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In a few days the archbishop of Canterbury followed the legate’s
example and swore fealty to the Empress at Wilton.[894] She next
advanced to her father’s burial-place, Reading, and thence
summoned Robert of Oilly, who had been her father’s constable, to
surrender Oxford castle; the summons was obeyed,[895] and she
held her Easter court at Oxford.[896] The key of the upper valley of
the Thames being thus in her hands, she set herself to win its lower
valley by advancing to S. Alban’s and thence opening negotiations
with London.[897] A deputation of its citizens were at the same time
invited by the legate-bishop to a great council at Winchester on the
second Monday after Easter. The first day of the council was spent in
a succession of private conferences; on the second Henry spoke out
publicly. He set forth how, as vicar of the Apostolic see, he had
summoned this assembly to consider of the best means of restoring
order in the land; he contrasted its present wretched state with the
good peace which it had enjoyed under King Henry; he recited how
the crown had been promised to Matilda;—how, in consequence of
her absence at her father’s death, it had seemed wiser to secure a
king at once in the person of Stephen;—how he, the speaker, had
stood surety for the maintenance of the new king’s promises to the
Church and the nation:—and how shamefully those promises had
been broken. He had tried to bring his brother to reason, but in vain;
and now the matter had been decided by a higher Power. The
judgment of the God of battles had delivered Stephen into the hand
of his rival, and cast him down from his throne; the speaker’s duty
was to see that throne filled at once. He had spent the previous day
in consultation with the bishops and clergy to whom the right of
election chiefly belonged; their choice had fallen upon the candidate
to whom their faith had been plighted long ago; he called upon them
now publicly to confirm their choice, and swear fealty to King Henry’s
heiress as Lady of England and Normandy.
[898] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. cc. 43–48 (Hardy, pp. 744–
749).
The triumph did not last long. Matilda fell, just as her rival had
fallen, by her own fault; only the faults of the two cousins were of a
directly opposite nature. The Lady’s habitual temper was that of her
grandfather the Conqueror—“very stern to all who withstood her will”;
and her will was not, like his, kept under the control of sound policy
and reason. Where Stephen had erred through his fatal readiness to
listen to the most worthless counsellors, Matilda erred through her
obstinate refusal to listen to any counsellors at all. She was no
sooner in London than she began confiscating lands and honours
and disposing of Church property more ruthlessly than ever Stephen
had done; and neither the brother to whom she owed her victory, nor
the legate to whom she owed her throne, nor the old king of Scots
who came to share his niece’s triumph and give her the benefit of his
mature wisdom, could succeed in bringing her to reason. Not a word
of conciliation would she hear from any one. The queen appealed to
her in behalf of her captive husband; some of the great nobles did
the like; but she was deaf to their prayers. The bishop of Winchester
besought her at least to secure to Stephen’s children the
possessions which he had held before he became king; but she
would not hear him either. The citizens of London besought her to
give them back “the Laws of King Eadward”;[901] and that, too, she
refused. She did worse; she summoned the richest burghers to her
presence, demanded from them instant payment of a large sum of
money, and when they respectfully remonstrated, drove them away
with a torrent of abuse, utterly refusing all abatement or delay.[902]
She was soon punished. All through the spring Matilda of Boulogne
had been busy in Kent with the help of William of Ypres, rallying her
husband’s scattered partizans, and gathering an army which she
now led up, wasting, plundering, slaughtering all before them, almost
to the gates of London. Her vigorous action determined that of the
citizens. One day, as the Empress was quietly sitting down to dinner,
the bells began to ring, the people came swarming out of their
houses “like bees out of a hive”; the whole city flew to arms; and she
and her friends were driven to flee, some one way, some another, as
fast as their horses could carry them.[903] Earl Robert accompanied
his sister as far as Oxford;[904] thence she hurried on to Gloucester
to consult with her favourite Miles, the only person who seems to
have had any real influence over her, and brought him back with her
to Oxford to help in rallying her scattered forces.[905] Her cousin the
queen meanwhile was in London at the head of an enthusiastic city,
eager for the restoration of Stephen; from one end of England to the
other the heroic wife was leaving no stone unturned in her husband’s
interest, and her zeal was speedily rewarded by the re-conversion of
the legate. Utterly disgusted at the result of his second attempt at
king-making for the good of the Church, after one last warning to the
Empress he met his sister-in-law at Guildford, reversed all the
excommunications issued against Stephen’s party by the council of
Winchester, and pledged himself to do henceforth all that in him lay
for the restoration of the captive king.[906] Robert of Gloucester
vainly sought to win him back;[907] then the Lady resolved to try her
own powers of persuasion, and without a word of notice even to her
brother, at the head of a strong body of troops she set off for
Winchester.[908]
[903] Ib. pp. 78, 79. Cf. Flor. Worc. Contin. as above, and Will.
Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. c. 48 (Hardy, p. 749).
by “the king’s queen with all her strength”;[918] the bishop himself
ordered the town to be fired, and the wind, which saved the
cathedral, carried the flames northward as far as Hyde abbey.[919]
While he thus made a desert for the besiegers within the city, the
queen was doing the like without. Under her directions the London
contingent were guarding every approach from the west, whence
alone the Lady’s troops could look for supplies: the convoys were
intercepted, their escorts slain; and while eastward the roads were
lined all the way to London with parties bringing provision for the
bishop and his little garrison, his besiegers already saw famine
staring them in the face.[920] At last they sent out a body of knights,
three hundred strong, to Wherwell, intending there to build a castle
as a cover for their convoys.[921] They had no sooner reached the
spot than William of Ypres pounced upon them and captured the
whole party.[922]
[911] Flor. Worc. Contin. (Thorpe), vol. ii. p. 133. Will. Malm.
Hist. Nov., l. iii. c. 50 (Hardy, p. 751).
[913] Ibid.
[918] “Tha com the kings cuen mid all hire strengthe and
besæt heom.” Eng. Chron. a. 1140.
[920] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. c. 50 (Hardy, pp. 751, 752).
Gesta Steph. (Sewell), p. 83.
Then Robert of Gloucester felt that the case was hopeless, and
that, cost what it might, he must get his sister out. Suddenly, as he
was marshalling his host to cut their way through at all risks,[923] on
the evening of September 13, the city gates were opened, and
peace was proclaimed in the bishop’s name.[924] Robert hereupon
decided to march quietly out next morning. He took, however, the
precaution of sending his sister out first of all, while he brought up
the rear with a small band of men as dauntless as himself.[925] He
did wisely. Matilda had but just ridden through the west gate when
the bishop, doubtless from his tower at Wolvesey, gave the signal for
attack. The whole host of the queen’s partizans rushed upon those
of the Lady and routed them completely. Earl Robert succeeded in
covering his sister’s retreat, and cut his own way out in another
direction, but was overtaken at Stockbridge by William of Ypres and
his Flemings, who surrounded and took him prisoner.[926] Miles of
Gloucester (whom the Empress had made earl of Hereford),
surrounded in like manner, threw down his arms and fled for his life,
reaching Gloucester in disgrace, weary, alone, and almost naked.
[927] King David, it is said, was thrice made prisoner, but each time
bribed his captors to let him go,[928] and was hidden in safety at last
by a certain David Holcfard, who happened to be his godson.[929]
The archbishop of Canterbury and several other bishops who had
accompanied the Empress were despoiled of their horses and even
of their clothes. The Lady herself had escaped in company with the
Breton lord of Wallingford, Brian Fitz-Count, who had long been her
devoted friend and who never forsook her.[930] Their first halt was at
Luggershall; urged by her friends, still in terror of pursuit, she
mounted another horse and spurred on to Devizes; there, half dead
with fatigue, she laid herself on a bier, and bound to it with ropes as
if she had been a corpse, she was carried at last safe into
Gloucester.
[926] Flor. Worc. Contin. (as above), p. 135. Cf. Gesta Steph.,
Will. Malm. (as above), and Joh. Hexh. (Raine, p. 138). The
Geneal. Com. Flandr. (Rer. Gall. Scriptt., vol. xiii. p. 413)
declares that this was the service for which Stephen rewarded
William with the earldom of Kent.
[932] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. c. 58 (Hardy, pp. 759, 760).
[933] Flor. Worc. Contin. (Thorpe), vol. ii. p. 136. Will. Malm.
Hist. Nov., l. iii. c. 59 (Hardy, p. 760).
[935] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. cc. 51, 60–64 (Hardy, pp. 754,
760–762). Cf. Eng. Chron. a. 1140; Hen. Hunt., l. viii. c. 19
(Arnold, p. 275); and Gesta Steph. (Sewell), pp. 85, 86.
The earl rejoined his sister at Oxford;[936] the king re-entered his
capital amid general rejoicings.[937] His misfortunes, the heroism of
his queen, the overbearing conduct of the Empress, all helped to
turn the tide of popular feeling in his favour once more. Early in
December the legate, with such daring indifference to the
awkwardness of his own position as can surely have been due to
nothing but conscious integrity of purpose, called a council at
Westminster and formally undid the work which he had done at
Winchester in the spring. After a solemn complaint had been lodged
by Stephen against the vassals who had betrayed and captured him
—the counterpart of the charge once made in a similar assembly
against Stephen himself, of having been false to his duty as king—
Henry rose and made his apology. He had acquiesced in the rule of
the Empress, believing it a necessary evil; the evil had proved
intolerable, and he was thankful to be delivered from its necessity. In
the name of Heaven and its Roman representative he therefore once
more proclaimed his brother as the lawfully-elected and
apostolically-anointed sovereign to whom obedience was due, and
denounced as excommunicate all who upheld the claims of the
Angevin countess. The clergy sat in puzzled silence; but their very
silence gave consent.[938]
[938] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. cc. 52–53 (Hardy, pp. 755,
756). The council met on December 7.
[939] Will. Malm. Hist. Nov., l. iii. cc. 66–71 (Hardy, pp. 763–
766).
[946] Ibid.
[948] Ib. cc. 72, 73 (Hardy, pp. 767, 768). Gesta Steph.
(Sewell), p. 91. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 124.
[950] Ib. c. 74 (p. 768). Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 124,
125.
[951] Gesta Steph. (Sewell), p. 90.
[952] Ann. Osen. a. 1142 (Luard, Ann. Monast., vol. iv. p. 24).
[954] Eng. Chron. a. 1140. Gerv. Cant. (as above) says “per
posticium.”
[959] Gesta Steph. (Sewell), p. 92. Gerv. Cant. (as above), pp.
125, 126. Will. Newb. l. i. c. 10 (Howlett, vol. i. p. 42).
All this happened while the Empress was in full career of success
in England. There, however, as we have seen, summer and autumn
undid the work of spring; the news of Matilda’s triumph were quickly
followed by those of her fall, of her brother’s capture, of his release
in exchange for Stephen, and finally, at Whitsuntide 1142, by the visit
of Earl Robert himself to entreat that Geoffrey would come and help
his wife to reconquer her father’s kingdom. Geoffrey’s views of
statecraft were perhaps neither very wide nor very lofty; but his
political instinct was quicker and more practical than that of either his
wife or her brother. He saw that they had lost their hold upon
England; he knew that he had at last secured a hold upon
Normandy; and he resolved that no temptation from over sea should
induce him to let it go. Instead of helping Robert to conquer the
kingdom, he determined to make Robert help him to conquer the
duchy. He represented that it was impossible for him to leave
matters there in their present unsatisfactory condition; if the earl
really wanted him in England, he must first help him in bringing
Normandy to order. Thereupon Robert, finding that he could get no
other answer, agreed to join his brother-in-law in a campaign which
occupied them both until the end of the year.[982] The central part of
Normandy, from Nonancourt and Lisieux on the east to a line marked
by the course of the Orne on the west, and from the Cenomannian