word he expects to stutter on. Or, he may try something
different, such as changing the word he was planning to say.
In many cases, especially at first, avoidance behaviors may prevent the
stutter from occurring and provide highly rewarding emotional relief from the
increasing fear that a stutter will occur. Soon these avoidance behaviors
become strong habits that are resistant to change. The many subcategories of
avoidances (e.g., postponements, starters, substitutions, and timing devices
such as hand movements timed to saying the word) are described in Chapter
7.
When trying to decide if a secondary behavior is an escape or avoidance,
just remember that an escape behavior occurs only after a moment of
stuttering has begun, and an avoidance behavior occurs before the moment of
stuttering begins.

Feelings and Attitudes

A person’s feelings can be as much a part of the disorder of stuttering as his
speech behaviors. Feelings may precipitate stutters, just as stutters may create
feelings. In the beginning, a child’s positive feelings of excitement or
negative feelings of fear may result in repetitive stutters that he hardly
notices. Then, as he stutters more frequently, he may become frustrated or
ashamed because he can’t say what he wants to say—even his own name—as
smoothly and quickly as others. These feelings make speaking harder, as
frustration and shame increase effort and tension and impede fluent speech.
Feelings that result from stuttering may include not only frustration and
shame but also fear of stuttering again, guilt about not being able to help
oneself, and hostility toward listeners as well.
Attitudes are feelings that have become a pervasive part of a person’s
beliefs. As a person who stutters experiences more and more stuttering, he
begins to believe that he is a person who generally has trouble speaking, just
as you might believe that cell phone or your service is a lemon if you
continue to have trouble calling. Adolescents and adults who stutter usually
have many negative attitudes about themselves that are derived from years of
stuttering experiences (Blood, Blood, Tellis, & Gabel, 2001; Daniels, Gabel,
& Hughes, 2012; Gildston, 1967; Rahman, 1956; Wallen, 1960). A person
who stutters often projects his attitudes on listeners, believing that they think
he is stupid or nervous. Sometimes, however, listeners may contribute
directly to the person’s attitudes. Research has shown that most people, even
classroom teachers and speech-language pathologists, stereotype people who
stutter as tense, insecure, and fearful (e.g., MacKinnon, Hall, & MacIntyre,
2007; Turnbaugh, Guitar, & Hoffman, 1979; Woods & Williams, 1976).
Such listener stereotypes can affect the way individuals who stutter see
themselves, and changing a client’s negative attitudes about himself can be a
major focus of treatment.
The three components of stuttering—core behaviors, secondary
behaviors, and feelings and attitudes—are depicted in Figure 1.3. The core
behavior is the individual’s block on the “N” in “New York.” The secondary
behaviors consist of postponement devices such as “uh,” “well,” and “you
know” and substitution of “the Big Apple” for “New York.” These secondary
behaviors are avoidances. Feelings and attitudes are depicted as the
individual’s thoughts that he won’t succeed in saying the word fluently and
the individual’s belief that listeners will think he is dumb because he stutters.
Figure 1.3 Components of stuttering: core behaviors, secondary
behaviors, and feelings and attitudes.

Functioning, Disability, and Health

Some time ago, the World Health Organization (WHO, 1980) adopted the
International Classification of Impairment, Disabilities, and Handicaps to
describe the consequences of various diseases and disorders. A number of
authors have applied this framework to stuttering (Curlee, 1993; McClean,
1990; Prins, 1991, 1999 ; Yaruss, 1998, 1999). More than a decade ago,
WHO changed its taxonomy to the International Classification of
Functioning, Disability, and Health (ICF) (2001). Even more recently, they
have devised a version that is specific to children and youth—the ICF-CY
(WHO, 2007). In the following paragraphs, I will suggest ways in which this
system may be applied to stuttering.
The taxonomy begins with “Functioning and Disability,” wherein body
structures and body functions are considered. Structures that are
dysfunctional in stuttering, as brain imaging studies have shown, are cortical
and subcortical structures, such as white matter tracts that may be critical for
coordinating planning, execution, and sensory feedback for speech. Functions
that differ in stuttering are the interruptions of speech flow that characterize
the disorder. The ICF system becomes more useful when “Activity and
Participation” are considered. Individuals who stutter may be affected to a
greater or lesser extent in two of the ICF activity areas, “Speaking” and
“Conversation.” These are domains in which stuttering is noticeable. A third
area, “Interpersonal Interactions,” may also be affected if speaking and
conversation are restricted by the stuttering to the extent that the person who
stutters refrains from fully engaging with others thereby affecting his or her
participation in different social roles (e.g., being a student or a family
member).
A new and important section of the latest ICF system is titled “Contextual
Factors.” One component of this section is the “Environment.” This is
particularly relevant to individuals who stutter because people in the
environment may range from unsupportive (e.g., a home with great stress or
classmates who tease a child) to highly supportive (e.g., a family that is
accepting of the child and encouraging of her participation). Also under
“Contextual Factors” is the category of “Personal Factors.” These are the
attributes of a person who stutters—her character and personality.
Consider the influence of environmental and personal factors on two
individuals who stutter. The first is the successful former CEO of General
Electric, Jack Welch, who authored Jack: Straight from the Gut. His assertive
temperament and early acceptance of his stuttering by his family were no
doubt important in helping him succeed in the high-pressure world of
corporate boardrooms. From an early age, Welch refused to let stuttering
stand in the way of his goals (Welch & Byrne, 2001). In contrast, actor James
Earl Jones initially reacted to his stuttering in a vastly different way. When he
was 6 years old, he was so traumatized by his stuttering that he pretended he
was mute so he wouldn’t have to speak. Only later, with the support of
someone in his environment—a high school English teacher—did he begin to
learn that he could overcome his stuttering by facing difficult situations and
practicing reading aloud in front of an audience (Jones & Niven, 1993).
Other examples of men who had stuttered severely since childhood but
obtained excellent college educations, were highly successful in business, and
used their wealth to help others include Malcolm Fraser, who was a
cofounder of the National Auto Parts Association and created the Stuttering
Foundation of America, and Walter Annenberg, who established a media
empire and later the Annenberg Foundation, a large philanthropic
organization.
In all four cases, their functioning may have been impaired, but
environmental and personal factors enabled them to overcome potential
limitations in the domains of speaking and interpersonal interactions. You
can see in this classification system why clinicians play a vital role in the
lives of children and adults who stutter. They can influence environmental
factors by helping families, teachers, and entire schools become supportive of
the individuals who stutter and facilitative of increased fluency. And they can
help build the personal attributes of each client through counseling, insightful
listening, educating, and caring.

THE HUMAN FACE OF STUTTERING

Before I delve deeper into the basic facts about stuttering, I’d like to touch
briefly on the personal side of the problem. Some of you may never have had
a friend who stutters or may never have worked with a stutterer in treatment,
so I will present several examples of what stuttering can be like. Even if you
are familiar with stuttering, these brief sketches, which portray four
individuals who differ in age and in their accommodations to stuttering, may
expand your sense of what stuttering is like for the person who experiences it.
I will present these case studies in the next few pages. You may also visit
thePoint (thepoint.lww.com) to watch video clips of these different levels of
stuttering.
BASIC FACTS ABOUT STUTTERING
AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR
THE NATURE OF STUTTERING
This section relates some of the best-known “facts” about stuttering. These
are established research findings that pertain to when and where stuttering
occurs and how variable it is, in the population and in individuals. As I
discuss these findings, I will point out what they suggest about the nature of
stuttering. Thus, as you read the rest of this chapter, you will become
increasingly aware of my perspective on the nature and treatment of
stuttering.
Much has been made of the “heterogeneity” of stuttering; a number of
authors have suggested that stuttering is not one disorder, but many.
Researchers have proposed various divisions of the disorder, such as Van
Riper’s (1982) four “tracks” of stuttering development and St. Onge’s (1963)
triad of speech-phobic, psychogenic, and organic stutterers. There are also
suggestions of different brain anomalies in some subtypes of individuals who
stutter (Foundas et al., 2004). My approach is to focus on the majority of
people who stutter—those whose stuttering begins during childhood without
an apparent link to psychological or organic trauma. This most common type
of stuttering has been called “developmental stuttering,” because symptoms
usually emerge gradually as a child develops, especially during the period of
intense speech and language acquisition. I simply call it “stuttering.” In
denoting similar fluency problems that are associated with psychological
problems, brain damage, cognitive impairment, and cluttering, I refer to their
assumed etiology, such as “disfluencies associated with brain damage.”
Note, however, that even within the group of individuals whose stuttering
begins in early childhood during rapid speech and language development,
there is a great deal of variability in the behaviors we call stuttering and in
how these behaviors come and go as the child progresses toward persistence
or recovery.

Case Examples
A Young Preschool Child: Borderline Stuttering

Ashley was a happy, outgoing child who was advanced in her language
development; she spoke in well-formed sentences when she was 18 months
old. Then suddenly, when she was 21 months old, she began to stutter. Her
stuttering took the form of multiple repetitions, most often at the beginnings
of sentences. For example she would say “I-I-I-I want some water” or “Ca-
ca-ca-ca-can you lift me up?” Despite the fact that she would sometimes
repeat a syllable 10 or more times before getting the word out, she didn’t
show obvious signs of frustration when she stuttered. She continued to
develop language rapidly, talk copiously, and socialize easily.
About 6 months after she started stuttering, her parents contacted a
speech-language pathologist who evaluated Ashley. The evaluation
indicated that Ashley’s language development was advanced for her age,
that her phonological development was also advanced, and that she stuttered
on 4 percent of the syllables she spoke. (This means that when a few
minutes of her speech were analyzed and the number of syllables she spoke
was counted, Ashley stuttered on 4 percent of those syllables.)
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planet itself, in proportion to the quantity of matter in each; and the
planets attract one another just as much as they attract the sun,
according to the quantity of matter.

To prove this part of the law exactly is a matter which requires

careful experiments; and though proved experimentally by Newton,
has been considered in our time worthy of re-examination by the
great astronomer Bessel. There was some ground for doubt; for the
mass of Jupiter, as deduced from the perturbations of Saturn, was
only 1⁄1070 of the mass of the sun; the mass of the same planet as
deduced from the perturbations of Juno and Pallas was 1⁄1045 of that
of the Sun. If this difference were to be confirmed by accurate
observations and calculations, it would follow that the attractive
power exercised by Jupiter upon the minor planets was greater than
that exercised upon 550 Saturn. And in the same way, if the attraction
of the Earth had any specific relation to different kinds of matter, the
time of oscillation of a pendulum of equal length composed wholly or
in part of the two substances would be different. If, for instance, it
were more intense for magnetized iron than for stone, the iron
pendulum would oscillate more quickly. Bessel showed 47 that it was
possible to assume hypothetically a constitution of the sun, planets,
and their appendages, such that the attraction of the Sun on the
Planets and Satellites should be proportional to the quantity of
matter in each; but that the attraction of the Planets on one another
would not be on the same scale.
47 Berlin Mem. 1824.

Newton had made experiments (described in the Principia, Book

iii., Prop. vi.) by which it was shown that there could be no
considerable or palpable amount of such specific difference among
terrestrial bodies, but his experiments could not be regarded as
exact enough for the requirements of modern science. Bessel
instituted a laborious series of experiments (presented to the Berlin
Academy in 1832) which completely disproved the conjecture of
such a difference; every substance examined having given exactly
the same coefficient of gravitating intensity as compared with inertia.
Among the substances examined were metallic and stony masses of
meteoric origin, which might be supposed, if any bodies could, to
come from other parts of the solar system.
 CHAPTER IV.

Verification and Completion of the Newtonian Theory.

Tables of the Moon and Planets.

T HE Newtonian discovery of Universal Gravitation, so remarkable

in other respects, is also remarkable as exemplifying the
immense extent to which the verification of a great truth may be
carried, the amount of human labor which may be requisite to do it
justice, and the striking extension of human knowledge to which it
may lead. I have said that it is remarked as a beauty in the first
fixation of a theory that its measures or elements are established by
means of a few 551 data; but that its excellence when established is
in the number of observations which it explains. The multiplicity of
observations which are explained by astronomy, and which are
made because astronomy explains them, is immense, as I have
noted in the text. And the multitude of observations thus made is
employed for the purpose of correcting the first adopted elements of
the theory. I have mentioned some of the examples of this process: I
might mention many others in order to continue the history of this
part of Astronomy up to the present time. But I will notice only those
which seem to me the most remarkable.

In 1812, Burckhardt’s Tables de la Lune were published by the

French Bureau des Longitudes. A comparison of these and Burg’s
with a considerable number of observations, gave 9⁄100ths of a
second as the mean error of the former in the Moon’s longitude,
while the mean error of Burg’s was 18⁄100ths. The preference was
therefore accorded to Burckhardt’s.
 Yet the Lunar Tables were still as much as thirty seconds wrong in
single observations. This circumstance, and Laplace’s expressed
wish, induced the French Academy to offer a prize for a complete
and purely theoretical determination of the Lunar path, instead of
determinations resting, as hitherto, partly upon theory and partly
upon observations. In 1820, two prize essays appeared, the one by
Damoiseau, the other by Plana and Carlini. And some years
afterwards (in 1824, and again in 1828), Damoiseau published
Tables de la Lune formées sur la seule Théorie d’Attraction. These
agree very closely with observation. That we may form some notion
of the complexity of the problem, I may state that the longitude of the
Moon is in these Tables affected by no fewer than forty-seven
equations; and the other quantities which determine her place are
subject to inequalities not much less in number.

Still I had to state in the second Edition, published in 1847, that

there remained an unexplained discordance between theory and
observation in the motions of the Moon; an inequality of long period
as it seemed, which the theory did not give.

A careful examination of a long series of the best observations of

the Moon, compared throughout with the theory in its most perfect
form, would afford the means both of correcting the numerical
elements of the theory, and of detecting the nature, and perhaps the
law, of any still remaining discrepancies. Such a work, however,
required vast labor, as well as great skill and profound mathematical
knowledge. 552 Mr. Airy undertook the task; employing for that
purpose, the Observations of the Moon made at Greenwich from
1750 to 1830. Above 8000 observed places of the Moon were
compared with theory by the computation of the same number of
places, each separately and independently calculated from Plana’s
Formulæ. A body of calculators (sometimes sixteen), at the expense
of the British Government, was employed for about eight years in
this work. When we take this in conjunction with the labor which the
observations themselves imply, it may serve to show on what a scale
the verification of the Newtonian theory has been conducted. The
first results of this labor were published in two quarto volumes; the
final deductions as to correction of elements, &c., were given in the
Memoirs of the Astronomical Society in 1848. 48
48 The total expense of computers, to the end of reading the
proof-sheets, was 4300l.
Mr. Airy’s estimate of days’ works [made before beginning], for
the heavy part of calculations only, was thirty-six years of one
computer. This was somewhat exceeded, but not very greatly, in
that part.

Even while the calculations were going on, it became apparent

that there were some differences between the observed places of
the Moon, and the theory so far as it had then been developed. M.
Hansen, an eminent German mathematician who had devised new
and powerful methods for the mathematical determination of the
results of the law of gravitation, was thus led to explore still further
the motions of the Moon in pursuance of this law. The result was that
he found there must exist two lunar inequalities, hitherto not known;
the one of 273, and the other of 239 years, the coefficients of which
are respectively 27 and 23 seconds. Both these originate in the
attraction of Venus; one of them being connected with the long
inequality in the Solar Tables, of which Mr. Airy had already proved
the existence, as stated in Chap. vi. Sect. 6 of this Book.

These inequalities fell in with the discrepancies between the actual

observations and the previously calculated Tables, which Mr. Airy
had discovered. And again, shortly afterwards, M. Hansen found that
there resulted from the theory two other new equations of the Moon;
one in latitude and one in longitude, agreeing with two which were
found by Mr. Airy in deducing from the observations the correction of
the elements of the Lunar Tables. And again, a little later, there was
detected by these mathematicians a theoretical correction for the 553
motion of the Node of the Moon’s orbit, coinciding exactly with one
which had been found to appear in the observations.

Nothing can more strikingly exhibit the confirmation which

increased scrutiny brings to light between the Newtonian theory on
the one hand, and the celestial motions on the other. We have here
a very large mass of the best observations which have ever been
made, systematically examined, with immense labor, and with the
set purpose of correcting at once all the elements of the Lunar
Tables. The corrections of the elements thus deduced imply of
course some error in the theory as previously developed. But at the
same time, and with the like determination thoroughly to explore the
subject, the theory is again pressed to yield its most complete
results, by the invention of new and powerful mathematical methods;
and the event is, that residual errors of the old Tables, several in
number, following the most diverse laws, occurring in several
detached parts, agree with the residual results of the Theory thus
newly extracted from it. And thus every additional exactness of
scrutiny into the celestial motions on the one hand and the
Newtonian theory on the other, has ended, sooner or later, in
showing the exactness of their coincidence.

The comparison of the theory with observation in the case of the

motions of the Planets, the motion of each being disturbed by the
attraction of all the others, is a subject in some respects still more
complicated and laborious. This work also was undertaken by the
same indefatigable astronomer; and here also his materials
belonged to the same period as before; being the admirable
observations made at Greenwich from 1750 to 1830, during the time
that Bradley, Maskelyne, and Pond were the Astronomers Royal. 49
These Planetary observations were deduced, and the observed
places were compared with the tabular places: with Lindenau’s
Tables of Mercury, Venus, and Mars; and with Bouvard’s Tables of
Jupiter, Saturn, and Uranus; and thus, while the received theory and
its elements were confirmed, the means of testing any improvement
which may hereafter be proposed, either in the form of the
theoretical results or in the constant elements which they involved,
was placed within the reach of the 554 astronomers of all future time.
The work appeared in 1845; the expense of the compilations and the
publication being defrayed by the British Government.
49 The observations of stars made by Bradley, who preceded
Maskelyne at Greenwich, had already been discussed by Bessel,
a great German astronomer; and the results published in 1818,
with a title that well showed the estimation in which he held those
materials: Fundamenta Astronomiæ pro anno 1775, deducta ex
Ohservationibus viri incomparabilis James Bradley in specula
Astronomica Grenovicensi per annos 1750–1762 institutis.

The Discovery of Neptune.

The theory of gravitation was destined to receive a confirmation

more striking than any which could arise from any explanation,
however perfect, given by the motions of a known planet; namely, in
revealing the existence of an unknown planet, disclosed to
astronomers by the attraction which it exerted upon a known one.
The story of the discovery of Neptune by the calculations of Mr.
Adams and M. Le Verrier was partly told in the former edition of this
History. I had there stated (vol. ii. p. 306) that “a deviation of
observation from the theory occurs at the very extremity of the solar
system, and that its existence appears to be beyond doubt. Uranus
does not conform to the Tables calculated for him on the theory of
gravitation. In 1821, Bouvard said in the Preface to the Tables of this
Planet, “the formation of these Tables offers to us this alternative,
that we cannot satisfy modern observations to the requisite degree
of precision without making our Tables deviate from the ancient
observations.” But when we have done this, there is still a
discordance between the Tables and the more modern observations,
and this discordance goes on increasing. At present the Tables make
the Planet come upon the meridian about eight seconds later than
he really does. This discrepancy has turned the thoughts of
astronomers to the effects which would result from a planet external
to Uranus. It appears that the observed motion would be explained
by applying a planet at twice the distance of Uranus from the Sun to
exercise a disturbing force, and it is found that the present longitude
of this disturbing body must be about 325 degrees.

I added, “M. Le Verrier (Comptes Rendus, Jan. 1, 1846) and, as I

am informed by the Astronomer Royal, Mr. Adams, of St. John’s
College, Cambridge, have both arrived independently at this result.”

To this Edition I added a Postscript, dated, Nov. 7, 1846, in which I

said:

“The planet exterior to Uranus, of which the existence was inferred

by M. Le Verrier and Mr. Adams from the motions of Uranus (vol. ii.
Note (l.)), has since been discovered. This confirmation of
calculations founded upon the doctrine of universal gravitation, may
be looked upon as the most remarkable event of the kind since the
return of Halley’s comet in 1757 and in some respects, as a more
striking event 555 even than that; inasmuch as the new planet had
never been seen at all, and was discovered by mathematicians
entirely by their feeling of its influence, which they perceived through
the organ of mathematical calculation.

“There can be no doubt that to M. Le Verrier belongs the glory of

having first published a prediction of the place and appearance of
the new planet, and of having thus occasioned its discovery by
astronomical observers. M. Le Verrier’s first prediction was published
in the Comptes Rendus de l’Acad. des Sciences, for June 1, 1846
(not Jan. 1, as erroneously printed in my Note). A subsequent paper
on the subject was read Aug. 31. The planet was seen by M. Galle,
at the Observatory of Berlin, on September 23, on which day he had
received an express application from M. Le Verrier, recommending
him to endeavor to recognize the stranger by its having a visible
disk. Professor Challis, at the Observatory of Cambridge, was
looking out for the new planet from July 29, and saw it on August 4,
and again on August 12, but without recognizing it, in consequence
of his plan of not comparing his observations till he had accumulated
a greater number of them. On Sept. 29, having read for the first time
M. Le Verrier’s second paper, he altered his plan, and paid attention
to the physical appearance rather than the position of the star. On
that very evening, not having then heard of M. Galle’s discovery, he
singled out the star by its seeming to have a disk.

“M. Le Verrier’s mode of discussing the circumstances of Uranus’s

motion, and inferring the new planet from these circumstances, is in
the highest degree sagacious and masterly. Justice to him cannot
require that the contemporaneous, though unpublished, labors of Mr.
Adams, of St John’s College, Cambridge, should not also be
recorded. Mr. Adams made his first calculations to account for the
anomalies in the motion of Uranus, on the hypothesis of a more
distant planet, in 1843. At first he had not taken into account the
earlier Greenwich observations; but these were supplied to him by
the Astronomer Royal, in 1844. In September, 1845, Mr. Adams
communicated to Professor Challis values of the elements of the
supposed disturbing body; namely, its mean distance, mean
longitude at a given epoch, longitude of perihelion, eccentricity of
orbit, and mass. In the next month, he communicated to the
Astronomer Royal values of the same elements, somewhat
corrected. The note (l.), vol. ii., of the present work (2d Ed.), in which
the names of MM. Le Verrier and Adams are mentioned in
conjunction, was in the press in August, 1846, a 556 month before
the planet was seen. As I have stated in the text, Mr. Adams and M.
Le Verrier assigned to the unseen planet nearly the same position;
they also assigned to it nearly the same mass; namely, 2½ times the
mass of Uranus. And hence, supposing the density to be not greater
than that of Uranus, it followed that the visible diameter would be
about 3”, an apparent magnitude not much smaller than Uranus
himself.

“M. Le Verrier has mentioned for the new planet the name
Neptunus; and probably, deference to his authority as its discoverer,
will obtain general currency for this name.”

Mr. Airy has given a very complete history of the circumstances

attending the discovery of Neptune, in the Memoirs of the
Astronomical Society (read November 13, 1846). In this he shows
that the probability of some disturbing body beyond Uranus had
suggested itself to M. A. Bouvard and Mr. Hussey as early as 1834.
Mr. Airy himself then thought that the time was not ripe for making
out the nature of any external action on the planets. But Mr. Adams
soon afterwards proceeded to work at the problem. As early as 1841
(as he himself informs me) he conjectured the existence of a planet
exterior to Uranus, and recorded in a memorandum his design of
examining its effect; but deferred the calculations till he had
completed his preparations for the University examination which he
was to undergo in January, 1843, in order to receive the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts. He was the Senior Wrangler of that occasion, and
soon afterwards proceeded to carry his design into effect; applying to
the Astronomer Royal for recorded observations which might aid him
in his task. On one of the last days of October, 1845, Mr. Adams
went to the Observatory at Greenwich; and finding the Astronomer
Royal abroad, he left there a paper containing the elements of the
extra-Uranian Planet: the longitude was in this paper stated as 323½
degrees. It was, as we have seen, in June, 1846, that M. Le Verrier’s
Memoir appeared, in which he assigned to the disturbing body a
longitude of 325 degrees. The coincidence was striking. “I cannot
sufficiently express,” says Mr. Airy, “the feeling of delight and
satisfaction which I received from the Memoir of M. Le Verrier.” This
feeling communicated itself to others. Sir John Herschel said in
September, 1846, at a meeting of the British Association at
Southampton, “We see it (the probable new planet) as Columbus
saw America from the shores of Spain. Its movements have been
felt, trembling along the far-reaching line of our analysis, with a
certainty hardly inferior to that of ocular demonstration.” 557

In truth, at the moment when this was uttered, the new Planet had
already been seen by Professor Challis; for, as we have said, he had
seen it in the early part of August. He had included it in the net which
he had cast among the stars for this very purpose; but employing a
slow and cautious process, he had deferred for a time that
examination of his capture which would have enabled him to detect
the object sought. As soon as he received M. Le Verrier’s paper of
August 31 on September 29, he was so much impressed with the
sagacity and clearness of the limitations of the field of observation
there laid down, that he instantly changed his plan of observation,
and noted the planet, as an object having a visible disk, on the
evening of the same day.

In this manner the theory of gravitation predicted and produced the

discovery. Thus to predict unknown facts found afterwards to be true,
is, as I have said, a confirmation of a theory which in impressiveness
and value goes beyond any explanation of known facts. It is a
confirmation which has only occurred a few times in the history of
science; and in the case only of the most refined and complete
theories, such as those of Astronomy and Optics. The mathematical
skill which was requisite in order to arrive at such a discovery, may in
some measure be judged of by the account which we have had to
give of the previous mathematical progress of the theory of
gravitation. It there appeared that the lives of many of the most
acute, clear-sighted, and laborious of mankind, had been employed
for generations in solving the problem. Given the planetary bodies, to
find their mutual perturbations: but here we have the inverse problem
—Given the perturbations, to find the planets. 50
50 This may be called the inverse problem with reference to the
older and more familiar problem; but we may remark that the
usual phraseology of the Problem of Central Forces differs from
this analogy. In Newton’s Principia, the earlier Sections, in which
the motion is given to find the force, are spoken of as containing
the Direct Problem of Central Forces: the Eighth Section of the
 First Book, where the Force is given to find the orbit, is spoken of
as containing the Inverse Problem of Central Forces.

The Minor Planets.

The discovery of the Minor Planets which revolve between the

orbits of Mars and Jupiter was not a consequence or confirmation of
the Newtonian theory. That theory gives no reason for the distance
of 558 the Planets from the Sun; nor does any theory yet devised
give such reason. But an empirical formula proposed by the
Astronomer Bode of Berlin, gives a law of these distances (Bode’s
Law), which, to make it coherent, requires a planet between Mars
and Jupiter. With such an addition, the distance of Mercury, Venus,
Earth, Mars, the Missing Planet, Jupiter, Saturn, and Uranus, are
nearly as the numbers
4, 7, 10, 16, 28, 52, 100, 196,
in which the excesses of each number above the preceding are the
series
3, 3, 6, 12, 24, 48, 96.
On the strength of this law the Germans wrote on the long-expected
Planet, and formed themselves into associations for the discovery of
it.

Not only did this law stimulate the inquiries for the Missing Planet,
and thus lead to the discovery of the Minor Planets, but it had also a
share in the discovery of Neptune. According to the law, a planet
beyond Uranus may be expected to be at the distance represented
by 388. Mr. Adams and M. Le Verrier both of them began by
assuming a distance of nearly this magnitude for the Planet which
they sought; that is, a distance more than 38 times the earth’s
distance. It was found afterwards that the distance of Neptune is only
30 times that of the earth; yet the assumption was of essential use in
obtaining the result and Mr. Airy remarks that the history of the
discovery shows the importance of using any received theory as far
as it will go, even if the theory can claim no higher merit than that of
being plausible. 51
51 Account of the Discovery of Neptune, &c., Mem. Ast. Soc., vol.
xvi. p. 414.

The discovery of Minor Planets in a certain region of the interval

between Mars and Jupiter has gone on to such an extent, that their
number makes them assume in a peculiar manner the character of
representatives of a Missing Planet. At first, as I have said in the
text, it was supposed that all these portions must pass through or
near a common node; this opinion being founded on the very bold
doctrine, that the portions must at one time have been united in one
Planet, and must then have separated. At this node, as I have
stated, Olbers lay in wait for them, as for a hostile army at a defile.
Ceres, Pallas, and Juno had been discovered in this way in the
period from 1801 to 1804; and Vesta was caught in 1807. For a time
the chase for new planets in this region seemed to have exhausted
the stock. But after thirty-eight years, to the astonishment of
astronomers, they began to be again detected in extraordinary
numbers. In 1845, M. Hencke of 559 Driessen discovered a fifth of
these planets, which was termed Astræa. In various quarters the
chase was resumed with great ardor. In 1847 were found Hebe, Iris,
and Flora; in 1848, Metis; in 1849, Hygæa; in 1850, Parthenope,
Victoria, and Egeria; in 1861, Irene and Eunomia; in 1852, Psyche,
Thetis, Melpomene, Fortuna, Massilia, Lutetia, Calliope. To these we
have now (at the close of 1856) to add nineteen others; making up
the whole number of these Minor Planets at present known to forty-
two.

As their enumeration will show, the ancient practice has been

continued of giving to the Planets mythological names. And for a
time, till the numbers became too great, each of the Minor Planets
was designated in astronomical books by some symbol appropriate
to the character of the mythological person; as from ancient times
Mars has been denoted by a mark indicating a spear, and Venus by
one representing a looking-glass. Thus, when a Minor Planet was
discovered at London in 1851, the year in which the peace of the
world was, in a manner, celebrated by the Great Exhibition of the
Products of All Nations, held at that metropolis, the name Irene was
given to the new star, as a memorial of the auspicious time of its
discovery. And it was agreed, for awhile, that its symbol should be a
dove with an olive-branch. But the vast multitude of the Minor
Planets, as discovery went on, made any mode of designation,
except a numerical one, practically inconvenient. They are now
denoted by a small circle inclosing a figure in the order of their
discovery. Thus, Ceres is ⓵, Irene is ⑭, and Isis is ㊷.

The rapidity with which these discoveries were made was owing in
part to the formation of star-maps, in which all known fixed stars
being represented, the existence of a new and movable star might
be recognized by comparison of the sky with the map. These maps
were first constructed by astronomers of different countries at the
suggestion of the Academy of Berlin; but they have since been
greatly extended, and now include much smaller stars than were
originally laid down.
 I will mention the number of planets discovered in each year. After
the start was once made, by Hencke’s discovery of Astræa in 1845,
the same astronomer discovered Hebe in 1847; and in the same
year Mr. Hind, of London, discovered two others, Iris and Flora. The
years 1848 and 1849 each supplied one; the year 1850, three; 1851,
two; 1852 was marked by the extraordinary discovery of eight new
members of the planetary system. The year 1853 supplied four;
1854, six; 1855, four; and 1856 has already given us five. 560

These discoveries have been distributed among the observatories

of Europe. The bright sky of Naples has revealed seven new planets
to the telescope of Signer Gasparis. Marseilles has given us one;
Germany, four, discovered by M. Luther at Bilk; Paris has furnished
seven; and Mr. Hind, in Mr. Bishop’s private observatory in London,
notwithstanding our turbid skies, has discovered no less than ten
planets; and there also Mr. Marth discovered ㉙ Amphitrite. Mr.
Graham, at the private observatory of Mr. Cooper, in Ireland,
discovered ⓽ Metis.

America has supplied its planet, namely ㉛ Euphrosyne,

discovered by Mr. Ferguson at Washington and the most recent of
these discoveries is that by Mr. Pogson, of Oxford, who has found
the forty-second of these Minor Planets, which has been named
Isis. 52
52 I take this list from a Memoir of M. Bruhns, Berlin, 1856.

I may add that it appears to follow from the best calculations that
the total mass of all these bodies is very small. Herschel reckoned
the diameters of Ceres at 35, and of Pallas at 26 miles. It has since
been calculated 53 that some of them are smaller still; Victoria having
a diameter of 9 miles, Lutetia of 8, and Atalanta of little more than 4.
It follows from this that the whole mass would probably be less than
the sixth part of our moon. Hence their perturbing effects on each
other or on other planets are null; but they are not the less disturbed
by the action of the other planets, and especially of Jupiter.
53 Bruhns, as above.

Anomalies in the Action of Gravitation.

The complete and exact manner in which the doctrine of

gravitation explains the motions of the Comets as well as of the
Planets, has made astronomers very bold in proposing hypotheses
to account for any deviations from the motion which the theory
requires. Thus Encke’s Comet is found to have its motion
accelerated by about one-eighth of a day in every revolution. This
result was conceived to be established by former observations, and
is confirmed by the facts of the appearance of 1852. 54 The
hypothesis which is proposed in order to explain this result is, that
the Comet moves in a resisting medium, which makes it fall inwards
from its path, towards the Sun, and thus, by narrowing its orbit,
diminishes its periodic time. On the other hand, M. Le Verrier has
found that Mercury’s mean motion has gone on diminishing; 561 as if
the planet were, in the progress of his revolutions, receding further
from the Sun. This is explained, if we suppose that there is, in the
region of Mercury, a resisting medium which moves round the Sun in
the same direction as the Planets move. Evidence of a kind of
nebulous disk surrounding the Sun, and extending beyond the orbits
of Mercury and Venus, appears to be afforded us by the
phenomenon called the Zodiacal Light; and as the Sun itself rotates
on its axis, it is most probable that this kind of atmosphere rotates
also. 55 On the other hand, M. Le Verrier conceives that the Comets
which now revolve within the ordinary planetary limits have not
always done so, but have been caught and detained by the Planets
among which they move. In this way the action of Jupiter has
brought the Comets of Faye and Vico into their present limited orbits,
as it drew the Comet of Lexell out of its known orbit, when the Comet
passed over the Planet in 1779, since which time it has not been
seen.
54 Berlin Memoirs, 1854.

55 M. Le Verrier, Annales de l’Obs. de Paris, vol. i. p. 89.

Among the examples of the boldness with which astronomers

assume the doctrine of gravitation even beyond the limits of the solar
system to be so entirely established, that hypotheses may and must
be assumed to explain any apparent irregularity of motion, we may
reckon the mode of accounting for certain supposed irregularities in
the proper motion of Sirius, which has been proposed by Bessel, and
which M. Peters thinks is proved to be true by his recent researches
(Astr. Nach. xxxi. p. 219, and xxxii. p. 1). The hypothesis is, that
Sirius has a companion star, dark, and therefore invisible to us; and
that the two, revolving round their common centre as the system
moves on, the motion of Sirius is seen to be sometimes quicker and
sometimes slower.

The Earth’s Density.

“Cavendish’s experiment,” as it is commonly called—the measure

of the attractions of manageable masses by the torsion balance, in
order to determine the density of the Earth—has been repeated
recently by Professor Reich at Freiberg, and by Mr. Baily in England,
with great attention to the means of attaining accuracy. Professor
Reich’s result for the density of the Earth is 5·44; Mr. Baily’s is 5·92.
Cavendish’s result was 5·48; according to recent revisions 56 it is
5·52.
56The calculation has been revised by M. Edward Schmidt.
Humboldt’s Kosmos, ii. p. 425.

562 But the statical effect of the attraction of manageable masses,

or even of mountains, is very small. The effect of a small change in
gravity may be accumulated by being constantly repeated in the
oscillations of a pendulum, and thus may become perceptible. Mr.
Airy attempted to determine the density of the Earth by a method
depending on this view. A pendulum oscillating at the surface was to
be compared with an equal pendulum at a great depth below the
surface. The difference of their rates would disclose the different
force of gravity at the two positions; and hence, the density of the
Earth. In 1826 and 1828, Mr. Airy attempted this experiment at the
copper mine of Dolcoath in Cornwall, but failed from various causes.
But in 1854, he resumed it at the Harton coal mine in Durham, the
depth of which is 1260 feet; having in this new trial, the advantage of
transmitting the time from one station to the other by the
instantaneous effect of galvanism, instead of by portable watches.
The result was a density of 6·56; which is much larger than the
preceding results, but, as Mr. Airy holds, is entitled to compete with
the others on at least equal terms.

Tides.

I should be wanting in the expression of gratitude to those who

have practically assisted me in Researches on the Tides, if I did not
mention the grand series of Tide Observations made on the coast of
Europe and America in June, 1835, through the authority of the
Board of Admiralty, and the interposition of the late Duke of
Wellington, at that time Foreign Secretary. Tide observations were
made for a fortnight at all the Coast-guard stations of Great Britain
and Ireland in June, 1834; and these were repeated in June, 1835,
with corresponding observations on all the coasts of Europe, from
the North Cape of Norway to the Straits of Gibraltar; and from the
mouth of the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Mississippi. The
results of these observations, which were very complete so far as
the coast tides were concerned, were given in the Philosophical
Transactions for 1836.

Additional accuracy respecting the Tides of the North American

coast may be expected from the survey now going on under the
direction of Superintendent A. Bache. The Tides of the English
Channel have been further investigated, and the phenomena
presented under a new point of view by Admiral Beechey. 563

The Tides of the Coast of Ireland have been examined with great
care by Mr. Airy. Numerous and careful observations were made with
a view, in the first instance, of determining what was to be regarded
as “the Level of the Sea;” but the results were discussed so as to
bring into view the laws and progress, on the Irish coast, of the
various inequalities of the Tides mentioned in Chap. iv. Sect. 9 of this
Book.

I may notice as one of the curious results of the Tide Observations

of 1836, that it appeared to me, from a comparison of the
Observations, that there must be a point in the German Ocean,
about midway between Lowestoft on the English coast, and the Brill
on the Dutch coast, where the tide would vanish: and this was