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 Brief Contents

Preface  xiii
Acknowledgments  xv
1 Mexico in Comparative Context   1
2 Political-Historical Roots: The Impact of Time and Place   26
3 Contemporary Political Culture: What Mexicans Believe
and Their Consequences for Democracy   61
4 Political Attitudes and Their Origins: Interest, Knowledge,
and Partisanship   85
5 Rising to the Top: The Recruitment of Political Leadership
in a Democratic Mexico   120
6 Groups and the State: An Altered Relationship
in a Democratic Polity?   156
7 Mexico’s Political Institutions: The Structure of
Decision-Making  203
8 Expanding Participation: The Electoral Process   238
9 External Politics: Relations with the United States   285
10 Political and Economic Modernization: A Revolution?   320

Bibliographic Essay   351

Index  367

vii
 Contents

Preface  xiii
Acknowledgments  xv
1 Mexico in Comparative Context   1
Why Compare Political Systems?  2
Some Interpretations of the Mexican System  10
Mexico’s Significance in a Comparative Context  16
Conclusion  21
2 Political-Historical Roots: The Impact of Time and Place   26
The Spanish Heritage  27
Nineteenth-Century Political Heritage  35
The Revolutionary Heritage: Social Violence and Reform  44
The Politics of Place: Interface with the United States 50
Conclusion 52
3 Contemporary Political Culture: What Mexicans Believe and the
Consequences for Democracy   61
Legitimacy: Support for a Democratic Political System 62
Participation: Activating the Electorate 70
Democracy: What Does It Mean for Mexicans? 76
Conclusion 78
4 Political Attitudes and Their Origins: Interest, Knowledge,
and Partisanship   85
Income and Politics 90
Education and Politics 93
Religion and Politics 95
Gender and Politics 100
Region and Politics 105
Age and Politics 109
Conclusion 111

ix
x politics in mexico

5 Rising to the Top: The Recruitment of Political Leadership

in a Democratic Mexico   120
The Formal Rules 121
Informal Credentials: What Is Necessary to Rise to the Top
in Mexican Politics 126
The Rise of Women 133
The Camarilla: Political Networking in Mexico 137
The Rise and Decline of the Technocrat 144
Conclusion 148
6 Groups and the State: An Altered Relationship
in a Democratic Polity?   156
The Residue of Corporatism 156
Institutional Voices 158
The Military 159
The Church 164
Business 169
Organized Labor 172
Intellectuals and the Media 175
Voices of Dissent 180
Nongovernmental Organizations 181
Social Movements 185
Drug Trafficking Organizations 188
Conclusion 191
7 Mexico’s Political Institutions: The Structure
of Decision-Making   203
The Executive Branch 205
The Legislative Branch 211
The Judicial Branch 218
Federalism 225
Conclusion 229
8 Expanding Participation: The Electoral Process   238
Electoral Reforms 239
The Democratic Transition and the 1988 and 1994
Presidential Elections 241
The Establishment of Electoral Democracy: A Stepping Stone
to a Functional Democracy? 246
Functional Democracy and the Role of Elections, 2000–2018 251
Contents xi

Parties: Their Origins and Future in a Democratic

Political Context 266
National Action Party 266
Institutional Revolutionary Party 269
Movement for National Regeneration 272
Democratic Revolutionary Party 273
Conclusion 276
9 External Politics: Relations with the United States   285
National Security Issues 291
Cultural Interface 296
Economic Linkages 300
Conclusion 309
10 Political and Economic Modernization: A Revolution?   320
Bases for Economic Modernization 320
The Rise of Economic Liberalization 322
Democratization 333
Mexico’s Democracy and the Future 337

Bibliographic Essay   351

Index  367
 Preface

Since publishing the sixth edition of Politics in Mexico in 2013, three major
changes have taken place in Mexico that deserve emphasis in this new
edition.
First, the broad effort of Mexico to achieve a functional democracy
is evaluated and extensively analyzed. Indeed, the thematic focus of the
7th edition, subtitled The Path of a New Democracy, is on the failures and
accomplishments of achieving such a political system since 2000. Mexico
has not been as successful as its citizens had hoped in moving beyond an
electoral democracy. Initially, President Peña Nieto created fresh expecta-
tions through a multi-party Pact for Mexico, but ended his administration
with increased criminal violence and high levels of corruption both real and
perceived, resulting in a dramatic drop in support for his presidency and
for the legitimacy of government institutions. In evaluating the country’s
efforts, we place as much emphasis on informal as well as formal structures
and institutions.
We have also assessed the changing values of ordinary Mexicans and
leaders, using comprehensive, comparative surveys of the region from
Vanderbilt University’s Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP).
In each chapter’s conclusion, the relevance of those findings to the goal
of a functional democracy are analyzed. We also emphasize the impor-
tance of various actors and institutions and their influence—or attempts
to ­influence—policy outcomes. We have expanded emphasis on various
groups, but especially on the impact of social movements. We believe that
drug trafficking organizations have become so influential socially, politi-
cally, and economically that they deserve their own original analysis in this
context. We also discuss the consequences of the 2012 presidential race,
which witnessed the remarkable comeback of the Institutional Revolution-
ary Party, and the changes in voter behavior between the 2012 and 2018
elections. The dramatic shifts that occurred in 2018 with the overwhelming
victory of a new political party, MORENA, led by the three-time presiden-
tial candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador, suggests future changes in
voting behavior.

xiii
xiv politics in mexico

Second, although Peña Nieto was elected in part on a promise to

alter Calderón’s aggressive strategy against drug cartels, his most notable
­campaign promise, to create a hybrid gendarme force combing police and
military skills, received at best a tepid implementation, and passed into obliv-
ion. The continuation of a proactive strategy, relying heavily on the armed
forces, has serious implications for Mexico’s political sovereignty at the
local and regional level, its relationship with the United States, the real and
perceived sense of security among its population, as well as social and eco-
nomic implications for growth and development. Each of these is explored
in great depth, both independently and in relation to other consequences. We
have incorporated our own research on the armed forces’ role against drug
trafficking and organized crime in Mexico, as well as the work of dozens of
other authors, to evaluate all aspects of criminal organizations in Mexico and
their consequences for human rights, personal security, and violence.
Third, Mexico’s economy from 2012 to 2018 grew slowly, at rates
that would be more typically of post-industrial economies. We have incor-
porated numerous new international statistics from the World Bank and the
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as
well as from Mexican government agencies, which have attempted to mea-
sure Mexican levels of poverty in more sophisticated and useful ways. We
have strongly emphasized this issue as a central policy concern because it
is critical to informing Mexican attitudes toward democracy, social justice,
and the elimination of organized crime violence.
Finally, the findings from some two hundred studies by national and
international scholars have been incorporated in this new edition. Recent
research from our own scholarly publications related to numerous aspects
of the challenges to Mexican democracy are incorporated throughout the
book. Most importantly, we have included links to interviews with leading
actors in Mexico’s democratic transitions: Miguel Basáñez, leading public
opinion pollster during the democratic transition; Felipe Calderón, Presi-
dent of Mexico, 2006–2012; Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, three-time presiden-
tial candidate; Ernesto Ruffo Appel, first opposition candidate to win a
gubernatorial election, 1989; Jaime Serra Puche, key Mexican architect of
NAFTA; and Cecilia Soto González, first major female presidential can-
didate, 1994. All of these were conducted by Roderic Camp and William
Beezley, supported by Oxford University Press, and are available for free
access on their YouTube site under the topic “Democratizing Mexico’s Pol-
itics,” as well as via links in the chapters here. We have included a number
of personal anecdotes, experiences, and observations from more than five
decades of traveling and studying in Mexico, all of which shed light on
numerous aspects of Mexican politics.
 Acknowledgments

Roderic Camp: Anyone who has been in the business of teaching eventually
writes a mental textbook, constantly revised and presented orally in a series
of lectures. As teachers, however, we often dream of writing just the right
book for our special interest or course. Such a book naturally incorporates
our own biases and objectives. It also builds on the knowledge and experi-
ences of dozens of other teachers. While still a teenager, I thought of being a
teacher and, perhaps unusually, a college professor. Teachers throughout my
life, at all levels of my education, influenced this choice. They also affected
the way in which I teach, my interpersonal relationship with students, and my
philosophy of learning and life. To these varied influences, I offer heartfelt
thanks and hope that this work, in some small way, repays their contributions
to me personally and professionally and to generations of other students.
Among those special teachers, I want to mention Thelma Roberts and
Helen Weishaupt, who devoted their lives to the betterment of young chil-
dren, instilling worthy values and beliefs and setting admirable personal
examples, and to Mrs. Lloyd, for numerous afternoon conversations at
Cambridge School. I wish to thank Ralph Corder and Don Fallis, who en-
couraged my natural interest in history toward a more specific interest in
social studies. Sharron Williams and Richard W. Gully, my toughest high
school teachers, introduced me to serious research and to the joys of inves-
tigating intellectual issues; and Inez Fallis, through four years of Spanish,
prompted my continued interest in Mexico. Robert V. Edwards and Katha-
rine Blair stressed the importance of communication, orally and in writing,
helping me understand essential ingredients in the process of instruction.
My most challenging professor, Dr. Bergel, during a high school program at
Chapman College, opened my eyes to Western civilization and to the intel-
lectual feast that broad interdisciplinary teaching could offer.
For his humanity, advice, and skill with the English language, I remain
indebted to George Landon. As a mentor in the classroom and a model
researcher, Mario Rodríguez led me to the Library of Congress and to the
joys of archival research. On my arrival in Arizona, Paul Kelso took me
under his wing, contributing vastly to my knowledge of Mexico and the

xv
xvi politics in mexico

out-of-doors, sharing a rewarding social life with his wife, Ruth. I learned
more about Latin America and teaching in the demanding classrooms of
George A. Brubaker and Edward J. Williams. Both convinced me of the im-
portance of clarity, teaching writing as well as substance. Finally, Charles
O. Jones and Clifton Wilson set examples in their seminars of what I hoped
to achieve as an instructor.
Indirectly, I owe thanks to hundreds of students who have graced my
classrooms and responded enthusiastically, sometimes less so, to my inter-
pretations of Mexican politics, including Shannan Mattiace, who is my co-
author. I am equally indebted to Bill Beezley, David Dent, Oscar Martínez,
Steve Mumme, Kenneth Greene, David Shirk, Peter Ward, and Edward
J. ­Williams, devoted teachers and scholars, who offered many ­helpful sugges-
tions for this book. It’s noteworthy to mention that while Shannan M ­ attiace
and I worked together on this book, she is the author of Chapters 6, 7, & 9,
while all of the remaining chapters and the bibliography were penned by me.

Shannan Mattiace: I first met Rod Camp as a prospective student at Central

College in Pella, Iowa; my decision to attend Central College turned out to
be absolutely fundamental to my later career as a Mexicanist, which has
brought me so much joy over the years. I am deeply grateful to Rod, for his
consistent support and interest in my career all these years. Central College
professor George Ann Huck’s enthusiasm for Yucatecan culture and soci-
ety was also an early inspiration, which grew into an enduring friendship.
Also at Central ­College I met my dear friend Mariam Yitani, whose insights
into Mexican politics and society I have greatly appreciated and cherished
over the decades. I am grateful to Suzanne Corley, whom I first met in
­Yucatán, for years of lively conversation about lo mexicano. I have learned
so much from my Mexican(ist) co-authors and friends Patricia Fortuny,
Aída Hernández, ­Jennifer Johnson, Sandra Ley, Rodrigo Llanes, Jan Rus,
and Guillermo Trejo. F­ inally, I would like to thank my husband Tomas, for
his unflagging support of my career and my work, for his keen intellectual
interest in Mexico and Mexican politics, and for accompanying me with
love and devotion through it all.

Finally, we wish to thank Sallie Hughes, Julio Ríos Figueroa, and Kevin
Middlebrook for their help in locating data for this edition. Our thanks as
well to all of the following reviewers:

Previous editions
James Bowen, Saint Louis University
Kenneth Greene, University of Texas at Austin
Acknowledgments xvii

Victor J. Hinojosa, Baylor University

Claudio A. Holzner, University of Utah
Adrian P. Hull, State University of New York College at Cortland
Mark A. Martinez, California State University, Bakersfield
Dag Mossige, Davidson College
Pamela K. Starr, University of Southern California

Seventh edition
Leslie E. Anderson, University of Florida
James Bowen, Saint Louis University
Francisco Cantu, University of Houston
Maria R. Garcia-Acevedo, California State University, Northridge
Gregory Love, University of Mississippi
Tony Payan, Baker Institute Mexico Center
Politics in Mexico
 Mexicali
HIDALGO

BA
JA
CA
Pachuca
LIF
RN O PUEBLA
IA SONORA
NO
Hermosillo
RT
CHIHUAHUA MÉXICO
E

Mexico
Chihuahua City TLAXCALA
B Tlaxcala
Toluca FEDERAL
AJ
A

COAHUILA DISTRICT
CA
LIF

Puebla

SI
OR

NUEVO

NA
Cuernavaca
NIA

Saltillo Monterrey

LO
PUEBLA

A
MORELOS
S

DURANGO LEÓN
UR

Culiacán
Durango TAMAULIPAS
ZACATECAS
Ciudad Victoria
Zacatecas SAN LUIS
AGUAS- POTOSÍ
NAYARIT CALIENTES San Luis Potosí GULF OF
PACIFIC Tepic Aguascalientes Mérida
GUANAJUATO MEXICO
OCEAN Guanajuato
YUCATÁN

Guadalajara Querétaro Campeche

QUINTANA
JALISCO Jalapa ROO
Colima Morelia Ciudad Chetumal
COLIMA MICHOACÁN ER CAMPECHE

V
AC TABASCO
RU
Z Villahermosa
Chilpancingo
GUERRERO Oaxaca CHIAPAS
0 300 Miles OAXACA Tuxtla
Gutiérrez
0 500 Kilomet er s

Mexico General Political Map, States and Capitals

 1
Mexico in Comparative Context
At the same time, the pattern of democratization in Mexico has
acquired, or produced, a series of defining features. The Mexi-
can transition resulted from a steady, step-by-step process, one
that focused essentially on national elections. As a result, there
remains a good deal of unfinished business—including the qual-
ity of local (and statewide) local elections, the redefinition of
civil–military relations, the impartial application of the rule of
law, and the strengthening of the judiciary. The problem is not
that Mexico has struggled mightily if unsuccessfully to bring
about productive reforms in these areas; it is that these issues
never found their way onto the transitional agenda.
peter h. smith, “Mexican Democracy in Comparative Perspective”

An exploration of a society’s politics is, by nature, all-encompassing.

Political behavior and political processes are a reflection of a country’s evo-
lution, involving history, geography, values, ethnicity, religion, internal and
external relationships, and much more. As social scientists, we often pursue
topics of current political interest, ignoring the medley of influences from
the past.
Naturally, each person tends to examine another culture’s characteris-
tics, political or otherwise, from his or her own society’s perspective. This
is not only a product of ethnocentrism, thinking of one’s society as superior
to the next person’s, for which we Americans are often criticized, but also
a question of familiarity. Although we often are woefully ignorant of our
own society’s political processes and institutions, being more familiar with
the mythology than actual practice, we become accustomed to our way of
doing things in our own country.1
We will attempt to explain Mexican politics, building on this natu-
ral proclivity to relate most comfortably to our own political customs, by
drawing on implied as well as explicit comparisons with the United States.
Specifically, the book will focus on Mexico’s recent transformation from

1
2 politics in mexico

a semiauthoritarian to a democratic electoral political model, analyzing

the democratic transition in the 1990s and the democratic consolidation
in the 2000s and 2010s. This comparison is further enhanced by the fact
that Mexico and the United States have been joined together in a free-trade
agreement since January 1994. Moreover, since 2006, the two countries
have increased their collaboration on bilateral national security issues, most
specifically focused on drug trafficking organizations. We also are products
of a more comprehensive Western European civilization, into which other
traditions are gradually making significant inroads, including those from
Hispanic cultures. Some critics suggest that we have relied too exclusively
on Western traditions in our education; nevertheless, they are unquestion-
ably the primary source of our political values. Thus, our familiarity with
political processes, if it extends at all beyond US boundaries, is typically
that of the Western European nations and England.2 For recent immigrants,
of course, that heritage is different. Again, where possible, comparisons
will be made with some of these political systems, including Latin Amer-
ica, in order to place the Mexican experience in a larger context. Finally,
Mexico is a developing economy, a category into which most countries fall,
and hence its characteristics deserve to be compared with characteristics we
might encounter elsewhere in such countries.

WHY COMPARE POLITICAL SYSTEMS?

The comparison of political systems is an exciting enterprise. One reason

that the study of politics in different societies and time periods has intrigued
inquiring minds for generations is the central question: Which political
system is best? Identifying the “best” political system—by attributes other
than its merely being the one with which you are most familiar and conse-
quently comfortable—is, of course, a subjective task. It depends largely on
what you want out of your political system. One way to measure a political
system’s effectiveness is to observe the demands made on it and assess its
ability to respond efficiently and appropriately to them.
Throughout the twentieth century, perhaps the major issue attracting
the social scientist, the statesperson, and the average educated citizen is
which political system contributes most positively to economic growth and
societal development. From an ideological perspective, much of interna-
tional politics since World War II has focused primarily on that issue.
The two political systems most heavily analyzed since 1945 have been
democratic capitalism and Soviet-style socialism. Each has its pluses and
Mexico in Comparative Context 3

minuses, depending on individual values and perspectives. Given events in

Eastern Europe and the breakup of the Soviet state, socialism is in decline.
Nevertheless, socialism as a model is far from dead, nor is it likely to be in
the future. Indeed, the fastest growing major economy in the world is that
of China, which represents the striking hybrid model of political authori-
tarianism based on a collective leadership combined with rampant capital-
ism. Some scholars even have attempted interesting comparisons between
Mexico and China.3 It is human nature to want alternative choices in every
facet of life. Politics is just one facet, even if somewhat all-encompassing.
The history of humankind reveals a continual competition among alterna-
tive political models.
In short, whether one chooses democratic capitalism, authoritarian capi-
talism, or some other hybrid ideological alternative, societies and citizens will
continue to search for the most viable political processes to bring about eco-
nomic and social benefits. Because most of the earth’s peoples are economi-
cally underprivileged, they want immediate results. Often, politicians from
less fortunate nations seek a solution through emulating wealthier nations.
Mexico’s leaders and its populace are no exception to this general pattern.
One of the major issues facing Mexico’s leaders is the nature of its
capitalist model, and the degree to which Mexico should pursue a strategy
of economic development patterned after that of the United States. Since
1988 they have sought to alter many traditional relationships between gov-
ernment and the private sector, increasing the influence of the private sector
in an attempt to reverse Mexico’s economic crisis and stimulate economic
growth. In fact, Mexico received international notice in the 1990s for the
level and pace of change under President Carlos Salinas de Gortari.4 He
advocated economic liberalization, which he defined as increased control
of the economy by the private sector, more extensive foreign investment,
and internationalization of the Mexican economy through expanded trade
and formal commercial relationships with the United States and Canada.
Simultaneously, Salinas advocated political liberalization, which he defined
as including more citizen participation in elections, greater electoral compe-
tition, and integrity in the voting process, but in reality he did little to imple-
ment democratic change, preferring instead to retain power in the hands of
the presidency.
Salinas’s successor, Ernesto Zedillo, who took office on December 1,
1994, inherited a political system in transition and an economic situa-
tion that shortly turned into a major financial and political crisis. Zedillo
continued to pursue an economic liberalization strategy and increased the
pace of political reforms compared to his predecessor. Strong doubts about
neoliberal economic policies remained from various quarters, however,
4 politics in mexico

generating some nationalistic, anti-US sentiments. Nevertheless, when he

left office in 2000 President Zedillo transferred a healthy economy to his
successor, the first president in decades to do so. More importantly, he suc-
ceeded in creating a competitive electoral arena administered by autono-
mous institutional actors, which witnessed the landmark election of Vicente
Fox, the first opposition party candidate to defeat the Institutional Revolu-
tionary Party (PRI) in a presidential race.
Vicente Fox, a former businessman and representative of the National
Action Party (PAN), formed a bipartisan cabinet and aggressively pursued
a neoliberal economic model, including closer trade ties with the United
States. His actions as president legitimized democratic practices and the
rule of law. Mexicans voted for Fox because he represented change, and
most importantly, they wanted increased improvement in their standard of
living and personal security from crime.5 Fox, building on anti-poverty pro-
grams introduced under Zedillo, was able, for the first time in decades, to
achieve a decline in the percentage of Mexicans living in poverty.
In 2006 Mexico experienced its most ambitious and intensive presi-
dential campaign, testing the newly established democratic institutions. The
two leading candidates in the campaign, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of
the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) and Felipe Calderón of the in-
cumbent PAN, fought to a photo finish. Calderón won with less than a half
percent of the vote in what became the most controversial election since
1988. The candidates represented strongly differing views on Mexico’s path
to economic development, with López Obrador emphasizing the failures of
government economic policies to solve the level of poverty, suggesting that
a larger state role was essential to combat and alleviate poverty, in contrast
to Calderón’s view that Mexico’s economic growth, building on his prede-
cessor’s foundation, should continue to emphasize the neoliberal economic
strategy and the global influences institutionalized through NAFTA.6 Po-
litically, the closeness of the outcome of the election, and the impact of
alleged fraud in determining the vote, left a large minority of Mexicans
with doubts about the integrity of the democratic electoral process. Eco-
nomically, Mexico’s increased linkages to the United States under Calde-
rón, after the US recession in 2008, led to a dramatic downturn in Mexico’s
economic growth. The level of unemployment in Mexico, combined with
the government’s strategy against drug cartels, led to unprecedented levels
of violence throughout Calderón’s administration, raising serious doubts
about the level of legitimacy of public institutions and the ability of those
institutions to maintain political sovereignty.
In 2012, during a much shorter presidential campaign, the three major
parties offered their nominees. Once again the race focused largely on
Another random document with
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 Fig. 11
The Swing is Made upon One Ski Instead of Using Both as in the
Christiania Swing

Closely akin to side-slipping is the Christiania swing with the stick,

which is accomplished by pressing with both heels at the same time,
while the stick digs well into the snow above. This variation of the
side slip is easily done, and the skier is turned sharply uphill to come
to a quick stop. When a sharp hill is met with, that is considered a bit
too steep to take straight, this swing with the stick may be made by
taking a zigzag course down grade steering clear of any obstacles
by snowplowing, stemming, or side-slipping; and turning the corners,
or “tacking,” by making use of the Christiania swing and the stick, as
shown in Fig. 10.
The “S”-turn may likewise be used for turning corners, without the
necessity for stopping to make the ordinary kick turn. A good way to
learn this useful movement is to run straight downhill in a snowplow
position, reduce the speed to a comfortable walking pace with the
stick, and stem with the ski. If this is done with the right ski, the “S”-
turn is made by throwing practically the whole weight of the body on
the right ski, at the heel, and pressing it outward while the stick is
carried ahead and below the skier. If the heels are kept well apart,
and the toes close together, the skier will have no trouble about
swinging around in a curve and be off on the other tack. About the
only difficulty in making the “S”-turn is the position of the body, which
must be thrown somewhat out and away from the hill. To the novice
this at first seems to invite a fall, but a few trials will soon prove that
the weight of the body must be thrown on the foot which circles on
the outside of the curve, hence the apparently unnatural position of
the body is essential for a good turn. By bringing the stick well
forward and downhill, the skier uses his staff as a pivot upon which
the turn is made.
The Christiania swing, made without the stick, is a favorite with
expert ski runners when running on rough and steep ground and is a
good way of stopping. The swing may be made both to the right and
left. To make it to the right, keep the skis close together, the right a
trifle in advance, with the weight of the body equally on both feet and
with knees slightly bent. Now throw the weight more forward and
upon the toes, while the heels are carried forward and outward to the
left. The body must lean to the right—the direction in which the swing
is made—and twisted somewhat at the waist; and the sharper the
turn, the more the body must lean sideways to keep the balance.
The swing to the left is made in the, same fashion, only the left ski
should be a trifle advanced and the body thrown to the left.

Fig. 12
To Make the Jump the Skier Assumes the Easy Position Required for
Coasting Downhill

The Telemark swing is more difficult to master than the Christiania

swing, because it is done on one foot, or ski, instead of using both,
and as it is less powerful than the latter, it is of far less use for
stopping. To make the Telemark swing to the right, assume the
regular position for downhill coasting, and, advancing the left foot,
turn the ski so that it rests on its edge as when making the
snowplow, throw the body to the right and lean in toward the slope to
keep the balance. To make the swing to the left, advance the right
foot, turn the body to the left and lean as before. This is shown in
Fig. 11. The Telemark turn is, in fact, made in the same manner as
stemming, and the sharpness of the swing rests altogether upon the
quickness with which the heel is thrown outward and the body turned
in the direction the skier desires to swing. The swing is made upon
one ski, and the key to the whole swing is the knack of raising the
heel of the other foot off its ski until it rests upon the toes. That this is
hard to do goes with the telling, and the novice should first acquire
the knack of balancing by running straight downhill with the weight
thrown on one foot. When this can be done, and not before then, the
skier is ready to practice the turn. The Telemark swing, like all other
turns, is easily acquired at slow and moderate speeds, and becomes
more and more difficult to make as the speed is increased and the
turn is made more sharply and quickly.
Jumping on skis is one of the most exhilarating winter sports, and
it is a pity that it is not more popular wherever a medium-heavy fall of
snow occurs. While touring on skis across a hilly country, there will
be many natural jumps to encounter, for drifts, stumps, rocks, and
other rises in the ground, when well covered and padded with snow,
make good jumping-off places. While but a few skiers may have
attempted such high leaps as the famous Holmenkollen,
Fiskertorpet, or Foldberg, all who have done much ski running have
done a little jumping, since, when running downhill, an unexpected
dip is often encountered, and a rise in the ground causes the skier to
leave the ground for a short distance and alight several feet below.
Doubtless the skier has enjoyed the flying-like sensation of this brief
moment, and very likely he has climbed the hill to repeat the jump.
Moreover, this has very likely demonstrated that the distance of the
jump depends upon the height of the dip, the speed of the skier
passing over it, and likewise upon the spring of the body on the take-
off. In making a jump of any height, the take-off may be level,
pointing up or even downhill, and constructed with framework
extending out from the hillside, or consist merely of a large boulder,
or a pile of logs, well padded with snow. The height of the slope
chosen will, of course, regulate the distance of the jump, and the
place where the jumper alights should be fairly steep, since, if the
skier lands upon a level place great difficulty will be experienced in
keeping the balance, therefore the usual jumping hill, where jumping
competitions are held, is provided with a 30°, or steeper, landing
place, and this merges gradually into the outrun, or slope,
connecting the hill with the level ground below.
 Fig. 13
Each Member of the Party should be Provided with a Ruck Sack of Good
Capacity

For the safety of the skier, the snow should be firm but not icy or
hard, and this is easily done by packing the snow down well by
means of the skis. A good, thick padding of snow is of course
essential, and a thickness of 2 ft. is really needed at the landing
place and at the take-off. In our more northerly sections, plenty of
snow usually falls, but wherever a few sportsmen get together, it is
an easy matter to shovel sufficient snow to prepare a good and safe
jumping hill.
To gain confidence and acquire some useful experience in
jumping, the novice should practice leaping from a 2-ft. rise and
gradually increase the height of the take-off by piling more snow
upon it to increase its height. One or two packing cases firmly placed
upon a smooth, steep hillside, and well padded with 2 ft. of well-
trodden snow, will make a nice take-off. For the beginning the take-
off may point slightly downhill or be fashioned level, and as the skier
becomes more proficient, snow may be added to the edge so that
the take-off will send the jumper well up into the air.
The knack of jumping is nothing more than balancing the body
upon alighting, and the steeper the landing place the easier it is to
keep the balance. To make the jump in good form, the skier assumes
the easy position required for coasting downhill, as shown in Fig. 12.
When within a dozen yards of the take-off the body is lowered until
the skier is in a crouching position with the arms extending back as
in the act of jumping. Arriving within a couple of yards of the dip the
body and arms are thrown forward, which transfers the weight of the
body upon the toes, and the body is straightened up and the arms
are raised not unlike the wings of a bird, to keep the perfect balance
of the body. The straightening up of the body, known to skiers as “the
sats,” is the leap proper and must be timed so that the body
assumes an erect position when the jumper is not less than 12 ft.
from the edge of the take-off. The beginner will invariably jump too
late, but after a little practice, and profiting by numerous mistakes,
the take-off will be timed correctly. Alighting after a jump is best done
by advancing one ski a trifle to keep the balance, and bending the
knees a bit to lessen the impact. The jumper ends with the Telemark
or Christiania swing.
When taking tours of any length on skis, each member of the party
should be provided with a ruck sack of good capacity. That of the
expanding type, made with two outside pockets, and with gores at
the sides, is a good, sensible pack. It should be made of 8-oz.
waterproof khaki and fitted with shoulder straps of good width, to
prevent chafing the shoulders. Leather ruck sacks are sometimes
used, but are heavier in weight and more expensive but no better.
One member of the party should carry some kind of repairing outfit,
consisting of an awl, a length of leather thong, a few spare straps
and a stout cord, or string. These sacks are shown in Fig. 13.
 Knife, Fork, and Spoon Holder

The Holder Keeps the Cutlery in a Position for Easy Selection and Grasping

The holder is made of a piece of sheet copper of sufficient

thickness to support the number of pieces of cutlery used. The piece
is notched to admit the different pieces, and its back edge is bent at
right angles to provide means of fastening it to a support, a wall or
the back of the kitchen cabinet. It will save space, as well as time,
since it is much easier to grasp one of the articles when wanted than
if they are kept in a drawer.—Contributed by L. E. Turner, New York
City.
 Making Round Rods for Fish Poles
In looking forward to the enjoyment that may be had in the spring,
it is well to prepare and overhaul the fishing apparatus or the
shooting equipment. In doing so, it may be necessary to make a joint
for the fish rod or perhaps a rod for the gun. These can be easily cut
if they are sized and run through holes made in a piece of thin metal
as follows: Make several holes of the desired sizes in a steel plate,
and ream them out with a rather dull taper reamer, so as to leave a
bur on one side. This bur should be filed down almost level with the
surface of the metal, leaving the edges flat and sharp. If a rod of
wood from which the article is to be made is put in a hole and drawn
through from the opposite side to the bur, a nice round rod will result.
As the rod becomes smaller, use a smaller hole until the required
diameter is obtained. A saw plate that is not too thin is about the
proper thing to use for the steel plate. It will be necessary to draw the
temper to make the holes, but it is not necessary to retemper it after
the holes are made.

¶Celery keeps well in a small box of dry sand.

 A Ski Sled
By GEORGE J. EGELBERG

T he sled is built low and wide so that it will not tip easily. The skis, or
runners, are cut 10 ft. long and 6 in. wide, from 1-in. ash boards
that are straight-grained. At the points where the curve is to be
formed, plane off about ¹⁄₄ in. on the upper side, but do not plane off
any at the very tip end. This will allow the skis to be more easily
bent. If it is not handy to steam the skis, put them in boiling water,
and be sure that at least 1¹⁄₂ ft. of the points are covered. Provide a
cover for the vessel, so that only very little steam may escape. Let
them boil for at least one hour. A good method of bending the points
is shown. When the skis are taken from the water, put them as
quickly as possible in the bending blocks, side by side, and bend
them with a slow, even pressure. Weight the extending ends and
leave the skis in the blocks 8 or 10 hours to dry. Sharpen the points
after they are bent.
The Runners are Shaped Like a Ski and are Joined Together with Knees for
the Top Board

The sled will run easier if the skis have a slight rocker curve. To
make this curve, have the center block 6 in. while the two end blocks
are 5¹⁄₂ in. high. A ¹⁄₄-in. flat-head bolt is run through the ski, the
block, and the cross strip. The holes are countersunk in the surface
for the heads of the bolts. The top is made of three 6-in. boards,
fastened to the crosspieces. It is a good plan to brace the tips of the
skis with a 2-in. strip.
 Clocks for the Craftsman

An Ordinary Alarm Clock Mounted in a Wood Base Made in Elaborate

Designs to Resemble a Timepiece of High Value; yet Inexpensive to Make

Three designs of clocks are shown, which can be easily made in

oak, or other wood, that will match other furniture. The sizes of the
pieces required are given by the dimensions in the drawings.
The clock is a matter of choice. Prices in most stores range from
75 cents up and the works are of the ordinary alarm-clock variety.
After selecting the clock the small legs as well as the back plate are
removed. The hole cut in the wood for the clock must be a snug fit,
and after placing it in position, the back plate is replaced.
The finish may be a wax or gloss, as desired, and directions for
applying it will be found on the can containing the material.
 A Compact Galvanometer
A small portable galvanometer is one of the most useful
instruments to the electrical experimenter. There are continually
arising instances where it is necessary to test through and identify
certain wires, for which purpose a small galvanometer and a dry cell
are quite sufficient. For comparing the resistances by the well-known
Wheatstone-bridge method, a galvanometer is, of course,
indispensable. If the winding is made suitable, or by placing a shunt
across the terminals to reduce the deflection, a small galvanometer
will roughly indicate the current passing and thus enable one to
compare his dry cells and eliminate the weak ones. Rough voltage
comparisons may also be made by placing a resistance in series
with the galvanometer.
For constructing this instrument, a good pocket compass, of about
2-in. diameter, must be procured. Prepare a neat little box with the
four edges accurately beveled off. On the under side of this, carefully
cut a channel, about ¹⁄₂ in. wide and 2¹⁄₂ in. long, to a depth that will
bring the bottom of the slot within ¹⁄₈ in. of the top of the base block.
Place two binding posts on the base, as indicated, and secure the
compass in place with cement, or by two very small nails put through
the bottom. If the glass cannot be removed, it will be necessary to
solder the nail heads to the bottom of the compass box, after having
carefully removed the lacquer.
The correct wiring will depend on the strength of the current
handled. It is, however, very easy to get an idea of what the
deflection will be under certain conditions by merely making a
preliminary trial, after winding a few turns of any magnet or bell wire
at hand around a small piece of wood, and slipping the coil so
formed into the slot on the under side of the base block. The winding
may be from two or three turns of heavy wire up to several hundred
turns of fine magnet wire, but after one or two trials, the maker will
have no trouble in determining his particular requirements.
 Galvanometer Made of a Compass Set on a Wood Base, with Coil and Wire
Connections

The final coil should be wound lengthwise on a wood core, and the
whole packed neatly into the slot. Connect up the ends to the binding
posts, and then glue in a thin piece to hold the coil in place.
By drilling a small horizontal hole through the base, as indicated
by the two dotted lines in the top view of the working drawings, and
inserting a small bar magnet, ¹⁄₈ in. in diameter, or less, the
instrument may be rendered independent of the earth’s magnetism
and used without reference to the north point. Such a controlling
magnet reduces the time required to bring the needle to rest after it
has been violently reflected.

¶Woodwork about a house, when primed with white lead made quite
thin in raw linseed oil, will never blister unless moisture gets back of
it. Yellow-ocher priming will cause blistering at any time up to 20
years.
 A Perpetual Calendar

It is Only Necessary to Change the Sliding Pieces to Set the Calendar for
Each Month

It is only necessary to set this calendar the first of each month, by

sliding the insertions up or down, to get the proper month or week.
The calendar, as it is shown, is set for January, 1916. Saturday is the
first day and Friday the seventh, and so on. It is not confusing and
can be read either by the day or date. If the day is known it will show
the date, and if the date is known it will show the day. The illustration
clearly shows the parts, which can be cut from heavy paper or
cardboard.
 Heater for the Experimenter
A convenient small heater for heating liquids in experimental work,
and even in making a hot drink where there is no gas, can be readily
made from an ordinary oil lamp and a small round can, having a
crimped-on head or bottom. The can should be of such diameter that
the prongs of the lamp burner will hold it firmly in place. A hole
should be made in the bottom of the can. It is then placed, upside
down, on the lamp burner. If the top comes too far from the flame,
cut off a strip around the edge.—Contributed by Clarence S. H.
Anderson, Worcester, Massachusetts.
 A Camp Chair Constitutes the Body of the Sled and the Legs are Equipped
with Runners

A Folding Ice Sled

On a smooth ice surface, or on hard snow, the sled shown will run
easily, and a skater can push another with surprising speed by a light
push on the shoulders while the rider rests his feet on the front of the
runners. The sled is light, and it can be folded up and carried under
the arm. It is also handy for putting on the skates, or for use in a
crowded car.
 Any camp stool will do for the main part of the sled. Holes are
bored in the ends of the legs to receive the lugs on the runners
snugly. If the builder is not equipped with a forge, a blacksmith will
make the runners cheaply. The sliding surfaces of the runners are
smoothed with a file.—Contributed by Thomas Lappin, Portland,
Ore.

¶A column of water 27.6 in. will have a pressure of 1 lb. per square
inch.
 Cleaning Tinware with Milk
Some housewives advise a system of dry-cleaning for tinware for
the reason that it insures a surface free from rust which is less liable
to burn. Where washing is preferred, however, a little milk added to
the water proves more satisfactory than either soap or soda, its
peculiarly solvent effect upon grease obviating all necessity for hard
scouring, which latter will wear the tin coating and gradually cause
the article to become useless for holding food and more apt to rust
into holes.—Contributed by J. E. Pouliot, Ottawa, Can.