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Contents

Current Trends in World History xix

Analyzing Global Developments xxi
Global Themes and Sources xxii
Maps xxiv
Preface xxvii
Highlights of the Concise Editionxxvii
Our Major Themesxxviii
Overview of Volume Onexxviii
Overview of Volume Twoxxx
Media Ancillariesxxxii
For Studentsxxxii
For Instructorsxxxii
Acknowledgmentsxxxiii
About the Authors xxxv
The Geography of the Ancient and Modern Worlds xxxviii

Chapter 1
 ſ
Ɓ3
Creation Narratives 4

Hominids to Modern Humans 4

Evolutionary Findings and Research Methods5
Early Hominids, Adaptation, and Climate Change5
Tool-Use by Homo Habilis11
Migrations of Homo Erectus12
Homo Sapiens: The First Modern Humans14

vii
viii Contents

The Life of Early Homo Sapiens 19

Language19
Hunting and Gathering20
Paintings, Sculpture, and Music21

Agricultural Revolution: Food Production and Social Change 22

The Beginnings of Settled Agriculture and Pastoralism22
Agricultural Innovation: Afro-Eurasia and the Americas27
Borrowing Agricultural Ideas: Europe31
Revolutions in Social Organization33

Conclusion 35

Global Themes and Sources 38

Competing Perspectives: Creation Narratives 38
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Prehistoric Art42

Chapter 2
 Đſ  Đſ
ſ ſſ

ĐſĈĊąąĪćąąą BCEƁ45
Settlement and Pastoralism 46
Early Cities along River Basins46
Pastoral Nomadic Communities47

Between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers: Mesopotamia 50

Tapping the Waters51
Crossroads of Southwest Asia51
The World’s First Cities51
Gods and Temples52
Royal Power, Families, and Social Hierarchy53
First Writing and Early Texts54
Spreading Cities and First Territorial States55

“The Gift of the Nile”: Egypt 56

The Nile River and Its Floodwaters56
The Egyptian State and Dynasties58
 Contentsix

Pharaohs, Pyramids, and Cosmic Order58

Gods, Priesthood, and Magical Power59
Writing and Scribes61
Prosperity and the Demise of Old Kingdom Egypt63

The Indus River Valley: A Parallel Culture 63

Harappan City Life and Writing65
Trade67

The Yellow and Yangzi River Basins: East Asia 68

From Yangshao to Longshan Culture68

Life Outside the River Basins 71

Aegean Worlds71
Anatolia72
Europe: The Western Frontier72
The Americas74
Sub-Saharan Africa75

Conclusion 75

Global Themes and Sources 78

Competing Perspectives: Early Writing78
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Burials and Long-Distance Trade81

Chapter 3

Đſ 
ſſ

Đſ
ſ   Đſ
ćąąąĪĆćąą BCEƁ83
Nomadic Movement and the Emergence of Territorial States 84

The Territorial State in Egypt 88

Religion and Trade in Middle Kingdom Egypt (2055–1650 BCE )90
Migrations and Expanding Frontiers in New Kingdom Egypt
(1550–1069 BCE)91
x Contents

Territorial States in Southwest Asia 93

Mesopotamian Kingship 94
The Old and New Hittite Kingdoms (1800–1200 BCE)96
A Community of Major Powers (1400–1200 BCE)96

Nomads and the Indus River Valley 97

The Shang Territorial State in East Asia (1600–1045 bce) 99

State Formation99
Agriculture and Tribute103
Society and Ritual Practice103
Shang Writing104

Microsocieties in the South Pacific and in the Aegean 105

The South Pacific (2500 BCE–400 CE)105
The Aegean World (2000–1200 BCE)107

Conclusion 111

Global Themes and Sources 114

Competing Perspectives: Law Codes of Territorial States and Pastoral Nomads 114
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Bronze-Working118

Chapter 4
 ſ  ſ
ſ ſ
 ſ ſ
ĩ

Đſſ
ĆćĊąĪĈćĊ BCEƁ121
Forces of Upheaval and the Rise of Early Empires 122
Climate Change122
Migrations122
New Technologies123
Administrative Innovations126

Empire in Southwest Asia: The Neo-Assyrian and Persian Empires 128

The Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–612 BCE)129
The Persian Empire (ca. 560–331 BCE)130
 Contentsxi

Imperial Fringes in Western Afro-Eurasia 135

Sea Peoples136
The Greeks136
The Phoenicians138
The Israelites138

Foundations of Vedic Culture in South Asia (1500–600 bce) 139

Vedic Culture Settles Down140
Social Distinctions: Clans and Varna140
Unity through the Vedas and Upanishads142

The Early Zhou Empire in East Asia (1045–771 bce) 143

Dynastic Institutions and Control of the Land144
“Mandate of Heaven”146
Social and Economic Controls147
Limits and Decline of Zhou Power147

Conclusion 148

Global Themes and Sources 152

Competing Perspectives: Consolidating Early Empires152
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Tributes156

Chapter 5
 ſſ  ſĐſ
ĆąąąĪĈĊą BCEƁ159
An “Axial Age” 162

Eastern Zhou China 162

Innovations in Thought164
Innovations in State Administration165
Innovations in Warfare165
Economic, Social, and Cultural Changes166
xii Contents

The New Worlds of South Asia 167

New Cities and a Changing Economy169
Brahmans, Their Challengers, and New Beliefs170

The Mediterranean World 172

Formation of New City-States173
Economic Innovations175
New Ideas176

Common Cultures in the Americas and Sub-Saharan Africa 180

The Chavín in the Andes180
The Olmecs in Mesoamerica181
Common Cultures in Sub-Saharan Africa184

Conclusion 187

Global Themes and Sources 190

Competing Perspectives: Axial Age Ideas190
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Elsewhere in the Axial Age194

Chapter 6
  ſſ
ĩ

ſ
 ĐſĈĊąĪĆąą BCEƁ197
Alexander and the Emergence of a Hellenistic World 198
Alexander’s Successors and the Territorial Kingdoms199
Hellenistic Culture202
Plantation Slavery and Money-Based Economies204

Converging Influences in Central and South Asia 206

Chandragupta and the Mauryan Empire207
Greek Influences in Central Asia210

The Transformation of Buddhism 212

India as a Spiritual Crossroads212
The New Buddhism: The Mahayana School213
New Images of Buddha in Literature and Art 213
 Contentsxiii

The Formation of the Silk Roads 214

Nomads and Trade Routes215
Caravan Cities and the Incense Trade 215
China and the Silk Economy219
The Spread of Buddhism along the Trade Routes221
Commerce on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean 221

Conclusion 224

Global Themes and Sources 228

Competing Perspectives: Spread of Ideas228
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Coinage230

Chapter 7

ſ
ſ 
ſſ

ſ 
ſ Đſſ
Ĉąą BCE ĪĈąą CEƁ233
Globalizing Empires: The Han Dynasty and Imperial
Rome 234

The Han Dynasty (206 bce–220 ce) 235

The Qin Dynasty (221–207 BCE): A Crucial Forerunner235
Beginnings of the Western Han Dynasty238
Han Power and Administration238
Economy and the New Social Order239
Military Expansion and the Silk Roads242
Social Upheaval and Natural Disaster243
The Eastern Han Dynasty244

The Roman Empire 245

Foundations of the Roman Empire245
Emperors, Authoritarian Rule, and Administration250
Town and City Life252
xiv Contents

Social and Gender Relations253

Economy and New Scales of Production253
The Rise of Christianity254
The Limits of Empire 255

Conclusion 257

Global Themes and Sources 262

Competing Perspectives: Maintaining Political and Domestic Order262
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Images of Power264

Chapter 8
ſ ſſ 
ſ
  ĐſĈąąĪċąą CEƁ267
Religious Change and Empire in Western Afro-Eurasia 268
The Appeal of Christianity268
The “Fall” of Rome in the West274
Continuity of Rome in the East: Byzantium276

The Silk Roads 277

Sasanian Persia279
The Sogdians as Lords of the Silk Roads279
Buddhism on the Silk Roads280

Political and Religious Change in South Asia 282

The Hindu Transformation282
The Transformation of the Buddha284
Culture and Ideology Instead of an Empire284

Political and Religious Change in East Asia 285

The Wei Dynasty in Northern China286
Changing Daoist Traditions286
Buddhism in China287

Faith and Cultures in the Worlds Apart 288

Bantus of Sub-Saharan Africa288
Mesoamericans291
 Contentsxv

Conclusion 295

Global Themes and Sources 298

Competing Perspectives: Pilgrimage and Universalizing Religions298
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Representations of Holiness300

Chapter 9
ſ  ſ
ſ ſ
 ĐſċąąĪĆąąą CEƁ303
The Origins and Spread of Islam 304
A Vision, a Text, a New Community305
Muhammad’s Successors and the Expanding Dar Al-Islam305
The Abbasid Revolution308
The Blossoming of Abbasid Culture310
Islam in a Wider World310
Opposition within Islam: Shiism and the Fatimids312

The Tang State 315

Territorial Expansion under the Tang Dynasty315
Organizing the Tang Empire316
An Economic Revolution319
Accommodating World Religions321
Tang Interactions with Korea and Japan 324
The Fall of Tang China327

The Emergence of European Christendom 327

Charlemagne’s Fledgling Empire327
Christianity in Western Europe329
Vikings and Christendom330
Greek Orthodox Christianity332

Conclusion 333
xvi Contents

Global Themes and Sources 336

Competing Perspectives: Women, Faith, and Empire336
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Transmission of Religious Knowledge338

Chapter 10
 ſĜſ Đĝſſ
ĆąąąĪĆĈąą CEƁ341
Development of Maritime Trade 342

The Islamic World in a Time of Political Fragmentation 345

Political Divisions345
The Spread of Sufism347
What Was Islam?347

India as a Cultural Mosaic 348

What Was India?351

Song China: Insiders versus Outsiders 352

Economic and Political Developments352
China’s Neighbors: Nomads, Japan, and Southeast Asia353
What Was China?356

Christian Europe 357

Localization of Power357
What Was Christian Europe?359
Relations with the Islamic World359

Worlds Coming Together: Sub-Saharan Africa and the

Americas 361
Sub-Saharan Africa Comes Together362
The Americas364

The Mongol Transformation of Afro-Eurasia 368

Who Were the Mongols?368
Conquest and Empire368
 Contentsxvii

Conclusion 373

Global Themes and Sources 376

Competing Perspectives: “World” Travelers376
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Imagining the World380

Chapter 11
 ſ
ſſ ſſ

ĩ

ĐſĆĈąąĪĆĊąąƁ383
Collapse and Consolidation 384
The Black Death384
Rebuilding States389

The Islamic Heartland 391

The Ottoman Empire392

Western Christendom 396

The Catholic Church, State Building, and Economic Recovery396
Political Consolidation and Trade in the Iberian Peninsula400
The Renaissance402

Ming China 404

Restoring Order404
Centralization under the Ming405
Ming Rulership407
Trade and Exploration under the Ming408

Conclusion 410

Global Themes and Sources 414

Competing Perspectives: Cultural Responses to the Black Death414
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Marking Boundaries, Inspiring Loyalty416

Further Readings R-1

Glossary G-1
Credits C-1
Index I-1
Current Trends in World History

CHAPTER 1 Determining the Age of Fossils and Sediments6

CHAPTER 2 Climate Change at the End of the Third Millennium bce in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Indus
Valley64

CHAPTER 3 How Languages Spread: The Case of Nomadic Indo-European Languages100

CHAPTER 4 Big Forces in Early Empires126

CHAPTER 5 Prophets and the Founding Texts: Comparing Confucius and the Buddha172

CHAPTER 6 Building Roads: Early Highways for Communication, Trade, and Control208

CHAPTER 7 Empires, Allies, and Frontiers258

CHAPTER 8 Religious Conflict in Imperial Borderlands280

CHAPTER 9 Green Revolutions in the Islamic World and Tang China, 300–600 ce320

CHAPTER 10 The Crusades from Dual Perspectives360

CHAPTER 11 Joan of Arc: A Charismatic Leader in a Time of Social Turmoil398

xix
Analyzing Global Developments

CHAPTER 1 The Age of the Universe and Human Evolution18

CHAPTER 2 The Development of Writing62
CHAPTER 3 Climate Change and the Collapse of River-Basin Societies89
CHAPTER 4 City-States to Empires135
CHAPTER 5 Axial Age Thinkers and Their Ideas178
CHAPTER 6 The Cosmopolitan World of the Periplus Maris Erythraei222
CHAPTER 7 Great Empires Compared: The Han, the Roman, and the British Empires after World War I 248
CHAPTER 8 One God, Two Communities: Comparing the Structures of Christianity and Judaism, 600 ce274
CHAPTER 9 Islam and the Silk Trade: Adapting Religion to Opulence322
CHAPTER 10 Growth in the World Population to 1340350
CHAPTER 11 Population Changes in Fourteenth-Century Afro-Eurasia390

xxi
Global Themes and Sources

CHAPTER 1
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Bronze-Working . . . 118
Competing Perspectives: Creation
Narratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 ƨɢ '-%ɢƯ)(ưɢ5#22#+
ƨɢ %8/3(-ɢ19.1ɢ'-"+#
ƨɢ Ư'#ɢ!1(̎!#ɢ.$ɢ4142'ưɢ$1.,ɢ(%ɢ#"ɢǍƊƐƉƉ bce)
ƨɢ 8!#-#-ɢ 1.-9#ɢ"%%#1
ƨɢ #-#2(2ɢƊƣƊDŽƌƊɢ$1.,ɢ3'#ɢ( +#
ƨɢ Ư'#ɢ1#3(.-ɢ.$ɢ3'#ɢ-(5#12#ưɢ$1.,ɢ3'#ɢ4(--9(ɢ
(ca. 1100 bce) CHAPTER 4
ƨɢ ./4+ɢ4'ɢǍ"3#ɢ.$ɢ.1(%(-ɢ4-*-.6-ǎ Competing Perspectives: Consolidating
ƨɢ .14 ɢ1#3(.-ɢ113(5#ɢǍ"3#ɢ.$ɢ.1(%(-ɢ4-*-.6-ǎ Early Empires . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
Interpreting Visual Evidence: ƨɢ '#ɢ-04#3ɢ3#+#ɢ.$ɢ
2241-2(1/+ɢ ɢǍc. 865 bce)
Prehistoric Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .42 ƨɢ '#ɢ#'(234-ɢ -2!1(/3(.-ɢǍƐƋƉ bce), Darius I
ƨɢ .12#2ɢ$1.,ɢ'45#3ɢ5# ƨɢ '.4ɢ4!!#22(.-ɢ1(2(2ɢǍc. 1043 bce), King Wu
ƨɢ (2.-ɢ$1.,ɢ'45#3ɢ5# ƨɢ -"(-ɢ1',-ɢ1(#23'.."ɢǍ #$.1#ɢƒ3'ɢ!#-3418 bce), from
ƨɢ 5#ɢ/(-3(-%ɢ3ɢ'(, #3* the Upanishads
ƨɢ (++#-".1$ɢ#-42 Interpreting Visual Evidence: Tribute . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
ƨɢ #-42ɢ.$ɢ.'+#ɢ#+2
ƨɢ +!*ɢ. #+(2*ɢ.$ɢ'+,-#2#1ɢ
ƨɢ 1( 43#ɢ2!#-#ɢ$1.,ɢ/+!#ɢ3ɢ#12#/.+(2
CHAPTER 2 ƨɢ .5#-ɢ3#73(+#ɢ$1.,ɢ23#1-ɢ'.4
Competing Perspectives: Early Writing . . . . . . . . . . . .78
ƨɢ 4,#1(-ɢ1(%(-2ɢ.$ɢ1(3(-% CHAPTER 5
ƨɢ %8/3(-ɢ .43'ǃ/#-(-%ɢ(34+ Competing Perspectives: Axial
ƨɢ 11/-ɢ#+ɢ3.-#2 Age Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
ƨɢ '-%ɢ8-238ɢ1!+#ɢ.-#
ƨɢ 1+8ɢ1##*ɢ1(3(-%ɢǍ (-#1ɢǎ ƨɢ '#ɢ3'2ɢ$1.,ɢ'#ɢ8,-2ɢ.$ɢ.1.23#1ɢ
(1000–600 bce)
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Burials and ƨɢ '#ɢ
-+#!32ɢǍc. 400 bce), Confucius
Long-Distance Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81 ƨɢ '#ɢ',,/"ɢǍƌ1"ɢ!#-3418 bce), Buddha
ƨɢ 1!#+#32ɢ.$ɢ4##-ɢ#3#/'#1#2ɢ ƨɢ '#ɢ
/.+.%8ɢ.$ɢ.!13#2ɢǍc. 400 bce), Plato
ƨɢ 1/ơɢ.1ɢƯ4##-ƴ2ɢ 81#ơưɢ$1.,ɢ3'#ɢ.8+ɢ., 2ɢ.$ɢ1 Interpreting Visual Evidence: Elsewhere
ƨɢ 1//-ɢ%#,23.-#ɢ-#!*+!#ɢ6(3'ɢ+/(2ɢ+94+(ɢ-"ɢ in the Axial Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
carnelian
ƨɢ +#ɢ611(.1ɢ 41(+ɢ3ɢ1- ƨɢ .*ɢ̎%41(-#
ƨɢ .*ɢ3#11!.33
ƨɢ +,#!ɢ.4-%ɢ .1"
CHAPTER 3 ƨɢ +,#!ɢ)%41
Competing Perspectives: Law Codes of Territorial
States and Pastoral Nomads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 CHAPTER 6
ƨɢ '#ɢ."#ɢ.$ɢ,,41/(ɢ(ca. 18th century bce) Competing Perspectives: Spread of Ideas . . . . . . . . . 228
ƨɢ -2314!3(.-ɢ3.ɢ(9(#1ɢ#*',(1#ɢ(ca. 15th century bce)
ƨɢ Ư'#ɢ
-!(#-3ɢ(38ɢ.$ɢ
+#7-"1(ưɢǍ#1+8ɢƊ23ɢ!#-3418ɢce), Strabo
ƨɢ '#ɢ#-ɢ.,,-",#-32ơɢ7."42ɢƋƉƣƊDŽƊƒɢ$1.,ɢ3'#ɢ( +#
ƨɢ '#ɢ +(-%ɢ"(!3ɢǍƋƑƊ bce), Aśoka
ƨɢ '#ɢ."#ɢ.$ɢ -4ɢ(ca. 200 bce)
ƨɢ Ư_%+ƣɢ(38ɢ.$ɢ3'#ɢ."2ưɢǍc. 150–130 bce) from The
ƨɢ
"5(2.1ɢ(!'-ɢ.$ɢ'#-%ƴ2ɢ.,/(+3(.-ɢ.$ɢ 62ɢ(ca. 6th
Questions of King Menander
century bce)
xxii
 Global Themes and Sourcesxxiii

Interpreting Visual Evidence: Coinage . . . . . . . . . . . 230 CHAPTER 10

ƨɢ .+"ɢ.!3"1!', Competing Perspectives: “World” Travelers . . . . . . 376
ƨɢ 1.-9#ɢ*12'/-
ƨɢ (+%1(,%#ɢ3.ɢ #142+#,ɢǍc. 1300), Bar Sāwmā
ƨɢ #--"#1ɢ!.(-
ƨɢ .-%.+ɢ(5(-3(.-ɢǍc. 1300), Marco Polo
ƨɢ 1.-9#ɢ)(,.
ƨɢ '#ɢ!1#"ɢ .204#ɢ.$ɢ #142+#,ɢǍc. 1360), Ibn Battuta
ƨɢ 1.-9#ɢ -ɢ+(-%
ƨɢ '#ɢ++#ɢ1(+(-%4+ɢ3.-#ɢ -2!1(/3(.-ɢǍƊƎƊƊǎơɢ'#-%ɢ#

CHAPTER 7 Interpreting Visual Evidence: Imagining

the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 380
Competing Perspectives: Maintaining Political
and Domestic Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262 ƨɢ
+ǃ "1(2(ƴ2ɢTabula Rogeriana
ƨɢ 1ɢ 41.ƴ2ɢMappa Mundi
ƨɢ .-%ɢ'.-%2'4ɢ.-ɢ#2/.-2( (+(3(#2ɢ.$ɢ-ɢ4+#12'(/ɢ ƨɢ 1#204#2ƴ2ɢCatalan Atlas
(2000 bce)
ƨɢ '#ɢ.+#ɢ.$ɢ3'#ɢ.,-ɢ33#ɢǍƎƎɢbce), Cicero
ƨɢ #22.-2ɢ$.1ɢ.,#-ɢǍ!ƠɢƊƉƉɢceǎơɢ-ɢ'.
CHAPTER 11
ƨɢ -ɢ.,#-ɢ(-ɢ.,#ɢǍ̎123ɢ!#-3418ɢce), Musonius Rufus Competing Perspectives: Cultural Responses
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Images of Power . . . 264 to the Black Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 414
ƨɢ +-"1ɢ#15(2'#2ɢ(-ɢ3'#ɢ 2+,(!ɢ.1+"ɢǍƊƐƎƓǎơɢ #-5(-.
ƨɢ '(ɢ4-%"(ƴ2ɢ3#11ǃ!.33ɢ1,8ɢ(-ɢ(ƴ-
ƨɢ +%#++-32ɢ(-ɢ-%+-"ɢǍƊƌƐƉ2ǎơɢ. #13ɢ.$ɢ
5#2 418
ƨɢ ,/#1.1ɢ
4%42342ƴ2ɢ,42.+#4,ɢ(-ɢ.,#
ƨɢ '#ɢ#"ɢ41 -ɢ .5#,#-3ɢ(-ɢ'(-ɢǍƊƌƐƔǎ
ƨɢ
4%42342ɢ.$ɢ1(,ɢ.13
ƨɢ .131(3ɢ.$ɢ'(ɢ4-%"( Interpreting Visual Evidence: Marking Boundaries,
Inspiring Loyalty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 416
CHAPTER 8 ƨɢ /-(2'ɢ/(-3(-%ɢ 8ɢ#114%4#3#
Competing Perspectives: Pilgrimage and ƨɢ '#ɢdevshirme system
Universalizing Religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298 ƨɢ '(-#2#ɢ/(-3(-%ɢ 8ɢ'ƴ(4ɢ(-%

ƨɢ (18ɢ.$ɢɢ(+%1(,%#ɢǍ+3#ɢƎ3'ɢ!#-3418 ce), Egeria

ƨɢ A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms (early 5th century ce), Faxian
ƨɢ Bhagavata Purana (recorded c. 500 ce)
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Representations of
Holiness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300
ƨɢ 4-%-%ɢ5#2
ƨɢ #1/#34ɢ-"ɢ#+(!(32
ƨɢ +8-24-"1ɢ.$ɢ153(ɢ-"ɢ'(5
ƨɢ .8+ɢ +.."+#33(-%ɢ1(34+

CHAPTER 9
Competing Perspectives: Women, Faith,
and Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
ƨɢ 41'ɢƎơɢ
-ǃ(2ƴɢǍƯ-ɢ.,#-ưǎơɢ$1.,ɢ3'#ɢ41-ɢ
(7th century ce)
ƨɢ 6ɢ.$ɢ
",--ɢǍƒƉƉɢce), Adamnan
ƨɢ
-+#!32ɢ$.1ɢ.,#-ɢǍƓƉƉɢce) Song Ruoxin and Song Ruozhao
Interpreting Visual Evidence: Transmission of
Religious Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
ƨɢ '#ɢ (-"(2$1-#ɢ.2/#+ɢǍƒƉƉɢce, with tenth-century-ce
interlinear comments)
ƨɢ '#ɢƯ(,.-"ɢ431ưɢǍƓƑƓɢce)
ƨɢ (-3'ǃ!#-3418ɢ41-
ƨɢ '#ɢ1#2"#-ɢ."#7ɢǍc. 1100)
ƨɢ '#ɢ(5"'1,ɢǍƊƊƌƔǎ
Maps

1.1 Early Hominids9

5.1 The World in an Axial Age, c. 500 bce161
1.2 Early Migrations: Out of Africa17
5.2 '.4ɪ'(-ɪ(-ɪ3'#ɪ11(-%ɪ33#2ɪ#1(."ɤȺȿȼ
1.3 Original Language Family Groups20
5.3 Sixteen States in the First Millennium in South
1.4 The Origins of Food Production25 Asia168
1.5 The Birth of Farming in the Fertile Crescent26 5.4 The Mediterranean World174
1.6 The Spread of Farming in East Asia28 5.5 The Olmec World 182
1.7 The Spread of Farming in Africa29 5.6 Africa, 500 bce185
1.8 The Spread of Agriculture in Europe 32
6.1 Afro-Eurasia in 250 bce201
2.1 The World in the Third Millennium bce49 6.2 Afro-Eurasian Trade, c. 150 ce217
2.2 Trade and Exchange in Southwest Asia and the East-
ern Mediterranean—Third Millennium bce50 7.1 East Asia, 206 bce–220 ce236
2.3 The Spread of Cities in Mesopotamia and the 7.2 Pax Sinica: The Han Empire in the First Century
Akkadian State, 2600–2200 bce55 bce243
2.4 Old Kingdom Egypt, 2686–2181 bce57 7.3 Roman Expansion to 120 ce247
2.5 The Indus River Valley in the Third Millennium 7.4 Pax Romana: The Roman Empire in the Second
bce66 Century ce254
2.6 River Basin Peoples in East Asia, 5000–2000 bce69 7.5 Population of Roman World in 362 ce256
2.7 Settlements on the Margins: The Eastern Mediter-
ranean and Europe, 5000–2000 bce73 8.1 Empires and Universalizing Religions from 300 to
600 ce271
3.1 Nomadic Migrations in Afro-Eurasia, 2000–1000 8.2 The Spread of Universal Religions in Afro-Eurasia,
bce87 300–600 ce273
3.2 Territorial States and Trade Routes in Southwest 8.3 Western Afro-Eurasia: War, Immigration, and Settle-
Asia, North Africa, and Eastern Mediterranean, ment in the Roman World, 375–450 ce275
1500–1350 bce92
8.4 Exchanges across Afro-Eurasia, 300–600 ce278
3.3 Indo-European Migrations, 2nd Millennium bce98
8.5 Buddhist Landscapes, 300–600 ce283
3.4 Shang Dynasty in East Asia102
8.6 Bantu Migrations 289
3.5 Austronesian Migrations107
8.7 Mesoamerican Worlds, 200–700 ce291
3.6 Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean World109
9.1 The Spread of Islam during the First Millennium307
4.1 Afro-Eurasia, 1200 bce—Urban Cores and Nomadic
9.2 Political Fragmentation in the Islamic World,
Invaders125
750–1000 ce312
4.2 The Neo-Assyrian Empire128
9.3 Islam and Trade in Sub-Saharan Africa, 700–1000
4.3 The Persian Empire, 550–479 bce131 ce314
4.4 The Mediterranean World, 1000–400 bce137 9.4 The Tang State in East Asia, 750 ce316
4.5 South Asia, 1500–400 bce141 9.5 The Sui Dynasty Canals319
4.6 '#ɪ'-%ɪ-"ɪ'.4ɪ8-23(#2ɄɪȻȻȹȹDŽȻȾȿ bce144 9.6 Agricultural Diffusion in the First Millennium321
xxiv
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The books of
Chronicles
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: The books of Chronicles

With maps, notes and introduction

Author: W. A. L. Elmslie

Editor: A. F. Kirkpatrick

Release date: October 5, 2023 [eBook #71811]

Language: English

Original publication: Cambridge: University Press, 1916

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOOKS

OF CHRONICLES ***
The Books of Chronicles

Transcriber’s Notes
The cover image was provided by the transcriber and is placed
in the public domain.

Punctuation has been standardized.

Most of the non-common abbreviations used to save space in

printing have been expanded to the non-abbreviated form
for easier reading.

This book was written in a period when many words had not
become standardized in their spelling. Words may have
multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in
the text. These have been left unchanged unless indicated
with a Transcriber’s Note.

Index references have not been checked for accuracy.

The symbol ‘‡’ indicates the description in parenthesis has

been added to an illustration. This may be needed if there is
no caption or if the caption does not describe the image
adequately.

Footnotes are identified in the text with a superscript number

and are shown immediately below the paragraph in which
they appear.
 THE CAMBRIDGE
BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS
AND COLLEGES
General Editor for the Old Testament:⁠—

A. F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D.
DEAN OF ELY

THE BOOKS OF
CHRONICLES
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

C. F. CLAY, Manager

London: FETTER LANE, E.C.

 Edinburgh: 100 PRINCES STREET

New York: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS

Bombay, Calcutta and Madras: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.

Toronto: J. M. DENT AND SONS, Ltd.

Tokyo: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

All rights reserved

THE BOOKS OF
CHRONICLES
With Maps, Notes and Introduction
by

W. A. L. ELMSLIE, M.A.
Fellow of Christ’s College, Cambridge
 Cambridge:
at the University Press
1916
First Edition 1899
Second Edition 1916

PREFACE
BY THE
GENERAL EDITOR FOR THE
OLD TESTAMENT
The present General Editor for the Old Testament
in the Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
desires to say that, in accordance with the policy of
his predecessor the Bishop of Worcester, he does
not hold himself responsible for the particular
interpretations adopted or for the opinions expressed
by the editors of the several Books, nor has he
endeavoured to bring them into agreement with one
another. It is inevitable that there should be
differences of opinion in regard to many questions of
criticism and interpretation, and it seems best that
these differences should find free expression in
different volumes. He has endeavoured to secure, as
far as possible, that the general scope and character
of the series should be observed, and that views
which have a reasonable claim to consideration
should not be ignored, but he has felt it best that the
final responsibility should, in general, rest with the
individual contributors.

A. F. KIRKPATRICK.
Cambridge.

Stand ye still and see the salvation of the Lord with you,
O Judah and Jerusalem.

2 Chronicles xx. 17.

CONTENTS
I. Introduction
§ 1. Characteristics of Ancient Historical Writings
§ 2. Relation to Ezra and Nehemiah
§ 3. Date and Authorship
§ 4. Contents
§ 5. The Sources
 § 6. The Purpose and Method of the Chronicler
§ 7. The Historical Value of Chronicles
§ 8. The Religious Value of Chronicles
§ 9. Name and Position in the Canon
§ 10. Text and Versions of Chronicles
§ 11. Literature

II. Text and Notes

Index
Maps
Western Asia (Early Times)
Palestine
The Environs of Jerusalem
Jerusalem (Ancient)

PREFATORY NOTE
The author desires to acknowledge with gratitude
his indebtedness to Mr S. A. Cook for his kindness in
reading the first proofs and in making many most
valuable suggestions and criticisms, and to the
General Editor of the Series, the Dean of Ely, for his
very helpful revision of the proofs. His obligation to
Professor W. E. Barnes is referred to on p. lx.
 W. A. L. E.

INTRODUCTION

§ 1: Characteristics of Ancient
Historical Writings
Until recent times the study of the historical records of Israel and
of other nations of antiquity has suffered from insufficient recognition
of the principles and procedure of ancient historians. It is obvious
that a great contrast exists between any modern historical work and
those books of the Old Testament which relate the fortunes of Israel;
and unless there is a clear perception of the main facts to which this
contrast is due, the nature and value of the Books of Chronicles
cannot readily be understood and certainly will not be properly
appreciated. It is desirable therefore to deal with this matter at the
outset, before proceeding to consider the special characteristics of
Chronicles.

(1) Standpoint. According to the modern point of view, a perfect

history would seem to be a complete and impartial statement of
events. This ideal is unattainable, for even the fullest account must
fall far short of the richness of actual life. Moreover, it is imperative
that the trivial be distinguished from the important, and the facts be
presented according to their relative values. A historian is therefore
necessary to arrange the material so that the events are seen in their
proper relationship. Thereby, however, a subjective element is
introduced into our histories. Life is so complex that two men
considering the same facts may reach very different conclusions
concerning them. We cannot wholly escape this danger, but we do
claim that the historian shall consciously seek to present the truth
and nothing but the truth. He must not deliberately suppress or
distort facts to favour (say) the Protestant or the Roman Catholic
view of the Reformation. A modern historian may be convinced that
sin leads to disaster, but he must not therefore write that a certain
wicked monarch perished dethroned and in misery, if he knows that
he died peacefully in his royal bed. If he wishes to enforce the
doctrine that “the wages of sin is death,” either he may turn to history
and select incidents which support that view, or he may invent
characters and weave them into a tale which points his moral, or he
may discuss the belief generally; but he ought not to publish as
serious history a work in which, irrespective of facts, every wicked
king is punished or involves his land in ruin. We should count such a
work an illegitimate use of historical material, unless the author gave
some clear indication of its real nature. We draw a sharp distinction
between history and fiction, and in the serious historian we demand
fidelity to the truth as he sees it.

This modern standpoint is in reality the outcome of that more

scientific habit of mind which insists above all things on accurate
observation of phenomena and on the subordination of theory to
fact. But the duty of scientific thinking has not so very long been
recognised by the human mind, and in former days many things
were legitimate and natural which would not be so now. The moment
we make allowance for our mental environment, we can conceive
that there might be other ideas than our own as to what constitutes
the use and abuse of historical records. To us the facts are primary,
and the lessons they seem to teach must be accepted, whether they
suit our wishes or not. But an ancient writer was not dominated by
that maxim. Supposing he desired to teach that “Virtue is rewarded,”
he might consider that an excellent way of enforcing his theory was
not only to use the narratives of the past, but to mould and modify
them as best suited his object. History might be made the tool of his
conviction, and the tool be shaped to assist his purpose. If it is hard
for us to realise that such a procedure was legitimate for him, that is
simply due to the difficulty we have in being anything except the
children of our own age.

The earliest historical records of Israel were not attempts to write

a continuous history of the people, but popular tales and songs
commemorating such deeds of the people or its heroes as had made
a profound impression on the popular imagination. An excellent
example is the famous Song of Deborah in Judges v. Records of this
type were long transmitted orally, but eventually were gathered
together into written collections, such as the Book of Jashar, referred
to by the canonical writers (see Joshua x. 13, 2 Samuel i. 18). As
national history lengthened out and State records accumulated in
connection with palace and temple, the idea would finally arise of
combining these with the popular memories so as to form a
connected historical narrative. But the motive which prompted the
formation of such accounts was not scientific interest nor even
perhaps curiosity to ascertain the exact course of events, but the
desire to interest, to instruct, and above all to edify contemporary
thought and life. Broadly, we may distinguish two types of ancient
historical writing; first, the descriptive narrative in which events were
recorded on account of their intense human interest, and, secondly,
the didactic, where the older descriptive tales and any other
available material were selected, related, and built into a unity in
such fashion as might best serve to bring out the religious, moral, or
political lessons which they seem to teach or which the writer was
anxious to impress upon his generation. The books of Samuel‒Kings
and of Chronicles both belong to the didactic type ¹. Thus, they
contain many stories (e.g. the details of Jehu’s revolution in Kings)
which teach no special lesson but are recorded for their intrinsic
interest; and also much annalistic record of fact. But this material has
been welded together by a writer or writers who were supremely
interested in the religious condition of their people, who believed that
the character and purpose of God were manifest in the vicissitudes
of their national history, and who desired to make the ethical and
spiritual import of that history clear to their fellow-men. Hence in their
present form their works are not scientific records but rather what
may be termed “history with a motive.” For instance, the space given
to the tales about Elisha the prophet compared with the brief allusion
to Omri King of Israel is entirely disproportionate to their respective
values in the political sphere. The books of Samuel and Kings are
practical and powerful appeals to history in the interests of religious
faith. The same is true of Chronicles, and to an even greater degree,
because Chronicles belongs to a later period than Samuel‒Kings
(see § 3), when the religious convictions of Israel were felt with
extraordinary intensity, and could be expressed in accordance with
certain precise theological beliefs.

¹ That both Samuel‒Kings and Chronicles can be classed as

didactic does not imply that they do not differ greatly in
character: the former books are “prophetic” and national,
relating God’s dealings with the nation as a whole, whilst
Chronicles gives an essentially priestly and ecclesiastical
view of the history.

(2) Method: the treatment of “sources.” It is of no less importance

to realise something of the difference of method between ancient
and modern historians, particularly as regards their treatment of
“sources.”

For all that lies beyond his personal experience the historian is, of
course, dependent on sources, documentary or otherwise. The
modern writer recognises the duty of testing and verifying the
accuracy of the sources he uses for his narrative, and in producing
his own account of affairs he is expected, where desirable, to state
the sources upon which he has relied. The ancient historian also
made use of sources, but (1) he used them uncritically, with little or
no anxiety concerning their accuracy, and (2) it was his custom
simply to select from the available material any passages, long or
short, even words or phrases, which served his purpose, and to
incorporate these in his work, frequently without any indication of the
borrowing. Only in certain instances was the source precisely
referred to. Moreover (3) the utmost freedom was exercised in
dealing with the passages thus chosen. Sometimes they were
reproduced word for word; at other times they were partially or
wholly transformed to suit the new context. This may seem an
unwarrantable procedure to us, but one has only to examine the
actual instances of these adaptations or transformations of unnamed
sources to perceive that the ancient ¹ writer has acted in perfect good
faith, with no suspicion that the manipulation was in any way
blameworthy. How indeed could it have been otherwise? The
science of literary criticism was unknown, “notions of literary
propriety and plagiarism had not been thought of, and writers who
advanced no pretensions to originality for themselves were guilty of
no imposture when they borrowed without acknowledgement from
their predecessors” (Skinner, Kings, p. 7).

¹ Nor need one go back to antiquity for an instance. Most

instructive examples of composite narrative compiled
uncritically but quite innocently by mediaeval chroniclers from
earlier sources may be found in Chapman’s Introduction to
the Pentateuch (in this series), pp. 260 ff. Compare also an
illustration from Arabic historical writings given by A. A. Bevan
in Cambridge Biblical Essays, pp. 12 ff.

For us there is both gain and loss in these methods of the ancient
writers, (a) Loss—because the continual adaptation of old tradition
has sometimes produced changes so great that it is difficult or even
impossible to discover now what was the actual course of events. By
the exercise of care and by the diligent application of the principles
of literary research the loss thus occasioned can be greatly
diminished, particularly where different accounts of the same period
have survived—e.g. in the parallel history of Judah in Samuel‒Kings
and in Chronicles. Not only do the two versions facilitate the task of
recovering the actual history, but each version throws light upon the
origin and nature of the other. (b) On the other hand, the practice of
incorporating passages of older narratives in the text is a great gain.
It is, of course, unfortunate that the writers did not more carefully
indicate the various sources they happened to be using; but
constantly—thanks to idiosyncrasies of style, language, and thought
—we are able to analyse the composite whole into its component
parts. From the study of the separate sources thus revealed we gain
invaluable information which would have been lost to us had the later
writer (or rather, compiler and editor) given his version of the history
entirely in his own words.

(3) The absence of the idea of Development. One other feature of

the ancient writers, at least of the chroniclers of Israel, is of singular
interest, and deserves special attention: it might be described as a
feature of their temperament or of their mental environment. The
idea of growth has become familiar to us, and we recognise that
there has been a process of development in our religious and social
institutions. We are content to trace the seeds of the present in the
past. But the feeling of antiquity was apparently different. In Israel, at
least, there was a tendency to suppose that the cherished system
and organisations of the present had sprung into existence, as it
were, full-grown at some great moment of the past. For example, by
the Chronicler’s time, the whole body of law and ritual embodied in
the final form of the Pentateuch had come to be ascribed in its
entirety to Moses, whereas historical and literary evidence
demonstrates beyond all question that the system of Jewish worship
and law was a gradual growth of which the stages can be traced with
considerable clearness. Similarly, many features in the organisation
of the Temple ministrants—the Priests, Levites, etc.—came into
existence only in post-exilic days; but the whole system as it
appeared in the Chronicler’s time was believed by him, and
doubtless also by his contemporaries, to have originated with King
David. Indeed, it is very probable that the ancients felt it so natural
and so necessary to justify important customs and institutions by
giving them the sanction of an ancient and honourable origin, that
occasionally the very ideals of the present were represented as facts
of the past. The converse of this tendency was also in force. As the
present sought the support of the authority of the past, so the past
could only continue to be deemed important provided it conformed to
some extent with the beliefs and ideals of the present. Ideas change
and expand. Thus it was quite impossible in the Chronicler’s time to
represent the age of David and Solomon as great and glorious
unless the moderate figures given in Kings were altered to
correspond with the ideas of men accustomed to think of the mighty
armies of the Persian monarchs or of Alexander the Great. As
Kuenen says, “In ancient times, and specifically in Israel, the sense
of historic continuity could only be preserved by the constant
compliance on the part of the past with the requirements of the
present, that is to say by the constant renovation and transformation
of the past. This may be called the Law of religious historiography”
(The Modern Review, vol. i. [1880], p. 705).

One consequence of the first importance follows from this fact.

An ancient historical writing often records unconsciously far more
than the history of the period it purports to describe. Since much in it
which is ascribed to a past age in reality reflects the conditions of the
present, it follows that the work as a whole may be an invaluable
commentary on the author’s own period. By taking into account this
law of religious historiography, by studying the writer’s method of
compilation, his use and manipulation of sources and the additions
he has himself made to the story, we shall find in the completed book
a mirror of the thoughts, the ideals, and the conditions of the age
when it was produced.

Justification for these remarks can be drawn not only from the
writings of the Old Testament but also from the study of ancient
literature in general. Nowhere, however, are the principles and
characteristics which we have outlined more clearly exemplified than
in the books of Chronicles. They are the key to the comprehension of
Chronicles; and, if they are borne in mind, what is generally
considered a somewhat dull book of the Bible will be seen to be one
of the most instructive pieces of ancient literature. At the same time,
we shall be in a position to perceive and appreciate the religious
enthusiasm which animated the Chronicler.

§ 2. Relation to Ezra and Nehemiah

 It is well known that the books of Ezra and Nehemiah were
originally one book; but further it is certain that Chronicles has been
artificially separated from them, and that the three books,
Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, were once a continuous work. The
reasons upon which this conclusion is based are as follows:

(1) The ending of Chronicles and the beginning of Ezra are the
same (2 Chronicles xxxvi. 22 f. = Ezra i. 1‒3a), i.e. after the
separation was made between Chronicles and Ezra‒Nehemiah the
opening verses of Ezra (recording the proclamation of Cyrus
permitting the Jews to return) were retained, or perhaps one should
say, were added by someone who was aware of the original
continuity of Chronicles with Ezra‒Nehemiah and who was anxious
that Chronicles should end in a hopeful strain (see note on 2
Chronicles xxxvi. 23). The desirability of securing a hopeful
conclusion is much more obvious in the Hebrew than in the English
Bible, for, whereas in the English order Ezra immediately follows
Chronicles, in the Hebrew Canon Ezra and Nehemiah are made to
precede Chronicles, and Chronicles is actually the last book of the
Hebrew Bible. (On the reason for this order in the Hebrew, and
generally on the separation of Chronicles from Ezra‒Nehemiah, see
§ 9, Position in the Canon, ad fin.)

(2) The same general standpoint and the same special interests
are found both in Chronicles and Ezra‒Nehemiah to a remarkable
degree. In particular, attention may be called to the following points:

(a) The same fondness for lists and genealogies is shown in

both works; compare e.g. 1 Chronicles xii. with Ezra ii. or
Nehemiah iii.; and 2 Chronicles xxxi. 16‒19 with Nehemiah
vii. 63‒65.

(b) The same intense interest in religious festivals and

institutions; compare 1 Chronicles xv., xvi.; 2 Chronicles v.‒
vii., xxix., xxx., xxxv. 1‒19, with Ezra iii., vi. 16‒22; Nehemiah
viii.
 (c) Three classes of Temple attendants, viz. Levites, singers,
and porters, which are barely mentioned in the rest of the Old
Testament, receive a great deal of notice both in Chronicles
and in Ezra‒Nehemiah.

(3) The same style and diction are found in both works (excepting
of course in such sentences and passages as are transcribed from
older sources). Characteristic phrases are the following:

(a) “Fathers’ houses”; compare 1 Chronicles vii. 2, note.

(b) “The house of God,” very frequently in Chronicles‒Ezra‒

Nehemiah in place of the usual “house of the Lord”
(Jehovah). With this compare the avoidance of the use of the
name Jehovah (Jahveh) in such places as 2 Chronicles xvii. 4
(compare Authorized Version with Revised Version), xx. 12,
30; Ezra viii. 18, 21.

(c) “genealogy” (“reckon by genealogy”); compare 1 Chronicles

v. 17, note; Ezra ii. 62.

(d) “to oversee”; 1 Chronicles xxiii. 4; 2 Chronicles ii. 2 [ii. 1

Hebrew]; Ezra iii. 8 (Revised Version “to have the oversight”).

(e) “willingly offer”; 1 Chronicles xxix. 14; Ezra i. 6.

These are merely a few instances out of very many which might
be given. This similarity of style and language is far more striking in
the Hebrew (compare § 3, C, and for full particulars the long list in
Curtis, Chronicles, pp. 27 ff.).

When fully stated, the evidence indicated under (2) and (3) above
is of a convincing character, and the conclusion that Chronicles‒
Ezra‒Nehemiah were at one time a single work should be
unhesitatingly adopted.
 § 3. Date and Authorship
(1) Date and Unity. The scope of our inquiry in this section
requires to be defined with some care. In dealing with any work
which is chiefly a compilation of older material, it is necessary clearly
to distinguish between the dates of the various sources which can be
recognised or surmised and the dates of the writer or writers who
have effected the compilation. When we examine the structure of
Chronicles its composite nature is at once evident. Many long and
important passages have been taken, with or without adaptation,
directly from the existing books of Scripture. The date of all such
passages, of course, falls to be considered in the commentaries on
Samuel or Kings or wherever their original setting may be. The
remainder of Chronicles presents an intricate but interesting
problem. It has been held that there are no sources involved in this
remaining portion but that the whole is the free composition of the
writer who quoted or adapted the passages from earlier books of
Scripture referred to above. According to the view taken in this
volume, sources other than these “canonical” books were utilised in
the formation of Chronicles, although for reasons suggested in § 5
(q.v., pp. xxxvi f.) such sources are not easy to distinguish from the
work of the compiler himself. The little which can be said regarding
the origin and history of these supposed sources may conveniently
be reserved for the section dealing with the Sources (§ 5). The
question, therefore, which is before us in this section is the date of
the editorial process to which we owe the present form of Chronicles.
Fortunately the answer is simplified by one important fact, namely
the remarkable homogeneity of Chronicles‒Ezra‒Nehemiah. To such
a degree are these books characterised by unity of style, vocabulary,
standpoint and purpose (see below; also § 2 and § 6), that we may
safely conclude they are essentially the product of one mind: they
have reached substantially their present form in the course of a