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✩
Brief Contents
Preface xvi
vii
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viii Brief Contents
I I I CONCLUS I ON 547
13 American Foreign Policy Values and the Future 549
SU B J EC T I NDE X 599
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✩
Contents
Preface xvi
ix
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x Contents
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Contents xi
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xii Contents
SU B J EC T I NDE X 599
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✩
Documents
and Document
Summaries, Figures,
Maps, and Tables
D o c u m e n t s a n d D o c u m e n t S u m m a r i e s
Document 1.1 Wilson’s Fourteen Points 25
Document 2.1 Excerpts from NSC-68, April 14, 1950 51
Document Summary 3.1 The Camp David Accords between
Egypt and Israel, September 1978 102
Document 8.1 Excerpt from a Letter from the President regarding
the commencement of operations in Libya March 21, 2011
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:) 301
Fi g u r e s
Figure 2.1 Patterns in Foreign Aid, 1945–1970 (Net Grants and
Credits) 49
Figure 2.2 National Defense Expenditures and U.S. Armed Forces
per 1,000 Population, 1946–1968 53
Figure 3.1 The “Mistake” Question on Vietnam 84
Figure 3.2 Principal Participants in the Balance-of-Power System
Conceptualized by Nixon and Kissinger 88
Figure 5.1 The “Mistake” Question on Iraq 199
Figure 9.1 U.S. Department of State 343
xiii
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xiv Documents and Document Summaries, Figures, Maps, and Tables
Maps
Map 1.1 U.S. Involvements in Central America and the Caribbean,
1898–2004 18
Map 2.1 Europe Divided between East and West
after World War II 39
Map 2.2 U.S. Collective Defense Arrangements 45
Map 2.3 The Korean War, 1950–1953 54
Map 3.1 Cuba 77
Map 3.2 Vietnam, 1954–1975 80
Map 3.3 Israel and its neighbors, 1977 103
Map 3.4 Southern Africa 104
Map 4.1 Central America 121
Map 4.2 The Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia 143
Map 4.3 The Former Yugoslavia 147
Map 5.1 Iraq 189
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Documents and Document Summaries, Figures, Maps, and Tables xv
Ta b l e s
Table 1.1 Content of International Agreements
by the United States 12
Table 2.1 The American Postwar Consensus in Foreign Policy 57
Table 2.2 Use of American Military Force during Eight
Administrations, 1946–1988 (Categorized by Regions) 59
Table 2.3 Attitudes toward Stopping the
Spread of Communism, 1950–1951 61
Table 7.1 Some Foreign Policy Powers Shared between the
President and the Congress 253
Table 7.2 Treaties and Executive Agreements, 1789–1999 259
Table 7.3 Presidential Victories on Foreign
Policy Votes in the Congress: From
Harry S. Truman to Barack Obama 275
Table 8.1 The War Powers Resolution and
Presidential Reports to Congress 300
Table 8.2 Ten Leading Recipients of
American Foreign Assistance for FY2012 309
Table 9.1 Composition of the National Security Council 355
Table 11.1 Interest Group Activity over the U.S.-Korea Free Trade
Agreement (KORUS FTA) 464
Table 11.2 Top 10 Defense Contractors for Fiscal Years 1988, 1995,
2002, 2005, and 2011 and Their Corporate Sales Rank
(in parentheses) for Those Years 470
Table 13.1 Policy Differences between the Leaders and the Public
in 2002 (Percentages) 553
Table 13.2 Partisan Differences on Selected Foreign Policy
Issues (Percentages) 555
Instructor Supplements:
Companion Web Site for McCormick’s American Foreign
Policy and Process, 6e
ISBN-13: 9781133950288
This password-protected website for instructors features all of the
free student assets such as interactive web-quizzing, plus a new
instructor’s manual, book-specific PowerPoint® presentations,
and an updated test bank. Access your resources by logging into
your account at www.cengage.com/login.
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
✩
Preface
The sixth edition of American Foreign Policy and Process has been revised and up-
dated and now covers policy and process developments through the Obama ad-
ministration. The book is intended to serve as a comprehensive text for the first
course in U.S. foreign policy and as a supplemental text in a global politics or
comparative foreign policy course where American actions are analyzed. It also
remains appropriate as a ready reference for the first graduate course in the study
of American foreign policy or the foreign policy process.
Values and beliefs remain as the basic organizing theme for the text because
policy actions are always taken within a value context.Yet, this emphasis on values
and beliefs is not necessarily presented in a way to promote a particular point of
view. Instead, the intent is to portray how values and beliefs toward foreign af-
fairs have changed over the course of the history of the republic and how U.S.
foreign policy has thus changed from its earliest years and through the Obama
administration.
The text is again divided into three parts to accomplish this goal. In Part I,
the first six chapters of the volume, I provide an overview of the beliefs that have
shaped American foreign policy throughout its history (Chapter 1), the Cold War
years (Chapter 2), the post-Vietnam era and the end of the Cold War (Chapters 3
and 4), the post–Cold War and post–9/11 years (Chapter 5), and the current era
(Chapter 6). In each of the chapters, I utilize a wide variety of foreign policy
actions to illustrate the values and beliefs of the particular period and administra-
tion. In Part II, which consists of Chapters 7–12, I examine in some detail the
policy-making process by identifying the role of various institutions and groups—
the executive (Chapter 7), Congress (Chapter 8), several bureaucracies (Chapters 9
and 10), political parties and interest groups (Chapter 11), and the media and the
public at large (Chapter 12) in that process and assess how each competes to pro-
mote its own values in American foreign policy. In each chapter, too, I evaluate the
relative importance of these institutions and groups in the foreign policy process.
In Part III, which consists of a single concluding chapter (Chapter 13), I discuss
several foreign policy divisions today—among America’s political elites or leaders,
between the American public and their leaders, and the increasing polarization
xvi
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Preface xvii
between the political parties—and the implications of such divisions for shaping
American foreign policy in the future.
Those familiar with the earlier editions will immediately recognize both con-
tinuity and change with the sixth edition. Although Chapter 1 has largely re-
mained intact from the previous edition (albeit with a brief new section outlining
an alternative view of America’s past), Chapters 2–5 reflect a reorganizing from
the previous edition to provide students with greater coherence in understanding
the changes in American foreign policy—during the Cold War, after the Vietnam
War, and since the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11. Chapter 6 is en-
tirely new and focuses on the foreign policy actions of the Obama administration.
Chapters 7–12 reflect continuity in structure with the past editions, but each one
has been carefully updated to reflect changes in actions of these important foreign
policy institutions at home. At the same time, I should note that each chapter has
been trimmed in length to reflect only the most important information and most
appropriate illustrations from current policy actions. Chapter 13 represents a sub-
stantial revision with the addition of a section on current political party differences
at home and a more focused discussion of major policy alternatives for the future
at the end.
The sixth edition has retained some of the instructional features to the text,
but some changes have been made to reflect a sharper focus on only the essentials.
Maps continue to be used frequently in Part I to assist students in locating vari-
ous countries and regions as they are being discussed. The use of tables and figures
throughout the chapters has been retained. However, I have reduced the number
and now focus only on the most important ones. Document and document sum-
maries have been pared, and they are now used only for the most crucial pieces of
historical items. The ones that have been retained ought to allow students to use
these first-hand sources for more fully understanding American policy. I have con-
tinued to highlight in bold the key names and arguments in each chapter in order
to make the discussion more accessible and more “reader friendly,” but the number
of highlights has been sharply reduced.
In the course of completing the sixth edition, I have incurred a number
of debts to individuals and institutions, and I want to take the opportunity to
acknowledge my thanks to them publicly. First of all, colleagues at other institu-
tions offered their comments and suggestions for improving the book by care-
fully reviewing the fifth edition: John W. Dietrich, Bryant University; Jungkun
Seo, University of North Carolina, Wilmington; James Seroka, Auburn University;
and Jeannie Grussendorf, Georgia State University. For their extensive reviews
and very helpful suggestions, I am most grateful. Also, a substantial portion of
Chapter 6 was previously published as a chapter in Steven E. Schier’s Transforming
America; hence, I am grateful to Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., for allow-
ing me to use that material here.
Second, colleagues in the Department of Political Science at Iowa State
University provided moral support, especially as I sought to balance my adminis-
trative, teaching, and research responsibilities in completing this revision. For their
friendship and encouragement, I will be forever grateful. Several of my graduate and
undergraduate assistants—Nicholas Lauen, Kirk Galster, Aaron Calhoun, and Bob
Beyer—were very helpful in collecting some specific pieces of data, tracking down
information to update various chapters, and assisting with the bibliography, and
I am in their debt for such timely assistance. I also want to thank Shirley Barnes for
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xviii Preface
her help, on very short notice, with the creation or updating of some new tables
and figures for this edition.
Third, I am grateful to Cengage Learning for its support and encouragement
as I was completing the sixth edition. I particularly want to thank Carolyn Mer-
rill, Executive Editor, Political Science, at Cengage/Wadsworth for keeping me on
a tight schedule and my development editor, Michael Kopf, for his assistance in
getting the chapters ready for publication. Thanks, too, to my copyeditor, Margaret
Sears, and the production editor, Preetha Sreekanth, for making that part of the
process operate smoothly and efficiently.
Fourth, I thank the thousands of students in my U.S. Foreign Policy courses
over the past four decades for their interest and patience in enduring many of
the arguments presented here. Their questions and comments have been a source
of both satisfaction and inspiration for me in my teaching these courses. As such,
I would like to dedicate this edition to them for their contribution in helping me
write this text.
Finally, I am indebted to Carol as always for listening so patiently—and con-
tinuously—as I sought to complete this edition. Unwittingly, her patience, her
encouragement, and her suggestions enabled me to complete this edition more
quickly than I thought possible.
All of these individuals and institutions (and others whom I may have inad-
vertently omitted) deserve my sincere thanks. As always, though, final responsibil-
ity for the book rests with me, and any errors of fact and interpretation are mine
alone.
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✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩
PART I
✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩
I n Part I of American Foreign Policy and Process, we survey the beliefs and values that
have been the basis of America’s foreign policy actions. Although we provide an
overview of the beliefs that have shaped American foreign policy throughout its his-
tory, we place special emphasis on the period from the end of World War II to the
present—the era of America’s greatest global involvement. Values and beliefs have
been chosen as the basic organizing scheme because policy actions are always taken
within such a context. The beginning analyst who can appreciate how belief systems
influence policy choices will be in a good position to understand the foreign policy
actions of a nation.
Values and beliefs cannot be understood in isolation, however; their importance
is useful only within the context of actual foreign policy behavior. Thus, as an aid in
appreciating how beliefs and attitudes have shaped this behavior, we provide a narra-
tive of foreign policy actions that reflect the underlying belief systems during various
periods of U.S. diplomatic history. It is our hope that by understanding both beliefs
and actions, the reader will come away better able to interpret the foreign policy of
the United States.
To accomplish these ends, Part I is divided into six chapters and analyzes the
foreign policy approaches during differing periods of the American Republic and for
several administrations, particularly those over the past four decades.
Chapter 1 America’s Traditions in Foreign Policy 3
• Chapter 1 analyzes the effects of two important traditions in the
history of American foreign policy, a commitment to isolationism
and a reliance on moral principle as foreign policy guides, and how
1
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2 PART I Values and Policies in American Foreign Affairs
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✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩
ch a p t e r 1
America’s Traditions
in Foreign Policy
✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩✩
Do not think . . . that the questions of the day are mere questions
of policy and diplomacy. They are shot through with the principles of life.
We dare not turn from the principle that morality and not expediency
is the thing that must guide us and that we will never condone
iniquity because it is most convenient to do so.
PRESIDENT WOODROW WILSON
OCTOBER 1913
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4 PART I Values and Policies in American Foreign Affairs
P olitics, at its roots, deals with values and value differences among individuals,
groups, and nations. Various definitions of politics attest to the central place that
values play in political life. For example, political scientist Harold Lasswell has written
that politics “is the study of influence and the influential. . . . The influentials are those
who get the most of what there is to get.”1 What there is to get, he continues, is val-
ues, such as “deference, income, and safety.”2 Robert Dahl, drawing on Aristotle and Max
Weber, notes that what seems to be common across these definitions is that they deal
with values such as power, rule, and authority.3 David Easton’s famous definition of
politics is even more explicit in its assessment of the relationship between politics and
values as “the authoritative allocation of values.”4 According to this definition, author-
ity structures (for example, governments) distribute something, and that something is
values.
Values refer to “modes of conduct and end-states of existence” that guide peo-
ple’s lives. They are “abstract ideals” that serve as an “imperative” for action.5 Further,
they are viewed as “goods” (in an ethical, not a material, sense) that ought to be ob-
tained or maintained by a person or a society. In the Declaration of Independence, for
instance, the values of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness were explicitly stated as
reasons for founding the United States, and they came to serve as guides to political
action in the earliest days of the nation. Indeed, these values remain important to this
day. Liberty, or freedom, is emphasized again and again by American political leaders
as one value that differentiates this nation from so many others.
Va l u e s , B e l i e f s ,
and Foreign Policy
Because the essence of politics is so closely related to achieving and maintaining par-
ticular values, the analysis of values and beliefs is a deliberate choice as the organiz-
ing theme for our study of U.S. foreign policy.6 Further, because values and beliefs are
the motivation for individual action—and because we make the assumption that for-
eign policy is ultimately the result of individual decisions—their importance for our
analysis becomes readily apparent. By identifying the values and beliefs that American
society fosters, we ought to be in a good position to understand how they have shaped
our actions toward the rest of the world.
Social psychologists have analyzed the relationships among values, beliefs, and the
behavior of individuals. Milton Rokeach, for example, defines beliefs as propositions
“inferred from what a person says or does” whose content “may describe an object
or situation as true or false; evaluate it as good or bad; or advocate a certain course of
action as desirable or undesirable.” Individuals thus may have numerous beliefs, but
some are more central than others in accounting for their behavior. These core beliefs
are values. As Rokeach notes, “A value is a type of belief, centrally located within
one’s total belief system, about how one ought, or ought not, to behave, or about
some end state of existence worth, or not worth, attaining.” Although these values are
likely to be few in number, they are crucial to an understanding of the attitudes and
behaviors that an individual expresses.7 By extension, nation-states operate as indi-
viduals do because they ultimately comprise individuals.
The use of values and beliefs (or “ideas,” as Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane
call them8) as our organizing scheme fits broadly within the constructivist tradition in
the study of foreign policy and international relations.This focus contrasts with that of
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chapter 1 America’s Traditions in Foreign Policy 5
other principal models of analysis offered in recent years: the rational actor model, the
organizational process model, and the governmental or bureaucratic politics model.9
However, although each of these has something to offer in helping us analyze foreign
policy, none emphasizes the role of values and beliefs in the behavior of nations.
• The rational actor model, for example, begins with the assumption that na-
tions (like individuals) are self-interested and seek to maximize their payoffs (or
outcomes) when making foreign policy decisions. The key to understanding
foreign policy is to identify a state’s policy preferences and their rank orderings.
The source of these state preferences and their relative ordering, however, has not
been well explored.
• The organizational process model focuses more on identifying the decision-
making routines of policy makers. Thus it sees foreign policy behavior less as the
result of clear choices and more as a function of organizations following standing
operating procedures. In large measure, the values and beliefs of the policy mak-
ers are assumed and not fully analyzed.
• The bureaucratic politics model pays some attention to values and beliefs
(because each bureaucracy has institutional beliefs that it seeks to maximize). Still,
the primary explanatory focus here is on the competition among bureaucracies,
based on their relative power and influence.
The foreign policy models just described have much to offer (and careful readers
will note that we use them in various ways throughout the book). However, an initial
focus on values and beliefs will enable a fuller understanding of America’s foreign
policy decisions.
Some Cautions
There are potential difficulties in focusing on values and beliefs and in assuming a
direct analogy between individuals and nation-state behavior:
• Factors such as the idiosyncratic personality traits of some leaders, the dynamics
of the bureaucratic environment, and the restraints of the governmental process
will intrude on a complete identification of a nation’s values and beliefs.10
• The very definition of national values is likely to be problematic.Whose values are
we to identify? Should they be those of leaders or the public? With both the public
and the elite, the array of values—religious and secular—in a pluralist society is con-
siderable. Our analysis focuses primarily on the values held by political elites, but the
values and beliefs of the public, by necessity, will be considered from time to time.
• By focusing on values and beliefs, and using them as an explanation for U.S. for-
eign policy, we are close to relying on the national character (or, more generally,
the political culture) explanation of behavior.11 As A. F. K. Organski has written,
the national character approach makes several key assumptions:
(1) that the individual citizens of a nation share a common psychological make-
up or personality or value system that distinguishes them from citizens of other
nations, (2) that this national character persists without major changes over a rela-
tively long period of time, and (3) that there is a traceable relationship between
individual character and national goals.12
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Another random document with
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Mongolen mede, als geleiders. En juist om dat de dorpen hier ook
zwerven, rijdt men altijd in rechte lijn van het eene naar het andere.
Daarom kan men hier ook nooit op een heirweg blijven, maar rijdt
dwars door de woestijnen, en over de steppen, en men ziet
gewoonlijk nergens zelfs een glimp van oude wagensporen.
Het is dus een kar van de gewone Chineesche soort, met een
lemoen waarin een paard of muilezel wordt gespannen. In China zit
de koetsier op een der boomen of loopt naast den wagen. Ik had
mijn reistasch aan den onderkant van den boom vastgebonden. Mijn
groote bagage had ik met kameelen vooruitgezonden, maar ze
kwam een half jaar na mij te Stockholm aan.
Na twee of drie uur rijden ziet men voor zich op de steppe een uit
verscheiden tenten bestaand dorp. Hier staan een dertigtal paarden
met hun eigenaars, die den vorigen dag door de koeriers zijn
opgeroepen, gereed. Als men het dorp heeft bereikt, staat de kar
met een ruk stil en de einden der boomen gaan omlaag. Een der
kozakken vraagt of men wil uitstappen, in een tent uitrusten, eten of
thee drinken, of dat men liever dadelijk wil verder rijden. Ik placht ’s
nachts bij de Mongolen te blijven, om door dit razend snelle rijden
mij niet geheel rampzalig te gaan gevoelen. Aan elk station krijgen
de tot daarheen meegenomen Mongolen te zamen eenige roebels.
Men betaalt hier altijd met blanke, zilveren roebels, want de
Mongolen willen noch papieren, noch klein geld hebben. De zilveren
roebels worden door hun vrouwen als sieraden gebruikt. [240]
In het jaar 1275 bereikten zij na een reis van vele jaren eindelijk het
hof van den grooten Chan in Oostelijk Mongolië. Marco Polo viel
zeer in de gunst van den vorst, en hij hoorde met genoegen, dat de
jongeling verscheiden Oostersche talen had leeren lezen, schrijven
en spreken. Hij meende, dat zulk een flink, kundig mensch hem van
nut kon zijn en nam hem in zijn dienst. De eerste opdracht, welke
den jongen Polo werd toevertrouwd, was een dienstreis naar
noordelijk en westelijk China. Polo had opgemerkt, dat Kublai Chan
van merkwaardige, wonderlijke verhalen uit vreemde landen hield en
daarom onthield hij alles, wat hij zag en beleefde, zorgvuldig, om het
later aan den Keizer te vertellen. Zoo kwam hij steeds meer in de
gunst van den grooten Chan, werd op nieuwe dienstreizen
uitgezonden, die hem zelfs naar Indië en tot de grenzen van Tibet
voerden. Hij was drie jaar lang in een groote stad gouverneur en
kreeg ook in de hoofdstad Peking een betrekking.
Marco Polo vertelt onder anderen, hoe de keizer ter jacht gaat. Hij zit
in een draagstoel, die gelijkt op een kleine kamer met een dak en die
door vier olifanten wordt gedragen. De buitenzijde van den
draagstoel is met geslagen goudplaten bedekt, het binnenste met
tijgervellen belegd. Naast hem zitten twaalf van zijn beste
jachtvalken, en naast den draagstoel rijden verscheiden heeren van
zijn gevolg. Nu en dan roept een hunner: „Majesteit, ziet u de
kraanvogels!” Dan doet de Keizer onmiddellijk het dak van zijn
draagstoel open, en laat een der valken op het gevogelte los; in
dezen sport schept hij veel behagen. Daarna begeeft hij zich naar
zijn legerplaats, welke uit tienduizend tenten bestaat. Zijn eigen
ontvangtent is zoo groot, dat duizend personen zonder moeite er
plaats in vinden; in een tweede hebben de geheime beraadslagingen
plaats en een derde wordt gebruikt om te slapen. Zij rusten op drie
palen en zijn van buiten met tijgervellen, van binnen met hermelijn
en sabelbont bekleed. Marco Polo verzekert, dat deze tenten zoo
schoon en kostbaar versierd zijn, dat niet iedere koning zulk een tent
zou kunnen betalen!
Zoo leefden Marco Polo zijn vader en zijn oom jaren lang in het Rijk
van het Midden en verwierven zich daar, door verstand en ijver, een
groot vermogen. Maar de Keizer, hun beschermheer, was oud en zij
vreesden, dat hun positie na zijn dood veranderen zou. Zij
verlangden bovendien naar Venetië terug. Maar telkens, als zij over
hun vertrek spraken, verzocht Kublai Chan hen daarmede nog een
poosje te wachten.
Alle gasten waren ten hoogste verbaasd over hetgeen zij zagen.
Toen de gerechten afgenomen waren en de bedienden zich hadden
verwijderd, stond Marco Polo op en haalde de havelooze,
afgedragen kaftans, die de reizigers gedragen hadden, toen hun
verwanten hen niet hadden willen kennen. Nu begonnen zij de
naden dezer kleedingstukken met scherpe messen open te tornen
en daarbij vielen geheele stapels edelsteenen op de tafel, robijnen,
safieren, karbonkels, diamanten en smaragden! Want toen Kublai
hen op reis had laten gaan, hadden zij al hun bezittingen tegen
edelsteenen geruild, omdat zij op zulk een verre reis geen zware
lasten goud konden meenemen. De edelsteenen hadden zij in hunne
kleeren genaaid, opdat niemand er iets van zou kunnen merken.
Toen de gasten deze schatten op tafel zagen liggen, kende hun
verwondering geen grenzen. En nu moesten zij toestemmen, dat
deze drie heeren werkelijk de verloren leden van het huis Polo
waren. Nu werden zij ook het onderwerp van den grootsten eerbied
en hoogachting. Toen het gerucht hiervan in [245]Venetië werd
verbreid, trokken de burgers in scharen naar het huis Polo; allen
wilden de van verre gekomen reizigers omarmen, hen in het
geboorteland welkom heeten en hen hulde bewijzen. „Dagelijks
kwamen jonge mannen om den altijd beleefden, vriendelijken heer
Marco te bezoeken en hem naar China en den groot-Chan te vragen
en hij antwoordde steeds met zulk een beminnelijke vriendelijkheid,
dat ieder zich zijn schuldenaar voelde.” Als hij echter sprak over de
onmetelijke rijkdommen van den groot-Chan, en vertelde van andere
in de landen van het Oosten opgehoopte schatten, dan wierp hij
onophoudelijk met millioenen om zich heen, en daarom noemden
zijn landslieden hem: heer Marco millioni!
Ongetwijfeld treffen wij in het boek van Marco Polo sommige zeer
vreemde dingen aan. Hij spreekt van het land der duisternis in het
Noorden en van eilanden in de Noordelijke zee, die zoo ver
Noordelijk liggen, dat men de Poolster achter zich zou laten, als men
zich daarheen begaf. Men mist ook veel, wat er eigenlijk in had
moeten staan. Zoo zegt hij bijv. niets over den grooten Chineeschen
muur, door welks poorten hij toch dikwijls uit en in is moeten gaan.
Maar toch bevat zijn boek een schat van geografische kennis en de
meeste zijner ontdekkingen en mededeelingen zijn ongeveer
vijfhonderd jaar later bevestigd. Zijn leven geleek een sprookje, maar
hij neemt onder de ontdekkers van alle tijden een der voornaamste
plaatsen in. Daarom komt hem ook een plaats in dit boek toe.
[Inhoud]
60. Nippon, het land der opgaande zon.