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Full Download PDF of The Psychology of Attitudes and Attitude Change 3rd Edition All Chapter
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List of Figures and Tables
Figure 1.1 An example of a Likert scale to assess attitudes toward
euthanasia 13
Figure 1.2 A semantic differential measure of attitudes 14
Figure 1.3 A sample procedure sequence for a five-block IAT 18
Figure 2.1 The Multicomponent Model of Attitude 31
Figure 2.2 Open-ended measures of attitudinal components 36
Figure 2.3 Unidimensional and bidimensional views of attitude
structure 43
Figure 3.1 Number of articles read, and time spent looking at articles,
as a function of article congruency 61
Figure 3.2 An illustration of the way in which Roskos-Ewoldsen and
Fazio (1992) presented attitude objects 63
Figure 3.3 Is it a B or a 13? It depends on what you want to see 68
Figure 3.4 Attitudes predicting subsequent behavior and behavior
predicting subsequent attitudes 83
Figure 4.1 The Theory of Reasoned Action 88
Figure 4.2 The Theory of Planned Behavior 91
Figure 4.3 The MODE Model 100
Figure 4.4 The Composite Model of attitude–behavior relations 105
Figure 5.1 Effects of personal relevance, argument strength, and
source expertise on attitudes 126
Figure 5.2 The Meta-Cognitive Model’s predictions for responses
after receiving novel negative information about an attitude object
134
Figure 6.1 The effects of differential exposure on liking toward a
female confederate 143
Figure 6.2 Two-Factor Model of exposure effects 144
Figure 6.3 The effects of negative and positive primes on evaluations
of an unfamiliar target 150
Figure 6.4 The effects of argument strength, affect, and attribution on
evaluations 158
Figure 7.1 Attitudes toward the environment as a function of framing
of past behavior and pre-experimental strength of attitudes toward the
environment 173
Figure 7.2 Kilograms lost by participants as a function of effort
justification 179
8
Figure 7.3 Attitudes toward banning an inflammatory speaker after
arguing in favor of a ban (Zanna & Cooper, 1974): effects of (a) prior
choice in the counter-attitudinal advocacy and (b) the expected effect
of a pill 186
Figure 7.4 A participant’s hypothetical responses to the latitude
measure used by Fazio et al. (1977) 188
Figure 8.1 The effects of caffeine consumption and self-affirmation
on persuasion 202
Figure 8.2 The effects of affective versus cognitive frame and gender
on attitudes 205
Figure 8.3 The effects of thirst/non-thirst and prime on intentions to
drink Lipton Ice 212
Figure 8.4 The effects of a trust prime on evaluations of a persuasive
message 213
Figure 9.1 The effects of a prejudice intervention on IAT D-scores
227
Figure 9.2 The effects of leaning left or right on attitudes toward the
American Democrat and Republican parties 231
Figure 9.3 Amount of attitude change as a function of caffeine
consumption and argument quality 238
Figure 9.4 A depiction of the life-stages hypothesis on the relation
between age and susceptibility to attitude change 247
Figure 10.1 Diagram of an attitude triad involving a person (P), an
attitude object (AO), and another person (OP) 258
Figure 10.2 Effects of experienced power and message strength on
post-message attitudes when power is manipulated before (top panel)
and after (bottom panel) the message 262
Figure 10.3 Effects of outcome relevance, majority versus minority
source, and argument strength on persuasion 270
Figure 10.4 Effects of culture and nature of prior feedback on change
to a more favorable evaluation of chosen CDs 275
Figure 11.1 Three different views of attitude representations 285
Figure 11.2 Effects of friendship with gay men on anxiety toward
gay men, attitudes toward them, and the accessibility and strength of
these attitudes 296
Table 5.1 Postulates of the Elaboration Likelihood Model 123
Table 5.2 Key assumptions of the Heuristic-Systematic Model 124
Table 11.1 Murray’s (1938) 20 psychological needs 288
9
How to Use Your Book and Its Online
Resources
On The Website:
Updated online materials. For teachers, more detailed slides and sample
assessment questions. For students, an updated glossary and more
resources to test your own understanding of individual chapters.
https://study.sagepub.com/psychofattitudes3e
In Each Chapter:
Every chapter follows the same basic structure.
At the end of each chapter, we offer some other tools to help the reader.
What we have learned reviews the most important points within the
chapter.
What do you think? presents a series of big-picture questions that
are relevant to the chapter’s theme.
Key terms allow the reader to have a firm understanding of core
concepts.
10
Further reading, where we present some references to papers, both
basic and applied, that we find especially interesting.
Overview
It is difficult to listen to a talk show without getting agitated. Talk shows
love to get our attention with debates on a whole catalogue of issues, with
common topics being war, global warming, discrimination, sexuality,
terrorism, morality, and religion. Debates on these issues can leave us
dumbstruck. We might be left aghast that others vehemently support a
politician that we oppose or that they are opposed to an energy-saving
initiative that we like. We might be particularly perturbed when our friends
or relatives chime in with unexpected views, and we may desperately wish
to change their minds. In these situations, we are all united by a desire to
understand and shape other people’s attitudes.
This desire has long been held by human beings. Some of the attitude
conflicts that puzzle people now (e.g., health care, immigration) are
different from those that perturbed people in prior generations (e.g.,
slavery), but the basic quest to understand attitudes is the same.
Fortunately, there have been exciting advances in this quest. At the
beginning of the previous century, social psychologists began to realize
that scientific methods can be used to better understand attitudes and how
they change. This recognition eventually grew into a conviction that
attitudes are indispensable for understanding social psychological
processes.
Research on attitudes has been at the heart of social psychology for close
to a century. During that time, the field has moved from questions like
“Can attitudes be measured?” to questions like “Which measures are most
useful?” and “Are there specific brain locations in which attitude
judgments are made?” Research now uses complex perspectives to tackle
fascinating theoretical and practical problems in the study of attitudes.
11
applications and real-life examples. Indeed, in our view, one of the main
attractions of studying attitudes is linked with their application to fields
such as consumer behavior, heath behavior, and politics (to name just
three!).
At the same time, we have done our best to create a text with relevance to
the treatment of attitudes in institutions of higher education around the
world. Although the bulk of the pivotal research on attitudes has emerged
from the United States, key findings have also emerged from studies in
numerous countries, including Australia, Belgium, Canada, China, France,
Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
Portugal, and Spain. We have attempted to cover key research from most if
not all of these nations, which helps to integrate diverse perspectives on
the psychology of attitudes and attitude change.
This book includes four sections. The first section looks at what attitudes
are and why they are important. The second section examines the ability of
attitudes to predict behavior. From there, we consider how attitudes are
formed and changed. Finally, we present a variety of major issues for
understanding internal (e.g., neurological) and external (e.g., cultural)
influences on attitude, along with unresolved questions.
12
attitudes are measured. This component of Part I will focus on the most
common and interesting attitude measurement techniques, while showing
how these measures are useful and important.
Within this section of the book, we introduce the metaphor of the “three
witches” of attitudes: content, structure, and function. Put simply,
attitudinal content can include cognitive, affective, and behavioral
information about an object; attitude structure refers to how this
information is organized along dimensions within attitudes; and attitude
function encompasses diverse psychological needs served by attitudes
(e.g., self-esteem, utility enhancement). We label these as three “witches”
because they operate more effectively together than in isolation, in the
same way that three witches in folklore make a better brew together than
separately. This section foreshadows how content, structure, and function
are relevant to each subsequent section of the volume. In later chapters,
their relevance is identified by using “three witches” side-bars to come
back to this theme.
13
Section 4: What More Is There to Learn?
This section will describe how research on attitudes is being enriched by a
variety of methodological and theoretical developments. One chapter
describes advances in understanding diverse “internal” aspects of attitudes,
including neurological activity, motor actions, and lifespan development.
The next chapter describes advances in understanding diverse “external”
aspects of attitudes, including influences of time, relationships, groups,
and culture. The final chapter highlights themes from across the book by
bringing us back to attitude content, structure, and function. This chapter
also closes with some challenging questions about the nature and
importance of attitudes.
At the end of each chapter, we offer some other tools to help the reader.
The sections titled What we have learned review the most important points
14
within the chapter. Following from that, the sections titled What do you
think? present a series of big-picture questions that are relevant to the
chapter’s theme. We hope that these are questions that you can begin to
answer having read the chapter. Then we present a set of Key terms,
allowing the reader to have a firm understanding of the core concepts.
Finally, each chapter ends with a Further reading section. Here we present
some references to papers, both basic and applied, that we find especially
interesting.
Acknowledgments
We want to thank several people for their help in bringing this third edition
to fruition. From SAGE, Becky Taylor, Katie Rabot, and the team have
offered much guidance and support. From a professional perspective, we
are extremely grateful for the efforts of our mentors, including Jim Olson,
Mark Zanna, and Vicki Esses, who nurtured our interest in the study of
attitudes. Through the years we have had some fantastic colleagues with
whom we have collaborated, including Dick Eiser, Tony Manstead, Ulrike
Hahn, Ulrich von Hecker, Russell Spears, Frank Fincham, Miles
Hewstone, Ad van Knippenberg, David Trafimow, and Wendy Wood. We
also want to thank Richard Petty and Mark Conner for reading an early
draft of the first edition and providing very helpful feedback.
Last, and certainly not least, our families deserve special mention. Thanks
Audra, Kestrel, and Gabriella. Thanks Maggie, Charlotte, and Ceara.
Thanks Nona.
15
Preface
16
Section 1 Introduction: Why Do Attitudes
Matter?
In our daily lives, we often use the term attitude to mean different things.
Have you ever met someone with a “bad attitude?” We might say that a
person has a “bad attitude” because he has a negative outlook on life. From
a social psychological perspective, the term attitude has a somewhat
different meaning. In this section of the book, we want to tell you what
social psychologists mean when they use the term attitude.
17
to each section of the book.
18
1 What Are Attitudes and How Are They
Measured?
Questions to Ponder
1. What do we mean by the term “attitude”?
2. Why are attitudes important?
3. Why did social psychologists first start studying attitudes?
4. How do we measure attitudes?
Preview
Within this chapter we consider what attitudes are and how they are
measured. We see how common definitions emphasize that attitudes are
summary evaluations (e.g., like/dislike) of objects. We provide a brief
history of research on the attitude construct, explaining why social
psychologists first started studying attitudes, how research interests
have changed over the past century, and why attitudes are important.
We also discuss how attitudes are measured. We will see that a person’s
attitudes can be assessed in many different ways.
What Is an Attitude?
Do you remember the last great party you attended? What did you talk
about? Who did you talk about? Chances are you talked about things and
people that you like or dislike. You might have expressed the view that
you disliked your country’s President or Prime Minister, had mixed
feelings about the latest Meryl Streep film, or that you really liked your
social psychology class. In every case, you were talking about your
attitudes – your likes and dislikes. Attitudes are important. They influence
how we view the world, what we think, and what we do. Even from an
early age, our attitudes are vital because they help us understand what we
like (and should approach) and what we dislike (and should avoid).
Because attitudes are vital in understanding human thought and behavior,
19
social psychologists have devoted a lot of attention to understanding how
we form attitudes, how our attitudes influence our daily life, and how our
attitudes change over time. In this book, we want to tell you about what
social psychologists call an attitude.
20
really hates liver, the other feels less strongly negative. While valence is
the defining characteristic of an attitude, throughout the book (and
especially in Chapter 4), we will see that differences both in valence and
strength play an important role in understanding how attitudes guide our
processing of information and our behavior.
Key Points
21
brevity, we only present a short history – one that is more like an episode
of Dr Who than a feature-length documentary. Readers who are interested
in learning more are invited to read the work of William McGuire (e.g.,
McGuire, 1985, 1986), as well as Briñol and Petty (2012), who have
produced detailed reviews on the history of attitude research.
A Starting Point
As noted above, empirical research relevant to the psychology of attitudes
can be traced to the early 20th century. In the 1920s, a number of scientists
became interested in measuring subjective mental properties like attitudes.
At that time, such was the importance of work on attitude measurement
that social psychology was often defined as the study of attitudes
(McGuire, 1985). Two significant researchers from that era were Louis
Thurstone and Rensis Likert. Thurstone and Likert developed various
ways for measuring attitudes, most notably the Equal Appearing Interval
method (Thurstone, 1928; Thurstone & Chave, 1929) and the Likert scale
(see Likert, 1932). Thurstone’s and Likert’s research was influential
because it demonstrated that attitudes can be quantifiably measured –
paving the way for the development of the discipline. Indeed, the ability of
scientists to measure attitudes was seen as an enormous breakthrough, as
evidenced by the title of one of Thurstone’s first journal articles on this
topic: “Attitudes can be measured.” Even today, Likert scales remain an
important tool for assessing attitudes and opinions. We will learn about
Thurstone’s and Likert’s contributions later in this chapter.
22
of attitude and behavior are not suitable by modern standards; LaPiere
himself was critical about the utility of verbal questionnaires, see Chapter
3), the study was seminal in its consideration of whether attitudes predict
behavior. The study of when and how attitudes guide behavior (and how
behavior influences attitudes) remains at the forefront of attitude research.
Indeed, we devote an entire section of this book to this issue.
23
After the war, interest in persuasion remained strong due to the emergence
of the Cold War and developments in telecommunications (such as the
wide availability of television). Consequently, upon returning to Yale,
Hovland, Irving Janis, and others within the “Yale School” continued to
study how individuals respond to persuasive messages. These researchers
instigated scientific research on attitude change examining when and how
attitudes are most likely to change (see, e.g., Hovland, Janis, & Kelley,
1953). As noted by McGuire (1986), the Yale School’s approach was
convergent in that it started with a particular phenomenon (i.e., attitude
change) that needed explanation. The researchers would assess a wide
array of variables in order to determine which ones are important in
explaining the phenomenon. Most important, these researchers addressed
how factors such as characteristics of the message source, message
recipient, and the persuasive message itself determine the likelihood of
attitude change. Their findings were influential in helping social
psychologists begin to understand how and when persuasion is most likely
to occur. Further, their work had an impact on subsequent models of
attitude change (see Chapter 5).
A final key development during this era was a consideration of the reasons
why people hold attitudes – the study of attitude functions – encompassing
the psychological needs served by attitudes. Two groups of researchers
developed taxonomies of attitude functions. M. Brewster Smith and
colleagues (Smith, Bruner, & White, 1956) and Daniel Katz and
colleagues (e.g., Katz, 1960; Katz & Stotland, 1959) both postulated that
attitudes can serve a number of functions or needs for an individual. The
most important of these functions is the object-appraisal function – the
24
capacity of attitudes to serve as energy-saving devices that make
judgments easier and faster to perform. Attitudes can also help us express
our values, identify with people we like, and protect ourselves from
negative feedback. As we show later in the book, knowing the primary
function of an attitude is important, because attempts at attitude change are
more likely to be successful when a persuasive appeal matches the
underlying function of the attitude.
25
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no related content on Scribd:
underbrush in these woods, and they have a rather park-like aspect.
The second growth and the woods on the low lands along the river
consist of firs, spruces and hemlocks of all sizes, and often have an
almost impenetrable underbrush. Where fires have spread large
tracts are stripped of their woods, and are covered with fallen trunks
overgrown with vines, with here and there tall dead “stubs” still
standing.
Mr. W. A. Jeffries’ observations extended from May 21 to June 19.
He was joined by his brother on the 9th of June. During the ten days
following this latter date the weather was cold—there was a frost
June 15, and rain fell every day except the 9th and the 15th.
Fort Fairfield is twenty miles south of Grand Falls. It is situated on
the Aroostook River, about five miles in an air line west of its
junction with the St. John. It is in a rolling country containing but
few ponds and swamps, and watered merely by small brooks which
empty into the Aroostook River. The river itself is broad, with a rapid
current, and flows between banks which though not very high, are
yet never swampy. Much of the original forest has been removed,
especially in the neighborhood of the town and along the river, where
the stretches of wooded land are interspersed with clearings,
pastures and cultivated fields, large crops of buckwheat and potatoes
being raised on the fertile soil. The woods are mostly evergreen—the
several species of Abies and the arbor vitae—intermingled, of course,
with a few yellow birches and an occasional maple, but few tracts
being wholly covered by deciduous trees.
Our collecting was done mostly within two or three miles of the
town. Our notes were made between June 14 and July 1. On our
arrival we found the trees by no means in full leaf, and were told that
the season was very backward, and had been very wet. Heavy frosts
occurred on the 15th and 19th of the month.
The nights were generally cold, the days warm—even hot during
the latter part of our stay.
Fort Fairfield is 415 feet above the sea, and has a mean annual
temperature of 38.11° F.
Through the kindness of Mr. H. A. Purdie I have been enabled to
supplement our observations by extracts from some manuscript
notes on the birds occurring at Houlton, Maine, made by Mr. Robert
R. McLeod. These notes were written in 1877, and are based on his
experience during a residence of four years at Houlton.
This town is in the southeastern part of Aroostook County, on the
Meduxnekeag River about twelve miles from its junction with the St.
John. It is forty-five miles south of Fort Fairfield, its Latitude being
46° 8′. I quote the following from Mr. McLeod’s notes: “The country
round about is well watered with lakes and streams. Much of the
land is under cultivation, but where it is not, the old forests are
standing in great tracts of many miles in extent. The first snow falls
about the 10th of November, and it generally remains on the fields
till the middle of April, and in the woods until the last of May.”
At each locality several species, that would doubtless have been
much more abundant had local conditions been favorable, were
absent or represented by but few individuals.
All statements are given on the authority of both the observers at
the locality to which they refer, except in some few cases, in which
the initials of the observer are appended. All references to Houlton
are, unless otherwise stated, on the authority of Mr. McLeod.
23. Dendrœca tigrina (Gm.) Bd. Cape May Warbler.—I shot a male at Fort
Fairfield, June 23, in a thick second growth of spruces on the edge of a path.
24. Siurus auricapillus (Linn.) Swains. Golden-crowned Thrush.—Rather
common at Fort Fairfield. At Grand Falls it was seen only in the hard woods, where
it was not common.
25. Siurus nævius (Bodd.) Coues. Water Thrush.—Breeding at Fort Fairfield,
but not very common. It was not met with at Grand Falls.
26. Geothlypis philadelphia (Wils.) Bd. Mourning Warbler.—Common in
suitable places. It was almost sure to be found in “burnt lots,” where the fallen
trunks lay, half hidden by a luxuriant growth of tall weeds, or thickly overrun with
vines. Under the shelter thus afforded they undoubtedly nested, safely screened
from the most searching eyes.
27. Geothlypis trichas (Linn.) Caban. Maryland Yellow-throat.—Common.
28. Myiodioctes pusillus (Wils.) Bp. Wilson’s Black-cap.—At Fort Fairfield
this bird was common. We usually found them in thickets of willow bushes, often
in rather wet places. The birds were apt to go in companies of three or four or
more. June 23 Mr. Dwight caught a young bird, just able to fly two or three yards
at a time. The nest was no doubt close at hand, but the ground among the willow
bushes was covered so deeply with brush that a diligent search for the nest showed
nothing—except that it was not built in the bushes. The youngster showed in the
most marked way the energy of disposition and restless activity that characterize
the adults. The species was not common at Grand Falls.
29. Myiodioctes canadensis (Linn.) Aud. Canada Flycatching Warbler.—
Rare at Grand Falls, but common at Fort Fairfield.
30. Setophaga ruticilla (Linn.) Swains. Redstart.—This species was
exceedingly abundant at Grand Falls wherever there were hard woods. It was a
common bird at Fort Fairfield.
31. Hirundo erythrogastra Bodd. Barn Swallow.—Common.
32. Tachycineta bicolor (Vieill.) Caban. White-bellied Swallow.—At Grand
Falls it was common in suitable localities. None were seen about the town. It was
abundant at Fort Fairfield.
33. Petrochelidon lunifrons (Say) Lawr. Eave Swallow.—Common at
Grand Falls. Abundant at Fort Fairfield.
34. Cotile riparia (Linn.) Boie. Bank Swallow.—Common.
35. Progne subis (Linn.) Bd. Purple Martin.—Common, breeding in martin-
houses at Fort Fairfield. This bird seems to be generally distributed throughout
eastern Maine and the adjoining parts of New Brunswick, where there are
settlements. While on our way to Fort Fairfield we noticed it at a number of places
between Bangor and Woodstock, N. B., as well as at various points along the St.
John River between Fredericton, N. B., and Fort Fairfield. It is also common at
Houlton.
36. Ampelis cedrorum (Vieill.) Bd. Cedarbird.—It was not uncommon at
Grand Falls. At Fort Fairfield we found it common.
37. Vireo olivaceus (Linn.) Vieill. Red-eyed Vireo.—Common.
38. Vireo philadelphicus Cass. Philadelphia Vireo.—Taken only at Grand
Falls in May, singing in the hard woods.
39. Vireo solitarius Vieill. Solitary Vireo.—This species was apparently not
very common at Fort Fairfield. It was not seen at Grand Falls. Mr. McLeod gives it
in his notes as “quite common” at Houlton.
40. Pyranga rubra (Linn.) Vieill. Scarlet Tanager.—Not rare in the hard
woods at Grand Falls. The people there call them “war-birds.” We did not see them
at Fort Fairfield, though we have reason to think that they occur. At Houlton Mr.
McLeod says they are “rare. They arrive May 29. I have not found the nest, but
have a young one taken here. They remain all summer.”
Recent Literature.