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cognitive psychology:
thinking, intelligence, &
language
7
▲TABLE OF CONTENTS
To access the resource listed, click on the hot linked title or press CTRL + click
To return to the Table of Contents, click on ▲Return to Table of Contents
To return to a section of the Lecture Guide, click on ►Return to Lecture Guide
►LECTURE GUIDE
➢ How People Think (p. 4)
➢ Intelligence (p. 5)
➢ Language (p. 6)
➢ Applying Psychology to Everyday Life: Mental and Physical Exercises Combine for
Better Cognitive Health (p. 7)
➢ Chapter Summary (p. 7)
►FULL CHAPTER RESOURCES

➢ Chapter-At-A-Glance (p. 2)
➢ Learning Objectives (p. 8)
➢ Rapid Review (p. 9)
➢ Changes from the third edition to the fourth edition (p. 10)
➢ Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics (p. 11)
➢ Classroom Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises (p. 30)
➢ Handout Masters (p. 41)
➢ MyPsychLab Video Series (p. 55)
➢ MyPsychLab Visual Brain (p. 57)
➢ MyPsychLab Simulations (p. 58)
➢ Writing Space and Writing Practice (p. 59)
Copyright © 2015, 2012, 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
1
Chapter 7: Cognitive Psychology: Thinking, Intelligence, & Language
▼CHAPTER-AT-A-GLANCE
Detailed Outline Instructor Resources Multimedia Resources
How People Think (text p. 262) Learning Objectives: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3 Video: The Big Picture: I Am, Therefore I
Lecture Launchers: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, Think (3:12) — Discover how we take in
Mental Imagery 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10 and understand the information around us
Concepts and Prototypes Activities & Exercises: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, using concepts, algorithms, and heuristic
Problem Solving and Decision-Making 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11 strategies to process information.
Problems With Problem Solving Handouts: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5
Video: The Basics: The Mind Is What the
Brain Does (3:17) — Learn how concepts
are formed and how we build on them,
use them, and share them with others,
and why individuals don’t always share
the same prototypes and mental images
of the same concepts.
Video: Special Topics: Mental Imagery:

In the Mind’s Eye (3:02) — Learn where
mental imagery is processed in the brain
and why the mental images we see in our
mind can feel as real as the tangible
objects we see in front of us.
Video: In the Real World: Changing Your

Mind (5:32) — Learn more about our
problem-solving abilities, the professions
that require quick decision-making skills
versus deliberation, and how we are able
to acquire and improve decision-making
skills over time.
Video: What’s In It For Me? Making

Choices (4:23) — Explore how our brains,
our emotions, and our cultures affect our
decision-making, and what happens
when we are faced with too many
options.
Writing Assignment: Maria’s method of

studying worked effectively throughout
high school until she took her first foreign
language course. In this course, her
grades were much lower than usual. How
might mental set have played a role in
Maria’s academic problem?
Intelligence (text p. 274) Learning Objectives: 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, Video: The Big Picture: What Is
7.8 Intelligence? (3:15) — Explore your
Definition Lecture Launchers: 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, definition of intelligence and see that
Theories of Intelligence 7.14, 7.15, 7.16, 7.17 although it is a concept we value and
Measuring Intelligence Activities & Exercises: 7.12, 7.13 measure, defining it and determining how
Extremes of Intelligence it is acquired can be challenging.
The Nature/Nurture Controversy
Video: Special Topics: Intelligence
Testing, Then and Now (5:37) — Look
back into the history of intelligence testing
at how the Stanford-Binet, WAIS, and IQ
tests were developed, and how
intelligence tests today have evolved to
help us better interpret an individual’s
specific strengths and weaknesses to
improve overall ability at school and work.
Video: In the Real World: Intelligence

Tests and Stereotypes (6:01) — See how
stereotype threat can negatively affect an
individual’s self-esteem, performance and
2
Instructor’s Manual for Psychology, 4e
sense of identity.
Video: Thinking Like a Psychologist:

Intelligence Tests and Success (4:28) —
Find out how IQ scores and overall
success are correlated and how others’
reactions to our IQ scores can shape our
destiny.
Video: The Basics: Theories of

Intelligence (5:28) — Dig deeper into
well-known intelligence theories
developed by Spearman, Sternberg, and
Gardner.
Video: Down Syndrome
Video: Robert Sternberg on Giftedness
Video: What’s In It For Me? How

Resilient Are You? (4:43) —
Learn whether we can improve our
intelligence over time or whether it is fixed
at birth and how intellectual resilience can
influence personal success.
Language (text p. 294) Learning Objectives: 7.9, 7.10 Video: Susan Goldwin-Meadow: The
Lecture Launchers: 7.18, 7.19, 7.20 Role of Gesture in Thinking (APS PLayer)
The Levels of Language Analysis Activities & Exercises: 7.14
Language and Thought
Applying Psychology to Everyday Life: Learning Objectives: 7.11 Video: Exercise Your Brain
Mental and Physical Exercises
Combine for Better Cognitive Health
(text p. 299)
▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents
3
▼LECTURE GUIDE
I. HOW PEOPLE THINK (text p. 262)
Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics
➢ 7.1 - The Psychology of Mental Control
➢ 7.2 - Did Spock Have It Wrong?
➢ 7.3 - Intuition
➢ 7.4 - Don’t Believe Everything You Read…Except This
➢ 7.5 - Are We Good At Making Decisions?
➢ 7.6 - Giving It Away For Free
➢ 7.7 - Types of Problems
➢ 7.8 - Hormones and Thinking Skills
➢ 7.9 - Fallacies in Reasoning
➢ 7.10 - Belief Perseverance, Political Campaigns, and Misinformation
Classroom Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises
➢ 7.1 - Thinking Creatively
➢ 7.2 - Mental Imagery
➢ 7.3 - What-If?
➢ 7.4 - Sunk Costs
➢ 7.5 - Name That Fallacy! Part 1
➢ 7.8 - Demonstrating Cognitive Biases
➢ 7.9 - Personalizaing Heuristics
➢ 7.10 - Mental Sets in Everyday Life
➢ 7.11 - Mental Set as an Obstacle to Problem Solving
➢ Video - What’s In It For Me? Making Choices

➢ Video - The Big Picture: I Am, Therefore I Think
➢ Video - The Basics The Mind Is What the Brain Does
➢ Video - Special Topics - Mental Imagery - In the Mind’s Eye
➢ Video - In the Real World: Changing Your Mind

➢ Animation - Mental Rotation
➢ Writing Assignment - Mental Set
Learning Objective 7.1 - How are mental images and concepts involved in the process of
thinking?
A. Mental imagery
1. Mental images represent objects or events and have a picturelike quality
B. Concepts
1. Concepts are ideas that represent a class or category of events, objects, or activities
a. Prototypes are examples of a concept that most closely match the defining
characteristics of that concept
Learning Objective 7.2 - What are the methods people use to solve problems and make
decisions?
C. Problem solving and decision making

1. Problem solving consists of thinking and behaving in certain ways to reach a goal
a. Mechanical solutions include trial-and-error learning and rote solutions
b. Algorithms are a rote solution in which one follows step-by-step procedures for
solving certain types of problems
c. A heuristic is a strategy that narrows down the possible solutions for a problem
d. Insight is the sudden perception of a solution to a problem
4
Learning Objective 7.3 - Why does problem solving sometimes fail, and what is meant by
creative thinking?
D. Problems with problem solving

1. Functional fixedness
2. Confirmation bias
E. Creativity
1. Divergent thinking involves coming up with as many different answers as possible
2. Creative people are usually good at mental imagery and have knowledge of a wide
range of topics, are unafraid to be different, value their independence, and are often
unconventional in their work but not in other areas
II. INTELLIGENCE (text p. 274)

➢ 7.11 - Does Breastfeeding Increase Intelligence?
➢ 7.12 - Mental Retardation
➢ 7.13 - Time Use and Mathematics Achievement
➢ 7.14 - The Darwin Awards: What Intelligence Isn’t
➢ 7.15 - Mood Awareness
➢ 7.16 - Does the SAT Have Predictive Value?
➢ 7.17 - A Mouse g-factor?
➢ 7.12 - What Exactly is Intelligence?
➢ 7.13 - Constructing a Multiple Intelligences Test
➢ Video - The Big Picture: What Is Intelligence?

➢ Video - Thinking Like a Psychologist: Intelligence Tests and Success
➢ Video - The Big Picture: What Is Intelligence?
➢ Video - The Basics: Theories of Intelligence
➢ Video - Special Topics: Intelligence Testing, Then and Now
➢ Video - Robert Sternberg On Giftedness
➢ Video - What Is Creativity?
➢ Animation: What Is Intelligence?
Learning Objective 7.4 - How do psychologists define intelligence, and how do various theories
of intelligence differ?
A. Definition
1. Intelligence is the ability to understand the world, think rationally or logically, and use
resources effectively when faced with challenges or problems
B. Theories of intelligence
1. Spearman proposed general intelligence
2. Gardner proposed nine different types of intelligence
3. Sternberg proposed three types of intelligence
Learning Objective 7.5 - How is intelligence measured, how are intelligence tests constructed,
and what role do these tests play in neuropsychology?
C. Measuring intelligence
1. The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test
a. IQ score that was once determined by dividing the mental age of the person by the
chronological age and multiplying that quotient by 100
5
b. Now involves comparing a person’s score to a standardized norm

2. The Wechsler Intelligence Tests yield four index scores derived from both verbal and
nonverbal subtests and an overall score of intelligence
3. Standardization, validity, and reliability are all important factors
4. Deviation IQs are based on a normal distribution
5. IQ tests are sometimes criticized for being culturally biased
Learning Objective 7.6 - What is intellectual disability and what are its causes?
Learning Objective 7.7 - What defines giftedness, and how are giftedness and emotional
intelligence related to success in life?
D. Individual differences in intelligence

1. Intellectual disability or developmental delay is a condition in which IQ falls below 70
and adaptive behavior is severely deficient for a person of a particular chronological age
2. Four levels of delay
a. Mild (55–70 IQ)
b. Moderate (40–55 IQ)
c. Severe (25–40 IQ)
d. Profound (below 25 IQ)
3. Causes of intellectual disability include deprived environments as well as
chromosome and genetic disorders and dietary deficiencies
4. Gifted persons are defined as those having IQ scores at the upper end of the normal
curve (130 or above)
5. Emotional intelligence can contribute to success in life
Learning Objective 7.8 - What is the influence of heredity and environment on the development
of intelligence?
E. The nature/nurture controversy regarding intelligence: Genetic influences

1. Stronger correlations are found between IQ scores as genetic relatedness increases
a. Heritability of IQ is estimated at 0.50
2. In 1994, Herrnstein and Murray published The Bell Curve in which they made widely
criticized claims about the heritability of intelligence
III. LANGUAGE (text p. 294)

➢ 7.18 - Pragmatics
➢ 7.19 - The Influence of Language on Thought
➢ 7.20 - Sound Research on Language Learning
➢ 7.14 - Do Animals Have Language? A Survey
➢ Video - Susan Goldwin-Meadow: The Role of Gesture in Thinking (APS Player)
➢ Explore the Concept: Visual Brain: Lateralization and Language
Learning Objective 7.9 - How is language defined, and what are its different elements and
structure?
A. The levels of language analysis

1. Grammar is the system of rules by which language is governed
6
a. Includes the rules for using phonemes, morphemes, and syntax

2. Pragmatics refers to practical aspects of language
Learning Objective 7.10 - Does language influence the way people think, and are animals
capable of learning language?
B. The relationship between language and thought

1. Sapir and Whorf originally proposed the linguistic relativity hypothesis
2. Other researchers have found evidence that concepts are universal
3. Studies with chimpanzees, parrots, and dolphins have been somewhat successful
4. Controversy exists over the lack of evidence that animals can learn syntax
IV. APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY TO EVERYDAY LIFE: MENTAL AND PHYSICAL

EXERCISES COMBINE FOR BETTER COGNITIVE HEALTH (text p. 299)
Learning Objective 7.11 - What are some ways to improve thinking?
A. Both specific mental exercises (such as those involving working memory) and physical
exercise promoting aerobic fitness are important for optimal cognitive functioning.
V. CHAPTER SUMMARY (text p. 301)

➢ 7.15 - Crossword Puzzle
➢ 7.16 - Fill-in-the-Blanks
7
▼LEARNING OBJECTIVES
7.1 How are mental images and concepts involved in the process of thinking?
7.2 What are the methods people use to solve problems and make decisions?
7.3 Why does problem solving sometimes fail, and what is meant by creative thinking?
7.4 How do psychologists define intelligence, and how do various theories of intelligence
differ?
7.5 How is intelligence measured, how are intelligence tests constructed, and what role do
these tests play in neuropsychology?
7.6 What is intellectual disability and what are its causes?
7.7 What defines giftedness, and how are giftedness and emotional intelligence related to
success in life?
7.8 What is the influence of heredity and environment on the development of intelligence?
7.9 How is language defined, and what are its different elements and structure?
7.10 Does language influence the way people think, and are animals capable of learning
language?
7.11 What are some ways to improve thinking?
8
▼RAPID REVIEW
Thinking, or cognition, can be defined as mental activity that goes on in the brain when a
person is processing information. Two forms of cognition are mental images and concepts.
Problem solving involves using our thoughts to reach a goal and involves at least four
strategies: Trial-and-error, algorithms, heuristics, and insight. Some factors that interfere
with problem solving include functional fixedness, mental sets, and confirmation bias.
Creativity occurs when a person solves a problem by combining ideas and behaviors in a new
way.
Intelligence is the ability to learn from one’s experiences, acquire knowledge, and use
resources effectively in adapting to new situations or solving problems. There is disagreement
on exactly what is meant by the term “intelligence.” Spearman proposed a general intelligence
dimension, labeled the g factor, and another dimension of specific intelligence referred to as
the s factor. Gardner proposed that at least nine different kinds of intelligence exist, and
Sternberg proposed the triarchic theory of intelligence. Binet developed the first formal test
for intelligence in order to help identify children in need of remedial education. In the U.S., the
Wechsler intelligence tests are now used more frequently that the Stanford-Binet and IQ scores
are now based on individual deviation IQ scores rather than a ratio. The Wechsler tests are
designed for specific age groups and can be administered individually. Mental retardation, now
more commonly referred to as developmental delay, occurs in about 3 percent of the U.S.
population and is defined by an IQ score of 70 (two standard deviations below the mean) or
lower along with adaptive behaviors significantly below the expected level for the person’s age
group. Individuals who receive scores of 130 or above on intelligence tests are referred to as
gifted. More recently, the concept of emotional intelligence has been suggested as an
important factor for success in life.
Language is defined as a system for combining symbols (such as words) so that an unlimited
number of meaningful statements can be made for the purpose of communicating with others
and can be analyzed at many levels. Semantics refers to the rules for determining the meaning
of words and sentences. Phonemes are the most basic units of sounds used in a specific
language, morphemes combine the units of sound into the smallest units that have meaning,
grammar includes all the rules for combining morphemes into words, and syntax is the rules for
combining words into sentences. Pragmatics deals with the practical aspects of communicating
with others. The relationship between language and thought has been studied extensively. The
linguistic relativity hypothesis proposes that the words people use determine how they think
about themselves and the world. An opposing theory, known as cognitive universalism,
proposes that certain ways of thinking are shared among all groups of people and influence the
development of language in similar ways. Animals other than humans demonstrate an ability to
communicate but it is unclear whether they have the capability for language as demonstrated by
the ability to use abstract symbols to communicate.
9
▼CHANGES FROM THE THIRD EDITION TO THE FOURTH EDITION

Chapter 7 - Cognitive Psychology: Thinking, Intelligence, and Language
• New chapter introduction on neuroeconomics and Kahneman’s System 1 and System 2

thinking
• Shortened discussion of mental imagery
• Reduced coverage of concepts and prototypes (now covered in a single section),
deleted discussion of superordinate and subordinate concepts and basic level type;
formal and natural concepts are no longer key terms
• Deleted Table 7.1 (examples of prototypes)
• New key term “decision making”
• Revised the discussion of representativeness heuristic to mention base rates
• Deleted discussion of mean-end analysis
• Problems with the original method of calculating IQ scores are now covered in the
section on the Stanford-Binet test
• New research on how self-regulation and motivation levels may impact IQ scores
• Deleted Table 7.7 and moved the discussion of classifications of intellectual disability
into the narrative (the discussion also has been updated to reflect DSM-5)
• Shortened “Classic Studies in Psychology” feature on Terman’s “Termites”
• Revised and updated the discussion of emotional intelligence
• “Heritability” is now a key term
• Added a discussion of the Flynn effect
• New discussion of stereotype threat (now a key term)
• Reorganized coverage of the levels of language analysis to move from the smallest unit
of meaning (phonemes) to the largest (pragmatics)
10
▼LECTURE LAUNCHERS AND DISCUSSION TOPICS

➢ 7.1 - The Psychology of Mental Control
➢ 7.2 - Did Spock Have It Wrong?
➢ 7.3 - Intuition
➢ 7.4 - Don’t Believe Everything You Read…Except This
➢ 7.5 - Are We Good at Making Decisions?
➢ 7.6 - Giving It Away for Free
➢ 7.7 - Types of Problems
➢ 7.8 - Hormones and Thinking Skills
➢ 7.9 - Fallacies in Reasoning
➢ 7.10 - Belief Perseverance, Political Campaigns, and Misinformation
➢ 7.11 - Does Breastfeeding Increase Intelligence?
➢ 7.12 - Mental Retardation
➢ 7.13 - Time Use and Mathematics Achievement
➢ 7.14 - The Darwin Awards: What Intelligence Isn’t
➢ 7.15 - Mood Awareness
➢ 7.16 - Does the SAT Have Predictive Value?
➢ 7.17 - A Mouse g-Factor?
➢ 7.18 - Pragmatics
➢ 7.19 - The Influence of Language on Thought
➢ 7.20 - Sound Research on Language Learning
Lecture Launcher 7.1 - The Psychology of Mental Control

It seems trivially obvious that we should be able to control and direct our own thinking. But as anyone on
a diet (who is bedeviled by thoughts of flying pizzas), victim of childhood abuse (who can’t fight the
recurring thoughts of the trauma), or person dreading an upcoming decision (such as, quite often,
Democrats) will tell you, sometimes the very thing we try to banish from our minds plagues us without
relief. Mental control seems unusually difficult to maintain at times, and frequently becomes a far from
trivial issue. To the extent that unwanted thoughts invade our consciousness, we are robbed of peace of
mind.
The late Daniel M. Wegner, of Harvard University, conducted pioneering work on the nature of mental
control. His research indicates that, quite paradoxically, it is not so much the thoughts themselves that
yield such power in troubling our consciousness, but rather our attempts at suppressing the thoughts. The
very act of thought suppression gives rise to preoccupation with the unwanted thought. In a set of elegant
experiments, Wegner and his colleagues (1987) asked research participants to verbalize their stream of
consciousness to a tape recorder for a five-minute period. Some participants were told specifically to try
to think of a white bear, whereas other participants were instructed to try to not think of a white bear. Both
groups were told to ring a bell whenever the thought of a white bear came to mind. After the five minutes
elapsed, participants were given the opposite instructions. That is, the initial suppression group (told not
to think of the bear) was now instructed to “try to think of a white bear” during another five-minute period,
whereas the initial expression group was now instructed to suppress the thought. Again, whenever such
thoughts came to mind, participants were asked to ring the desk bell in front of them.
When examining both verbalizations of “white bear” and bell rings, an intriguing result was revealed. As
might be imagined, participants in the initial suppression period had difficulty not thinking of a white bear.
However, during the expression period these same people showed significantly more preoccupation with
thoughts of a white bear than even those subjects directly instructed to entertain the thought from the
outset. In other words, the act of initial thought suppression produced a rebound effect, calling the
11
unwanted thought to mind with even greater frequency: attempts at suppression produced obsession with
the unwanted thought. Wegner and his colleagues later investigated this phenomenon in relation to the
mental control strategies of depressives, the suppression of thoughts of sex, stress and mental control,
individual differences in mental control, psychophysiological concomitants of thought suppression, and a
general theory of ironic processes (Wegner, 1994).
But what explains this suppression-obsession link? Wegner suggested several possibilities. First, by
never allowing the thought to be entertained in consciousness, we never quite get used to its presence or
to what it signifies. As soon as visions of pepperoni dance in the head of a dieter, for example, the
immediate reaction is to squelch, suppress, and banish the thought. This is a short-term solution,
however, as our suppression attempts fail to keep pace with the insistence of the thought. Each time the
thought creeps back into consciousness, it does so at full power, eventually resulting in our preoccupation
with it.
Second, and more generally, Wegner (1994) proposed that when we attempt mental control, two
cognitive processes are at work. An operating process promotes the intended changes by searching for
mental contents that are consistent with the desired end state. For example, the thought to “not giggle” in
the face of a stressful, somber situation would be a desired end state of one’s mental control activities. At
the same time, however, a monitoring process tests whether the operating process is still needed by
searching for mental contents that are inconsistent with the desired state. In the present example, the
monitor would search for “giggling” and return either a negative or positive value to the operating process.
Here’s the rub. Although the operating process is somewhat effortful, requiring greater cognitive capacity,
the monitoring process is more automatic and takes place less effortfully. When the two work in harmony,
the thinker can revel in some measure of mental control. But if the mental system is taxed, or cognitive
resources are depleted in some way, it will be the more effortful operating process that gets disrupted.
The monitoring process, searching for the to-be-banished thought, now becomes more pronounced and
serves to heighten the thinker’s sensitivity to the unwanted thought.
It is clear that thought suppression, the roots of obsession, and the nature of mental control are
fascinating, interacting, complex topics. A great deal is now known about the processes at work, and
applications to therapy, stress reduction, pain control, and health are underway.
Wegner, D. M. (1988). Stress and mental control. In S. Fisher & J. Reason (Eds.), Handbook of life stress, cognition, and
health (pp. 685–699). Chicester, England: Wiley.
Wegner, D. M. (1989). White bears and other unwanted thoughts. New York: Viking Press.
Wegner, D. M. (1994). Ironic processes of mental control. Psychological Review, 101, 34–52.
Wegner, D. M., & Erber, R. (1992). The hyperaccessibility of suppressed thoughts. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 63, 903–912.
Wegner, D. M., & Pennebaker, J. W. (1993). The handbook of mental control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Wegner, D. M., Schneider, D. J., Carter, S. R., III, & White, T. L. (1987). Paradoxical effects of thought suppression. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 53, 5–13.
Wegner, D. M., Shortt, J. W., Blake, A. W., & Page, M. S. (1990). The suppression of exciting thoughts. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 58, 409–418.
Wenzlaff, R., Wegner, D. M., & Roper, D. (1988). Depression and mental control: The resurgence of unwanted negative
thoughts. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55, 882–892.
► Return to Lecture Guide

◄ Return to complete list of Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics for Chapter 7
Lecture Launcher 7.2 - Did Spock Have It Wrong?

In the classic science fiction series Star Trek—and in numerous spin-offs and movies—the Vulcans are a
species of alien who try to remove all emotion from their thought process. The most famous Vulcan,
Spock, was always accusing his human crewmates of making illogical choices because they let their
emotions enter into the decision process. Certainly, we all know from our own experiences that extreme
emotions can lead to poor decisions, but does removing emotions from decision making lead to the best
outcomes? Research indicates that the answer is “no.”
12
The importance of emotion in decision making is illustrated by the case study of Marvin Bateman. Mr.
Bateman suffered a stroke which damaged his right somatosensory cortex when he was 34. Following
the stroke, he lost his ability to experience emotions. Interestingly, Mr. Bateman’s body does respond to
emotional situations. For example, sometimes he will appear to be angry or scared. However, the
damage prevents these emotional signals, which are generated primarily by structures in the limbic
system and brainstem, from reaching the cortical areas where emotion can influence thinking. As a result,
emotions do not influence his decisions. If the fictional Vulcans are correct, Mr. Bateman’s ability to make
logical choices should be enhanced by this split. In reality, however, the stroke has left him incapable of
making even the simplest choices. This is because the emotional salience of outcomes no longer
influences his thoughts. Additionally, he can no longer use the emotion associated with past experiences
to help him make future decisions.
Although Marvin Bateman’s stroke was in his parietal lobe, similar impairments in decision making have
been seen in people with damage to their ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VM). In a series of studies,
these subjects were tested on a “gambling task” where they could win or lose money depending on which
cards they drew from four decks (see the accompanying Lecture Launcher, Intuition, in this chapter). The
task was set up so that the subject would win more money if she or he chose from only two of the decks.
Individuals without VM damage fairly quickly learn to take cards preferentially from the two good piles,
whereas subjects with damage do not. Researchers believe that the reason subjects with VM damage do
not learn to maximize their return is that they cannot use the emotion associated with winning or losing
money to influence their decision process. Put another way, intact subjects develop a “feeling” about each
deck, whereas VM damaged subjects do not. This suggests that, as in the case of Marvin Bateman,
emotions play an important role in our ability to make good choices.
Bechara, A., Damasio, H., & Damasio, A. (2000). Emotion, decision making and the orbitofrontal cortex. Cerebral Cortex,
10(3), 295–307.
Restak, R. (2001). The secret life of the brain. Washington, DC: Joseph Henry Press. 145–150.

Lecture Launcher 7.3 - Intuition

Psychologists have long been interested in understanding reasoning, problem solving, and decision
making. But the other, “softer” side of this cognitive coin is the study of intuition; how we develop a “gut
feeling” or “sense” about a judgment, situation, or another person. Far from relying on an aching bunion
or creaky joint to understand intuition, scientists have recently put the notion to the test.
Antonio Damasio and his colleagues studied six people who had damage to the ventromedial sector of
the prefrontal cortex and 10 people who did not. This area of the brain is responsible for storing
information about emotional experiences and is also involved in decision making. Armed with $2,000 in
fake money, the participants were presented with four decks of cards and were told they could turn over
cards from any deck during the course of a game. Unbeknownst to the participants, two decks were
rigged to produce lower immediate rewards but a higher overall payoff, whereas the other two decks
yielded short-term, large payoffs but at the price of greater total losses. Participants flipped cards at will
while being monitored for GSR as an indicator of nonconscious (or conscious) anxiety. After the first 20
rounds the research team questioned the participants, and did so again after each subsequent 10 rounds,
in order to determine when the participants became conscious of the best strategy to win.
Those participants without brain damage began to show signs of anxiety before picking cards from the
losing decks, and began to avoid those decks, although consciously they were not yet aware that they
were losers. By the 80th round seven of the 10 normal participants consciously knew to avoid the losing
decks, and although the remaining three did not reach that insight, they nonetheless continued to make
advantageous choices. The six brain-damaged participants, however, continued to pick from the losing
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decks, never expressed a hunch that something was amiss, and never showed signs of anxiety. In short,
the intuition or unconscious knowledge that arose in the normal subjects was absent in the impaired
group; there never arose a “sense” or “feeling” of what was going on.
One study digs deeper to the roots of intuition. A team of researchers led by David Skuse, a psychiatrist
at the Institute of Child Development of University College in London, found evidence suggesting intuition
is an inherited trait passed from fathers to their daughters. Skuse and his colleagues defined intuition in
terms of social skills, such as the ability to decode nonverbal communication or recognize socially
appropriate behavior. Although the research team has not identified a gene (or genes) responsible for
these abilities, their patterns of evidence suggest a specific chain of inheritance. The parents of 88 girls
with Turner’s syndrome (characterized by a single X chromosome) were asked to rate their daughters on
various measures of social intelligence, such as awareness of other’s feelings, skill at following
instructions, or awareness of offending others. The researchers next determined whether each girl’s
single X chromosome had come from her father or mother. The results revealed that those girls who had
inherited the mother’s chromosome scored worse on the measures of “intuition” than did those receiving
the X from their fathers.
Parents of normal boys and girls were also asked the same questions. The boys, compared to the normal
girls, scored lower on the measures of social intuition: Like all boys, they also received their X
chromosome from their mothers. Furthermore, the researchers also compared the responses of the
Turner’s syndrome girls with those of normal boys and girls on a battery of neuropsychological measures.
Turner’s syndrome girls who received their X chromosome from their mothers scored worse on tests that
required extensive planning or the inhibition of urges; normal boys also scored worse on the inhibition
measures (but not the planning tasks).
Bechara A, Damasio H, Tranel D, Damasio AR (1997). Deciding advantageously before knowing the advantageous
strategy. Science, 275 (5304), 1293–1295.
Brown, D. (June 12, 1997). Women inherit intuition from dads, researchers say. Austin American-Statesman, A1, A6.
Skuse, D. H. (2003). Fear recognition and the neural basis of social cognition. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 8 (2), 50–
60.
Skuse, D. H. (2003). X-linked genes and the neural basis of social cognition. Autism: Neural Basis and Treatment Possibilities
Novartis Foundation Symposium, 251, 84–111.
Stein, R. (March 9, 1997). Intuition affects sensible choices, researchers find. Austin American-Statesman, A25.

Lecture Launcher 7.4 - Don’t Believe Everything You Read...Except

This
People sometimes believe in things they ought not to, such as flat Earths, cheese moons, or their own
invulnerability. But forming and clinging to misbegotten beliefs may itself be a consequence of some
fundamental cognitive processes, such as how information gets encoded in memory or what happens to a
disrupted attentional system.
Daniel T. Gilbert, of Harvard University, explored the problem of “believing what isn’t so” for several years.
In explaining the process by which such belief takes place he invokes the thinking of Rene Descartes and
Baruch Spinoza, both of whom wrote quite a bit about how information is perceived and stored in a
mental system. Descartes argued that information is first comprehended, and then in a subsequent step,
a truth value is assigned to it: We decide to accept or reject the information as being true. This would
suggest, of course, that we can easily entertain ideas (indefinitely, perhaps...putting them up in a mental
guest room, so to speak) without necessarily putting stock in them. If comprehension (understanding) of
information and endorsement (acceptance or rejection) are two distinct steps, humans should be able to
hold an idea without believing it.
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Spinoza adopted a different position on the nature of belief, arguing that comprehension and acceptance
of information are accomplished in a single initial step, only later to be followed by certification or rejection
of the information. This view holds that the very act of receiving information entails assigning a belief to it
[“this information is true” (or false, as the case might be)], which only later can be substantiated or
“unbelieved,” as might be called for. Quite unlike Descartes, then, Spinoza argued that ideas could not be
entertained, “beliefless,” in a cognitive system, but rather are believed upon first being received into the
cognitive system.
How to disentangle these competing predictions? Notice that both, if allowed to run their course, would
lead to the same outcome: The acceptance or rejection of information as being true. The difference lies in
when the belief is assigned, either in a Spinozan first step or in a Cartesian second step. Gilbert reasoned
that disrupting a belief system in action would be the only way to tell which system (Spinozan or
Cartesian) was at work. If Descartes was correct, disrupting the system between steps should have no
effect on cognition: We would be left holding a collection of ideas that had not yet been assigned truth
values. If Spinoza was correct, however, disruption should produce a very pronounced tendency: We
should be left believing information to be true (because it was automatically tagged with a truth valued
upon entering the cognitive system) when in some cases it is not.
To test these ideas, Gilbert and his colleagues asked research participants in one of several experiments
to learn some (fictitious) Hopi language terms. Participants saw a Hopi/English word-pairing flash on a
computer screen (such as “A monishna is a star,” “A rirg is a valley,” or “A neseti is a bee”), which was
followed by a brief pause, and then followed by one of three outcomes: The word “True” (signaling that
the preceding pairing was accurate), the word “False” (indicating that the preceding pairing was
incorrect), or a blank screen. Note that Descartes and Spinoza are still neck-and-neck at this point. Either
account of belief would argue that participants could take in the information (untouched, as Descartes
would have it, or believed as true, as Spinoza would have it) and then correct it based on the True or
False cue later given (which would mean assigning a belief in the Cartesian system, or
revising/substantiating an existing belief in the Spinozan system). However, the researchers asked
participants to do one additional task. On some trials participants were asked to press a button if they
heard a particular tone. This additional task served to tax their available cognitive resources, making it
more difficult to perform the correction step of integrating the true/false cues with the prior information.
These participants, however, provided an answer to the riddle of belief. When later polled they showed a
particular pattern of errors; namely, they were left believing propositions that should have been revised
(i.e., those tagged as “False”) as being true. Given the controls of the experiment, the only way to account
for this outcome is that the information must have been encoded as true upon first being read (just as
Spinoza argued). Because these resource-depleted subjects were disrupted from performing Spinoza’s
second task (certifying or, in these cases, rejecting the previously-believed information), they were left
believing what they ought not to.
The implications of this research are startling. For example, as Dan Wegner and his colleagues have
shown, it may help explain the workings of innuendo. When presented with information that may or may
not be correct, our Spinozan belief system compels us to endorse that information upon comprehension.
If our cognitive resources are later disrupted we may be unable to correct our initial comprehension.
Similarly, this research may help explain why belief perseverance takes place. If the stage of correcting
initial information is subject to disruption, we may be left clinging to beliefs even in the face of clearly
disconfirming evidence. Finally, these results fly in the face of what your mother always told you. Far from
“not believing everything you read,” it seems that we can’t escape that fate.
Gilbert, D. T. (1993). The assent of man: Mental representation and the control of belief. In D. M. Wegner & J. W. Pennebaker
(Eds.), Handbook of mental control (pp. 57–87). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Gilbert, D. T. (1991). How mental systems believe. American Psychologist, 46, 107–117.
Gilbert, D. T., Krull, D. S., & Malone, P. S. (1990). Unbelieving the unbelievable: Some problems in the rejection of false
information. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 601–613.
Ross, L., Lepper, M. R., & Hubbard, M. (1975). Perseverance in self-perception and social perception: Biased attributional
processes in the debriefing paradigm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 32, 880–892.
Wegner, D. M., Wenzlaff, R., Kerker, R. M., & Beattie, A. E. (1981). Incrimination through innuendo: Can media questions
become public answers? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40, 822–832.
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Lecture Launcher 7.5 - Are We Good at Making Decisions?

Helmut Jungermann argues that academicians studying decision making fall into one of two camps.
Those in the first camp believe that humans are essentially irrational, and that they tend to make poor
decisions in a variety of situations. To support this argument, members of this group usually point to
researchers such as Amos Tversky and Danny Kahneman, who have demonstrated that biases often
lead to illogical decisions. In contrast, members of the second camp argue that, although people do
sometimes make poor decisions, we are generally fairly rational. After all, how could we be so successful
as a species if we are inherently poor decision makers? Many in this camp believe that much of the
research designed to study decision making is specifically designed to generate poor decisions, and that
the same decision processes that lead to biased decisions in laboratory experiments actually lead to good
decisions more often than not in real world situations.
Discuss the two camps of thought on human decision making with your students. You may want to poll
them to see how many fall into each camp. Then ask for volunteers to share their opinions on the topic.
Encourage them to support their beliefs with examples from the textbook. What evidence is there that
people tend to make poor decisions? What evidence is there that people tend to make good decisions?
At the conclusion of the discussion, poll your students again to see if the discussion affected how many
students fall into each camp.
Jungermann, H. (1986). The two camps on rationality. In H. Arkes & K. Hammond (Eds.), Judgment and decision making: An
interdisciplinary reader (pp. 627–641). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

Lecture Launcher 7.6 - Giving It Away for Free

Economists often portray consumers as “rational agents” who logically consider the relative value and
price of items before making a purchase. In reality, consumer psychologists have found that people
generally act in irrational ways with regard to purchasing decisions. One great example of this is the
tendency for consumers to overvalue items that are given away for free.
Stores and restaurant managers have known for a long time that giving things away for free can have a
huge impact on consumers, even if the free item is of little real value. For example, customers have been
known to stand in line for long periods to receive a free soft drink or popsicle, when the normal cost of
these items hardly offsets the time wasted. Certainly, most of these people would never stand in line for
an equally long time just to save a dollar or two on a dinner tab. Similarly, when fast food restaurants
have “buy two, get one free” hamburger sales, customers frequently pay for two hamburgers in order to
get the free burger, when all they wanted was one hamburger. The result is that they pay more money
than they normally would and purchase more food than they want!
In an interesting study, researchers set up a booth in their university’s student center to sell two kinds of
chocolates: fancy chocolate truffles and Hershey’s Kisses. A sign indicated that each student could only
buy one chocolate. When the truffles and kisses were priced at 15¢ and 1¢, respectively, 36% of students
decided to purchase the truffle, whereas only 14% purchased the kiss. This suggests that students felt
that the better taste of the truffle was worth paying an extra 14¢ for. However, when the prices were
changed to 14¢ for the truffle and 0¢ (free) for the kiss, 42% chose the kiss whereas only 19% purchased
a truffle. A statistically similar result was seen, even when the cost of the truffle was lowered to 10¢. This
indicates that charging even a single penny for the Hershey’s Kiss had a profound effect on the choice of
students. When the truffle cost 14¢ and the kiss was free, subjects were no longer willing to pay the extra
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14¢ for the superior taste of the truffle, even though students had been willing to pay 14¢ more when the
prices had been 15¢ and 1¢. This is pretty strong evidence that consumer choice can be overly
influenced by giving stuff away for free!
Shampanier, K., Mazar, N., & Ariely, D. (2007). Zero as a special price: The true value of free products. Marketing Science, 26
(6), 742–757.

Lecture Launcher 7.7 - Types of Problems

Sometimes the kinds of problems you have to solve determine the way you try to solve them. There are
basically three classes of problems: arrangement, inducing structure, and transformation.
Arrangement Problems
Arrangement problems are those in which it is necessary to rearrange the information you have.
Anagrams, a type of puzzle in which letters must be rearranged to form a familiar word, are a good
example of this problem type. What common word, for example, could be made from the letters bemnur?
(The answer is “number.”) Or try this: How could you rearrange the letters in new door to make one word?
(the answer is “one word.”)
Jigsaw puzzles are also arrangement problems, as are puzzles or tasks that require you to put certain
pictures or events in order. When an investigator of a crime tries to recreate the sequence of events, it is
also a problem of arrangement.
Problems of Inducing Structure
If you have ever faced a puzzle that involved finding the next number or letter in a sequence, you have
been trying to induce (reason from the specific examples to a general solution) structure. What is the next
letter in this sequence?
S M T W T F __
This is not only a good example of inducing structure, it’s also a good example of insight. When you
realize that the letters are the first letters of the days of the week, “S” becomes an easy answer.
Transformation Problems
In a transformation problem, one has to carry out a sequence or series of transformations, or changes, to
solve the problem. The 3-cup and 5-cup measure problem would be a simple example of this type.
Another example would be the familiar “Tower of Hanoi” puzzle, or the hobbits and orcs dilemma.

Lecture Launcher 7.8 - Hormones and Thinking Skills

Uriel Halbreich, SUNY University at Buffalo professor of psychiatry and gynecology and obstetrics, and
an expert in psychopharmacology and hormonal disorders, has reported that the performance of
postmenopausal women on certain tests measuring the ability to integrate several cognitive functions
improved significantly after a course of estrogen-replacement therapy (ERT).
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It was found that low levels of estrogen may impair some cognitive functions, whereas estrogen-
replacement therapy may help improve certain thinking and biological brain processes, and also may play
a role in elevating mood. Post-menopausal women and women of child-bearing age were given a wide
variety of tests that measure different areas of cognitive functions. The women were then given estrogen
for 60 days, and there appeared to be a significant improvement. This increase in cognitive ability was
correlated with the plasma levels of estrogen. The results indicated that integrative abilities, reaction
times and short-term verbal memory of many of the postmenopausal women improved after estrogen
therapy. Halbreich believes that estrogen may help maintain some functions that typically decline with
age or the onset of menopause.
Kahn L. S., & Halbreich, U. (1999). Menopause and psychopharmacology: signs, symptoms, and treatment. In Crosignani P.
G., Kenemans, K., Wenger, N. K., & Jackson, A. S. (eds), Women's health and menopause: risk reduction strategies —
improved quality of health, (pp. 131-136). Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Lecture Launcher 7.9 - Fallacies in Reasoning

A fallacy is a belief or argument that rests on an invalid or false inference. Fallacies are often used
unintentionally, but they are also used intentionally when an effort is being made to deceive or mislead
the listener or reader.
1) “If you know about BMWs, you either own one or you want one.”
What’s wrong with this statement? It is an example of the fallacy called false alternatives. It is also called
dualistic or black-and-white thinking. The fallacy occurs when it is presumed that a classification is
exclusive or exhaustive. It often takes the form of overlooking alternatives that exist between two polar
opposites.
Here is another example of false alternatives written by an educator who was suggesting that children
should begin public school at the age of four and that high school should end after the eleventh year:
“Twelfth grade has become a bore for able students and a holding tank for the rest.”
2) “I asked my doctor why my mouth was so dry and he told me that it was because my saliva
glands are not producing enough saliva.”
What do you think of the doctor’s diagnosis? This is an example of the fallacy of begging the question,
or circularity. The fallacy occurs when the solution to a problem is a restatement of the problem, or an
argument for a proposition is equivalent to the proposition, such as “He throws tantrums all the time
because he has a terrible temper.” Diagnoses of mental disorders are sometimes considered to beg the
question: “Why is he so nervous and agitated?” “He has generalized anxiety disorder.” “What does that
mean?” “It means that he has anxiety and apprehension.”
3) “He is an innocent man. He was tried before a jury of his peers and the prosecution was
unable to prove him guilty.”
Is the assumption of innocence justified? This is an example of the fallacy called appeal to ignorance.
This fallacy occurs when it is argued that because we cannot prove a proposition to be true, it must be
false; or if we cannot prove a proposition to be false, it must be true.
Here is another example: “There has never been any scandal about this candidate for president.
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Therefore, he must be an honest, moral person.”
4) “If you don’t pick up your clothes before you go to bed at night, pretty soon you’ll be knee-
deep in dirty clothes.”
Is that the way it is? This is an example of the fallacy called slippery slope; certain applications of it have
been called the domino theory. The argument is that if the first in a possible series of steps or events
occurs, the other steps or events are inevitable.
Here is an example from a letter to the editor of a metropolitan newspaper. The writer was responding to
an article discussing the morality of euthanasia in the case of a person with an advanced case of multiple
sclerosis: “If we allow this to happen, where do we stop? Who would decide at what point someone
should die? Do we give them poison the moment they know they have multiple sclerosis or cancer, before
they have any suffering?”
5) “TV can’t be harmful for children because it occupies their attention for hours and keeps them
off the streets.”
Is this argument against the idea that TV can be harmful for children convincing? It is an example of the
fallacy called irrelevant reason. This fallacy occurs when the argument given to support a proposition
has little or no relevance to the proposition.
Here is another example: “Conservationists have suggested that we could conserve fuel by increasing the
tax on gasoline. But more taxes, whether they’re paid by the oil companies or passed on to the consumer
at the pump, will not produce one more barrel of oil.”
6) “I don’t see how she can get elected. No one I know is going to vote for her.”
What’s wrong with this argument? This is the fallacy called hasty generalization. It occurs when an
isolated or exceptional case is used as the basis for a general conclusion. In more statistical language, it
is making a conclusion about a population based on information obtained from a sample that is biased or
too small. It is an error of inductive reasoning—going from the particular to the general when it is not
justified by the evidence.
Another example is attributed to the brother of a former president of the United States: “I never read a
book by a woman because I never met a woman who had sense enough to write a book.” (Either he
hasn’t met very many women, in which case the sample is too small, or the ones he has met are a biased
sample. Of course, there is the possibility that he is a devout sexist.)
7) “If socialized medicine will result in better and lower-cost health care, shouldn’t the same
logic be applied to automobiles? Wouldn’t nationalization of the auto industry produce better
and lower-cost cars? And if we nationalized auto mechanics, wouldn’t we get better and less-
expensive repairs?”
These words were spoken in rebuttal after Senator Kennedy had called for national health insurance in a
speech at a meeting of the United Auto Workers. Does the speaker’s argument make sense? It
represents the fallacy called questionable analogy. In questionable analogy an attempt is made to make
two situations seem more similar than they actually are.
Another example is from a state senator who was using the crucifixion as a rationale for capital
punishment: “Where would Christianity be if Jesus got 8 to 15 years with time off for good behavior?”
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Lecture Launcher 7.10 - Belief Perseverance, Political Campaigns, and

Misinformation
Belief perseverance is the tendency for people to remain influenced by information, even after the
information has been discredited. Belief perseverance can be a serious problem for political campaigns,
because misinformation spread about a candidate can have a lasting negative effect, even if news
organizations and independent experts conclusively debunk the information. Unfortunately, when
campaigns try to correct misinformation about their candidate, they are unlikely to undo the damage.
Instead, continuing to discuss the misinformation may actually make the situation worse!
Interestingly, research suggests that the likelihood that belief perseverance will occur in an election
depends on the type of misinformation. In one study, preliminary results indicate that belief perseverance
is most likely to occur when the misinformation is negative. So for example, if a rumor spreads that a
candidate has had an affair, this information is likely to cause many voters to have a more negative
opinion of the candidate, even after the rumor is debunked. On the other hand, the same study found that
when subjects learned something positive about a candidate, and then this information was discredited,
subjects did not continue to have a positive opinion of the candidate. Instead, subjects actually had a
more negative view of the candidate than those who had not been given the positive misinformation in the
first place. These results likely explain why political campaigns so often spread false negative information
about their opponent, but are typically more restrained about spreading clearly false positive information
about their candidate.
Cobb, M. (2008, July) All information in politics is not equal: Asymmetries in belief perseverance. Paper presented at the
annual meeting of the Society of Political Psychology, Paris, France.
Wegner, D. M., Wenzlaff, R., Kerker, R. M., & Beattie, A. E. (1981). Incrimination through innuendo: Can media questions
become public answers? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40, 822–832.

Lecture Launcher 7.11 - Does Breastfeeding Increase Intelligence?

Most pediatricians agree that feeding infants breast milk during the first few months of life is better than
feeding them formula. Research suggests that some of the benefits of breastfeeding include fewer
gastrointestinal issues, a more robust immune system, and other long lasting health benefits. However,
the question of whether breastfeeding leads to an increase in intelligence is more controversial.
Many studies have found a correlation between breastfeeding and higher IQ scores. For example, several
studies have found that, on average, those who were breastfed have IQs 6 or 7 points higher than those
who were not. This has led many people to conclude that early breastfeeding facilitates brain
development, which in turn leads to increased cognitive ability. Others, however, point out that the
decision to breastfeed a child is often correlated with other factors that may influence the intelligence of
the child. For example, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and the mother’s own IQ all play a role in a
mother’s choice regarding breastfeeding. As a result, it may be these confounding variables, and not the
breastfeeding itself, that account for any differences in IQ. In fact, a 2006 study that used statistical
techniques to control for the influence of many confounding variables found that breastfeeding itself had
little to no effect on intelligence. Nonetheless, other studies continue to find evidence that breastfeeding
does influence future cognitive ability, even when attempts to control for confounding variables are made.
To complicate matters further, a study done in 2007 found that breastfeeding does increase IQ scores,
20
but only if the infant has a particular version of a gene. Infants with a different version of this gene did not
show a cognitive benefit from breastfeeding.
Perhaps lost in all of this is the question of effect size. After controlling for other factors, it is important to
note that most studies only find a small increase in average IQ associated with breastfeeding. So, even if
breastfeeding can be shown to have a statistically significant role in cognitive development, it is only one
of many factors that help determine a person’s intelligence. Additionally, because breastfeeding is
believed to have many other benefits for both mother and infant, pediatricians and experts are likely to
continue to recommend early breastfeeding under most circumstances, even if breastfeeding is
eventually shown to have no effect on intelligence.
Caspi, A., et al. (2007). Moderation of breastfeeding effects on the IQ by genetic variation in fatty acid metabolism.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 104(47), 18860–18865.
Der, G., Batty, G., & Deary, I. (2006). Effect of breast feeding on intelligence in children: Prospective study, sibling pairs
analysis, and meta-analysis. British Medical Journal, 333, 945–948.
McCartney, M. (2007). Mixed messages over breast milk and brainy babies. British Medical Journal, 335, 1074.

Lecture Launcher 7.12 - Mental Retardation

Mental retardation is a term used when a person has certain limitations in mental functioning that occur
prior to the age of 18. There must also be a limitation in skills such as communicating, taking care of
oneself, and social skills. People scoring below an IQ score of 70–75 and having adaptive problems are
considered to be mentally retarded.
There are many things that can cause mental retardation. Among them are genetics, problems during
pregnancy, problems during birth, and some health problems. Being mentally retarded causes the
individual to have other problems as well. As many as 3 out of every 100 people in the United States are
considered to be mentally retarded. Of those individuals, over 600,000 between the ages 6 to 21 have
some level of mental retardation and need special education in school (Twenty-fourth Annual Report to
Congress, U.S. Department of Education, 2002). In fact, 1 out of every 10 children who need special
education has some form of mental retardation. Most individuals with mental retardation, about 87%, will
only be a little slower than average in learning new information and skills.
For more information about mental retardation, please consult the following source:
American Association on Mental Retardation. (2002). Mental retardation: Definition, classification, and systems of supports
(10th ed.). Washington, DC.

Lecture Launcher 7.13 - Time Use and Mathematics Achievement

A number of reports have shown that students in East Asian countries achieve at a higher level in school
than do American children. One possible explanation for these cross-national differences is that children
and adolescents in East Asian countries have different patterns of time use. In order to investigate this
possibility, Andrew Fuligni and Harold Stevenson studied the use of time by 11th-grade adolescents
(ages 16-17) in three cities in three countries: Minneapolis (United States, n = 204), Taipei (Taiwan, n =
222), and Sendai (Japan, n = 152). There were some differences among the samples in the three cities.
For example, the Minneapolis sample had the highest level of education and highest percentage of
working mothers. Parents of the Minneapolis sample were more likely to be employed in professional and
semi-professional occupations than parents in the other cities. Sendai is the Japanese city most
21
comparable to Minneapolis in socioeconomic and cultural status; Taipei was the only large Chinese-
speaking city where the study could be conducted.
The researchers asked identical questions of these students during the 1990-1991 school year. The
information was gathered from interviews of the students conducted by native speakers residing in each
city. In addition, the students completed a mathematics achievement test.
When the researchers examined information about the normal school day (from the time a student arrived
to the time she or he left), they found that Japanese and Chinese students were at school for an hour or
two longer than the American students: 8.6 and 7.2 hours versus 7.3 hours. A closer examination of
students in each sample who were in the top 16 percent (one standard deviation above the mean) of time
spent at school found the Japanese students spent over 10 hours a day and Chinese over 11½ hours a
day at school compared to 8½ hours for the corresponding American students. Moreover, half-day
classes on Saturday result in substantially more time spent in school by Chinese and Japanese than
American students. The average number of hours spent at school per week was approximately 50 hours
in Taiwan, 47 hours in Japan, and 36 hours in the United States. As a result of the differences in number
of hours spent at school, students in Taiwan and Japan take more classes compared to American
students.
Summing the amount of time spent studying, taking lessons, and reading for pleasure leads to an
average of 25.5 hours for Chinese students, 17.2 hours for Japanese students, and 15.4 hours for
American students. Once again, the researchers looked at the upper 16 percent within each sample and
found for Chinese, Japanese, and American students the number of hours was 44.5, 30.9 and 30.4 hours
respectively. "The large amounts of time spent in academic pursuits by the Chinese students placed them
at an advantage in terms of opportunities for learning and practice related to their schoolwork" (p. 834).
Eighty percent of the American teenagers held part-time jobs, but only 26 percent of the Chinese students
and 27 percent of the Japanese students worked outside the home. Nearly all of the Chinese and half of
the Japanese students who worked were enrolled in vocational high schools and were employed in jobs
that were closely related to those for which they were receiving vocational training.
Compared to Chinese and Japanese students, American students spend a great deal of time after school
socializing with friends. In fact, they spend 80 percent more time socializing with friends than studying.
The relative emphases were reversed for Chinese adolescents, who spent nearly twice as much time
studying as they did socializing with friends. Japanese students engaged in both types of activities with
nearly equal amounts of time. The amount of time spent studying was correlated (low but significant) in
each city with scores on the mathematics achievement test. The amount of television watched and time
spent with friends were also negatively correlated with achievement on that test.
These cross-national findings corroborate the relationship between use of time and academic
achievement. However, despite the amount of time that East Asian students spend on school work
compared to American students, "they did not appear to lead lives that were notably less well balanced
than those of their American peers" (Fuligni & Stevenson, 1995, p. 840). Although the Japanese students
are most frequently described as being overburdened by the demands of school work, they were more
similar to American than to Chinese students. Yet even the Chinese students participated in sports and
extracurricular activities, spent time with their friends, and engaged in various types of social and artistic
activities.
Chen, S. Y., & Lu, L. (2009). After-school time use in Taiwan: Effects on educational achievement and well-being.
Adolescence, 44(176), 891–907.
Fuligni, A. J., & Stevenson, H. W. (1995). Time use and mathematics achievement among American, Chinese, and Japanese
high school students. Child Development, 66, 83–842.
Larson, R. W., & Verma, S. (1999). How children and adolescents spend time across the world: Work, play, and developmental
opportunities. Psychological Bulletin, 125(6), 701–736.
Razel, M. (2001). The complex model of television viewing and educational achievement. The Journal of Educational
Research, 94(6), 371–377.
Wang, Q., & Pomerantz, E. M. (2009). The motivational landscape of early adolescence in the United States and China: A
longitudinal investigation. Child Development, 80(4), 1272–1287.
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Lecture Launcher 7.14 - The Darwin Awards: What Intelligence Isn’t

One way to approach the issue of defining intelligence is to define what intelligence is not! This can be
done in a humorous way by recounting a few passages from the well-known Darwin Awards books. The
award honors certain people who kill, or in rare cases sterilize themselves accidentally by attempting to
do stupid feats or making careless mistakes. The Darwin Award books state that, “The Awards honour
people who ensure the long-term survival of the human race by removing themselves from the gene pool
in a sublimely idiotic fashion.” The Darwin Awards website has many examples of award winners from the
past, plus a “vintage Darwins” section, which is a hall of fame of sorts for Darwin Awards:
http://darwinawards.com/darwin/

Lecture Launcher 7.15 - Mood Awareness

Emotional intelligence (a broad collection of abilities related to understanding and utilizing affect) and
alexithymia (a stunted awareness of one’s emotional states) share a common component, that
awareness of one’s moods and emotions can contribute to successful mood regulation. This idea has
been pursued in a set of empirical studies.
Mood awareness refers to individual differences in attention directed toward one’s mood states. It is
measured by the Mood Awareness Scale (MAS; Swinkels & Giuliano, 1995), a reliable 10-item measure
composed of two related but distinct dimensions: mood labeling and mood monitoring. Mood labeling
refers to the ability to identify and categorize one's mood states, whereas mood monitoring refers to the
tendency to focus on, evaluate, or scrutinize one's mood.
The processes of mood labeling and mood monitoring may be better understood by an analogy. There is
a marked difference in the approaches used by a physician and by a hypochondriac when trying to
assess states of health. The physician, because of training, experience, or insight, is usually successful in
making an accurate diagnosis of an illness and recommending some course of treatment. In other words,
the medical condition is diagnosed or categorized fairly readily, and steps are then taken to remedy the
complaint (e.g., "take two aspirin and call me in the morning") or maintain the state of health (e.g., "keep
jogging to work every day"). In contrast, hypochondriacs are quite concerned about the state of their
physical health, and in fact may become preoccupied with keeping track of their health status. A process
of monitoring physical symptoms and checking for the onset of illness may become an ongoing ritual. The
problem, of course, is that although hypochondriacs may be vigilant in checking their health, they are apt
to be misled many times about their condition. In other words, they check on their physical states often,
but may not reach a satisfactory or final judgment about their health, concluding instead that they are
suffering from some vague bodily complaint.
Several studies have demonstrated that labeling and monitoring exert different influences on other mood-
relevant variables. For example, in comparison with low mood labelers, high mood labelers tend to seek
and be satisfied with social support, experience positive affect, have higher levels of self-esteem, be
extraverted, be less socially anxious or neurotic, and express greater global life satisfaction. High (as
compared with low) mood monitors, by contrast, tend to experience more intense affective states,
experience greater negative affect, have lower self-esteem, and report neurotic tendencies. Various other
studies have investigated the role of mood awareness in: depression; self-views; reactions to life stress;
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self-reported physical symptoms; intelligence and cognitive abilities; and numerous other personality
dimensions.
More importantly, mood monitoring and mood labeling play a role in the process of mood regulation. Most
people are motivated to sustain a positive mood (mood maintenance) or change a negative one (mood
repair), although monitors and labelers might be more or less successful at this task. One study (Swinkels
& Giuliano, 1995, Study 4), for example, found that although high mood monitors agreed that their moods
influenced their behavior and were important to them, they reported less success at regulating their
negative mood states. Another study (Giuliano, 1995) found that the ability of mood labelers and mood
monitors to repair their negative moods over time differed. High labelers were able to take relatively quick
action to alter their mood states, whereas high monitors tended to wallow in their negative moods for a
longer period of time.
The reason for these differences can be understood by returning to the medical analogy. The act of
labeling something implies that it becomes identified or categorized for further use. The physician who
has made an accurate diagnosis now knows the likely course and duration of the illness, the available
treatments, and the number of subsequent office visits for which the patient can be billed. In this sense
mood labeling should generally promote constructive thought and behavior in regard to one's feelings. A
mood that is readily labeled is a mood that does not need to be dwelt upon in order to be understood: the
mood state has been identified and the stage presumably is set for acting on that mood in some way.
In contrast, monitoring implies a certain degree of vigilance by an individual, which may or may not be
productive. Like the hypochondriac who is nervously attuned to each twitch and tremor of his or her body,
mood monitoring would imply a similar type of examination of or dwelling upon one's mood; for some,
perhaps, to the point of unhealthfulness, but for most out of a simple concern with tracking the progress of
one's feelings. The difficulty with mood monitoring, then, is that it may contribute to becoming absorbed in
one's mood state, much like the overconcern with physical health experienced by the hypochondriac. The
high mood monitor may check on his or her moods often, and be quite vigilant in doing so, yet may still
remain a bit confused about the nature of the mood state. Just as the accuracy of the hypochondriac's
diagnoses may be clouded by numerous false alarms or uncertainty about the nature of the discomfort,
so too may the high mood monitor's judgments of his or her mood be clouded by too great an absorption
in the mood state itself. In the case of bad moods, this absorption may produce prolonged negative affect.
Giuliano, T. A. (1995, August). Mood awareness predicts mood change over time. Presented at the 103rd Annual Convention
of the American Psychological Association, New York.
Swinkels, A. (1993, August). Exploring the role of mood awareness in mood regulation. In D. Tice (Chair), Self regulation of
mood and emotion. Symposium conducted at the 101st Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association,
Toronto.
Swinkels, A. (2001). Research using the Mood Awareness Scale, 1991–2000. Technical Report 1, St. Edward’s University
Psychology Laboratory.
Swinkels, A., & Giuliano, T. A. (1995). The measurement and conceptualization of mood awareness: Monitoring and labeling
one’s mood states. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 934–949.
Swinkels, A., Giuliano, T. A., & Helweg-Larsen, M. (1996, August). Assessing mood awareness in diverse groups. Presented at
the 104th Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, Toronto.
Swinkels, A., & Giuliano, T. A. (1992a). Mood awareness and self-regulation. Presented at the Fourth Annual Convention of
the American Psychological Society, San Diego, California.
Swinkels, A., & Giuliano, T. A. (1992b). [Mood clash: Negotiating interpersonal affect]. Unpublished research data.

Lecture Launcher 7.16 - Does the SAT Have Predictive Value?

A discussion of the predictive value of the SAT is sure to get students’ attention. The following are some
recent data and news regarding the SAT, and a critical look at whether the test is doing what it is
supposed to do—predict academic performance.
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The SAT is woven into the fabric of the college admissions process. Nearly all colleges use the SAT to
help whittle down their applicant pool to a manageable number, and to select students with desirable
academic qualifications. Nearly 2 million hopeful college applicants take the test annually, and nearly
1600 undergraduate institutions use the SAT to help them in their selection process. There have been
many critics of the SAT, however, for many different reasons.
Jeff Rickey, dean of admissions at Earlham College says about the SAT, “The test is too long (about 4
hours) for most young people to actually sit through…the present SAT experience is almost cruel and
inhumane punishment.” According to USA Today, 24 of the top 100 liberal arts colleges as ranked by
U.S. News & World Report are SAT- and ACT-optional. “We expect the ACT/SAT-optional list to continue
growing as more institutions recognize that the tests remain biased, coachable, educationally damaging
and irrelevant to sound admissions practices,” said Robert Schaeffer, public education director of
FairTest, a Cambridge, Mass., agency that monitors standardized tests. “As leaders of the new test-
optional campuses have eloquently stated, dropping ACT and SAT score requirements will enhance
diversity and academic quality,” he said in an announcement about the increase in schools dropping test-
score requirements.
To examine whether SAT scores actually do what they are supposed to do, we need to look at the issue
scientifically. One set of data, generated by the Ralph Nader report (1980) on the Educational Testing
Service, indicates that random predictions for student performance were nearly 90% as accurate as the
SAT! In other words, the SAT doesn’t appear to have much discriminative power with regard to future
student school performance. As noted above, these kinds of revelations have been causing some schools
to reconsider their reliance on the SAT as a tool for student selection in the admissions process. In fact,
more and more colleges and universities are giving more weight to what appears to be the best predictor
of collegiate success: high school grades.

Lecture Launcher 7.17 - A Mouse g-Factor?

The concept of a general intelligence (g), was first suggested by Charles Spearman to explain why a
person’s performance on a variety of mental tasks tends to be positively correlated. In other words,
Spearman argued that there is a single characteristic—the g-factor—which explains why an individual
either succeeds or fails on a variety of seemingly unrelated mental tests. Of course, the concept of
general intelligence is controversial, with some experts suggesting that a single factor cannot capture the
complexity of a person’s intelligence.
Louis Matzel and colleagues published an interesting study examining the overall learning ability of
individual mice. Fifty-six mice were each trained and tested using a variety of learning paradigms, some
of which are listed below.
Lashley Maze: A simple maze where the mice are placed at the beginning, and have to find their way
to the food reward at the end. As mice repeat the maze, they learn to make fewer errors and to reach
the goal faster.
Spatial (Morris) Water Maze: Mice are placed in a large tank of water with a hidden submerged
platform, and swim around until they reach the hidden platform. As the maze is repeated, the mice
eventually learn to use the spatial cues in the room to navigate to the hidden platform. The faster the
mouse can find the platform, the better they have learned to use the spatial cues.
Odor Discrimination: Four food cups are placed in a box, each marked with a unique smell. Mice
learn that only one cup—for example, the one that smells like mint—contains an accessible food
reward.
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Importantly, the tasks were chosen so that they did not rely on the same physical or temperamental
attributes. For example, some of the tasks required strength, but others did not. Some tasks required the
mice to move, and others required the mice to stand still. Despite the many differences between these
learning paradigms, however, researchers found that the performance of each mouse tended to be
positively correlated across all of the tasks. Mice that tended to show strong learning ability on one task
tended to show strong learning ability on the other tasks. A factor analysis revealed that a single factor
accounted for about 38% of a mouse’s performance. This is especially interesting, because the g-factor in
humans is generally thought to account for 25%–50% of our performance on mental tests. Taken
together, the results of this study suggest that some mice appear to have a stronger general learning
ability than other mice, and this ability helps them to succeed in a wide variety of situations.
Matzel, L., Han, Y., Grossman, H., Karnik, M., Patel, D., Scott, N., Specht, S., & Gandhi, C. (2003). Individual differences in the
expression of a “general” learning ability in mice. Journal of Neuroscience, 23 (16), 6423–6433.

Lecture Launcher 7.18 - Pragmatics

“Put the apple on the towel in the box.” The ambiguity inherent in this sentence can lead to great
confusion. Should the apple that’s currently on the towel go in the box? Should the towel lying near the
apple first go in the box, followed by the apple on top of it? Or should the apple be placed on the towel in
the box, rather than on the plate that’s in the box?
Until recently, most views of speech comprehension emphasized the decoding of grammar, followed by a
search for contextual clues that might aid in following a command. The grammar in this example
illustrates that sometimes that can be a tall order. A recent study, however, suggests that visual cues
irrelevant to grammar play a prominent early role in influencing message comprehension. A combination
of visual and linguistic information helps us to better understand what others tell us.
A research team led by Michael K. Tanenhaus at the University of Rochester tracked the eye movements
of volunteers while they listened to a variety of messages. These simple commands asked them to
manipulate objects that were visible in the laboratory. The researchers found that people look at targets
as soon as they hear words that distinguish the target from other items. As an example, when asked to
“touch the starred yellow square” participants took about a quarter-second to look at the correct target
(that lay among other unstarred blocks) after hearing the word “starred.” However, if the items included
two starred yellow blocks, participants looked at the target after hearing the word “square.”
But where does the apple go? When presented with either an ambiguous phrase (“Put the apple on the
towel in the box”) or an unambiguous one (“Put the apple that’s on the towel in the box”) participants’ eye
movements differed. As they heard a particular command, participants viewed either a display with an
apple set on a towel, another towel without an apple, a box, and a pencil; or a similar arrangement in
which the pencil was replaced by an additional apple on a napkin. When faced with only one apple, the
ambiguous phrase led participants to glance at the towel after hearing “towel,” showing their inclination
that the apple should be placed there, then both placed in the box. Those participants given the
unambiguous phrase, however, never glanced at the towel. When the two-apple arrangement was
presented, however, both ambiguous and unambiguous instructions produced the same patterns of eye
movements. Participants looked from one apple to the other upon hearing the word “apple,” then looked
at the appropriate apple upon hearing the word “towel,” and made no further eye movements until hearing
the word “box.” An apple on a towel in a box illustrates the coordination that takes place between vision
and hearing in speech comprehension. But if the apple stays in the box it doesn’t do much for the
hearing-hunger connection.
Arnold, J.A., Tanenhaus, M.K. Altmann, R.J., & Fagnano, M. (2004). The old and, theee, uh, new: Disfluency and reference
resolution. Psychological Science, 9, 578–582
Bower, B. (1995). Understanding speech: I see what you mean. Science News, 147, 373.
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Eberhard, K.M., Spivey-Knowlton, M.J., Sedivy, J.C. & Tanenhaus, M.K. (1995). Eye-movements as a window into spoken
language comprehension in natural contexts. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 24, 409–436.
Spivey, M.J. Tanenhaus, M.K., Eberhard, K.M. & Sedivy, J.C. (2002). Eye movements and spoken language comprehension:
Effects of visual context on syntactic ambiguity resolution. Cognitive Psychology, 45, 447–481.

Lecture Launcher 7.19 - The Influence of Language on Thought

In George Orwell’s chilling novel 1984, a totalitarian government tries to narrow thought by shrinking
language. The result, called Newspeak, is supposed to wipe out “thoughtcrime” by obliterating the words
needed to commit it. “We’re destroying words—scores of them, hundreds of them, every day,” boasts a
worder in the ironically named Ministry of Truth. “We’re cutting the language down to the bone.” Words
also get new meanings: War is peace, love is hate. (Lest anyone think Orwell’s projections were pure
fantasy, in recent years leaders in our own government have called lying “mis-speaking,” the wartime
killing of civilians “collateral damage,” the accidental killing of American soldiers by their own side “friendly
fire,” nuclear missiles “peacekeepers,” and tax increases “revenue enhancement.”)
Was Orwell right? Does language provide a mental straitjacket for thought? Can we think only what we
can say? Or does language merely express ideas and perceptions that would exist anyway?
The leading spokesperson for the notion that language shapes thought was Benjamin Lee Whorf (1897–
1941), an insurance inspector by profession and a linguist and anthropologist by inclination. His theory of
linguistic relativity held that (1) language molds habits of both cognition and perception and (2) different
languages point speakers toward different views of reality. Whorf sometimes seemed to believe that
language determines thought in an absolute way. He once wrote, “We dissect nature along lines laid
down by our native languages” (Whorf, 1956). But usually he took the more moderate position that
language has a powerful influence on cognition.
Whorf’s evidence was linguistic and cultural. For example, he noted that English has only one word for
snow, but Eskimos (now called the Inuit) have different words for falling snow, slushy snow, powdered
snow, and so forth. On the other hand, the Hopi have a single noun that refers to all flying things and
beings, with the exception of birds. This word can be used for aphids, airplanes, and aviators. Thus the
Inuit presumably would notice differences in snow that people in other cultures would not, and Hopis
might see similarities between insects and aviators that others would miss. Since Whorf’s time, other
writers have added examples of their own. Chinese, for instance, has at least nineteen words for silk, but
(in keeping with the reticence of the Chinese about discussing sexual matters) it has no common word for
either foreplay or orgasm, making it something of a challenge to do sex surveys in China (Kristof, 1991)!
In English, much has been written about how the very word foreplay limits sexual imagination. Why are all
activities other than intercourse merely “fore” play?
Whorf felt that grammar had an even greater influence on thought than did separate words. He argued,
for example, that grammar affects how we think of time. English verbs, he noted, force people to
emphasize when an action took place; you can’t talk about seeing Joan without saying whether you saw
her, see her now, or will see her. But Hopi verbs do not require these distinctions. Instead, they allow a
speaker to convey whether he or she experienced the action personally, observed it, heard about it, or
inferred it. Further, English speakers refer to time as a thing that can be saved, squandered, or spent, or
as something that can be measured; we say time is short, long, or great.
The linguistic differences pointed out by Whorf and others have fascinated students and teachers for
generations. Clearly culture and language are intertwined: English is full of sports metaphors (“I scored
some points with my boss,” “She plays hardball in negotiations”), whereas French is rich in food
metaphors (un navet, “a turnip,” means a bad film, and C’est la fin des haricots! “This is the last of the
stringbeans,” is equivalent to “It’s the last straw”) (Halpern, 1991). But does language shape thought, or
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does it merely reflect cultural concerns? Critics note that it is easy enough to describe in English what the
various Inuit words for snow mean or how Hopis conceive of time, despite linguistic differences. Within a
culture, when a need to express some unlabeled phenomenon arises, speakers easily manufacture new
words. Like the Inuit, English-speaking skiers need to talk about several kinds of snow, so they speak of
powder, corn, and boilerplate (ice).
Linguistic evidence alone cannot prove that language determines, or even influences thought. Do the Inuit
perceive snow differently from people who have fewer words for it? Do Hopis experience time differently
because of their grammar? We cannot know, unless linguistic evidence is supplemented by psychological
evidence, and unfortunately, the few psychological studies that have been done have been inconclusive,
mainly because of difficulties in studying this question.
Yet the theory of linguistic relativity, which has sometimes seemed deader than a dinosaur, keeps
springing back to life. Within a language, it is easier to process some words and grammatical
constructions than others; it is reasonable to assume, then, that it is easier to think certain thoughts in one
language than another, because of the words and grammatical constructions the languages require (Hunt
& Agnoli, 1991). Further, recent research suggests that languages may, at the very least, influence the
acquisition of specific mental skills, by guiding attention in particular directions.
For example, Irene Miura and her colleagues (Miura et al., 1988; Miura & Okamoto, 1989) argue that
linguistic differences can help explain why Asian children tend to outperform English-speaking children on
tests of numerical ability. In many Asian languages, names of numbers reflect a base-10 system: the
label for 12 is “ten-two,” the label for 22 is “two ten(s)-two,” and so forth. These names may help children
understand numbers and simple arithmetic. In a study of Korean, Chinese, Japanese, and English-
speaking American first-graders, Miura and her associates (1988) had children stack blocks to represent
five different quantities. White blocks stood for single units and blue blocks for tens units. Each child had
two chances to show the numbers. Most of the Asian children could express all five numbers in more than
one way, for example, 12 as either 12 white blocks or 1 blue block and 2 white ones. But only 13 percent
of the American children could do the same; most simply used a collection of white blocks. Further, on
their first try most of the Asian children used patterns corresponding to written numbers, for example, 2
tens and 8 ones for 28. But only 8 percent of the American children did so. Of course, these results do not
prove that linguistic differences are responsible for the differences in math achievement. It is interesting,
though, that bilingual Asian-American students tend to score higher in math achievement than do those
who speak only English (Moore & Stanley, 1986).
Finally, language affects social perceptions (Henley, 1989). In the previous sentence, you read the name
of a psychologist. Would you be at all surprised to learn it was Nancy Henley? Feminists have long
observed that in much of our writing, humanity is male and women are outsiders, the “second sex.” This is
why they have long objected to the use of men or mankind to refer to humanity, and he to refer to any
person, sex unspecified.
Language, then, can influence thinking, reasoning, and social stereotypes. It allows us to manipulate
symbols rather than objects. It directs our attention. It allows us to create detailed plans for the future. But
the degree to which linguistic differences between cultures result in different ways of thinking and
perceiving remains an open question.
Lecture Launcher 7.20 - Sound Research on Language Learning

Several intriguing studies have focused on language acquisition by toddlers.
Experiments led by Gary E. Marcus of New York University looked at the ability of 7-month-old babies to
discern and remember rules for speech sounds. Infants heard examples of a sequence in which two
syllables preceded the repeat of the initial one, such as “ga ti ga” or “ni la ni.” After hearing more such
sequences, they were exposed to new sequences that repeated the second syllable, such as “wo fe fe.”
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The babies oriented much longer in the direction of the novel sequence, reflecting curiosity about the
unexpected sound patterns. Marcus and his colleagues argue that the infants had learned the rule that
the first and third syllables sound the same. This ability to recognize sound patterns and discern the
statistical tendency of certain syllables to co-occur may pave the way for children to develop a rule-based
grammar.
A second set of studies, conducted by Christine L. Stager and Janet F. Werker, of the University of British
Columbia, focused on language acquisition among 14-month-old infants. The researchers argue that by
disregarding certain sounds in words, infants have greater cognitive resources available to start learning
the meanings of words. In short, by turning a deaf ear to some of the nuances of spoken language, these
toddlers may enhance their overall grasp of the language. To test this notion, Stager and Werker exposed
64 infants to a pair of stimuli; a spoken nonsense syllable (such as “dih” or “bih”) coupled with one of two
colorful shapes shown on a computer monitor. Decreases in the infants’ orienting response to the shapes
indicated that the pairing had become familiar (and less stimulating) to the child. Then, a new pairing of
each shape with the sounds previously associated with the other shape was presented. The children
were just as disinterested in these combinations, suggesting that they failed to notice the switch in
syllables. Similar results were found in an additional study of 14-month-olds; however, 8-month-olds in
this case looked much longer at the new pairings, suggesting they were still attuned to the nuances of the
sounds. Finally, a last study revealed that the 14-month-olds did notice new pairings when the sounds
were dissimilar, such as “lif” and “neem.” Coupled with Marcus’ study, the present results suggest that up
to 7 or 8 months of age, infants are quite adept at spotting the sound components of language. At around
1 year, however, their attention shifts to the important task of assigning meanings to sounds (i.e., what we
grown-ups call “words”), sacrificing some attention to the details of the sounds themselves.
Finally, a third set of studies from Northwestern University, directed by neuroscientist Beverly A. Wright,
suggests that the chatter of everyday conversation may hinder the ability of some children to distinguish
discrete sounds and words. The result, according to co-author Michael A. Merzenich of the University of
California, San Francisco, may be specific language impairment (SLI). The researchers studied 8 children
diagnosed with SLI and 8 who showed good language skills, all of whom were…well, age 8. Each child
heard a brief tone that was presented either before, during, or after one of two masking sounds. These
masks were either of a frequency similar to the target tone or of a contrasting frequency. During the
similar-frequency trials, the children with good language skills found it easiest to detect the target tone
when it preceded the mask, and more difficult to detect when the two tones occurred simultaneously. The
SLI children, in comparison, could not hear any of the test tones unless they were substantially louder
than those played for the other group. What’s more, the SLI group had as much difficulty detecting the
target tone when it was presented before the mask, as when it was presented simultaneously or after the
mask. These findings suggest that hearing deficits among SLI children may limit their ability to perceive
individual speech sounds during the course of normal conversation, leading to the marked inability of SLI
children to use and understand speech.
Bower, B. (1997, May 10). Language disorder tied to sound perception. Science News, 151, 286.
Bower, B. (1997, July 26). Wordy tots ignore some speech sounds. Science News, 152, 54.
Bower, B. (1999, January 16). Follow the rules, baby. Science News, 155, 42.
Estes, K. G., & Bowen, S. (2013). Learning about sounds contributes to learning about words: Effects of prosody and
phonotactics on infant word learning. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 114(3), 405–417.
Stager, C. L., Werker, J. F. (1997). Infants listen for more phonetic detail in speech perception than in word-learning tasks.
Nature, 388(6640), 381–382.
Wright, B. A., Lombardino, L. J., King, W. M., Puranik, C. S., Leonard, C. M., & Merzenich, M. M. (1997). Deficits in auditory
temporal and spectral resolution in language-impaired children. Nature, 387(6629), 176–178.

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▼CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES, DEMONSTRATIONS, AND EXERCISES

➢ 7.1 - Thinking Creatively
➢ 7.2 - Mental Imagery
➢ 7.3 - What-If?
➢ 7.4 - Sunk Costs
➢ 7.8 - Demonstrating Cognitive Biases
➢ 7.9 - Personalizing Heuristics
➢ 7.10 - Mental Sets in Everyday Life
➢ 7.11 - Mental Set as an Obstacle to Problem Solving
➢ 7.12 - What Exactly Is Intelligence?
➢ 7.13 - Constructing a Multiple Intelligences Test
➢ 7.14 - Do Animals Have Language? A Survey
➢ 7.15 - Crossword Puzzle
➢ 7.16 - Fill-In-The-Blanks
Activity 7.1 - Thinking Creatively

In this exercise students respond to items traditionally included on tests of creativity. There are no
“answers” to these items; the more divergent a student’s ideas, the more creative she or he is. The
student handout for this exercise is included as Handout Master 7.1.

◄ Return to complete list of Classroom Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises for Chapter 7
Activity 7.2 - Mental Imagery

The textbook notes that images (i.e., mental representations of a sensory experience) play an important
role in thinking and cognition; that is, we commonly visualize things in order to think about and solve
problems. Margaret Matlin suggests two simple demonstrations that illustrate how certain attributes of
mental images (such as their size and shape) influence our ability to make judgments.
Imagery and size. Read the following questions aloud to your students:
Scenario I: Imagine an elephant standing next to a rabbit. Now, answer this question: Does a rabbit have a
beak?
Scenario II: Imagine a fly standing next to a rabbit. Now, answer this question: Does a rabbit have an
eyebrow?
Next, ask your students to tell you whether the rabbit was larger in Scenario I or II. Which scenario
seemed to have more detail in the area they were examining for the beak or the eyebrow, I or II?
According to Matlin, research by Stephen Kosslyn suggests that the size of an image is an important
factor in determining how fast we can make judgments about it. Indeed, across several studies people
made faster judgments when relying on a larger mental image (such as the rabbit next to the fly) than
when using a smaller mental image (such as the rabbit next to an elephant). Did your students’
experiences mirror this result?
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Imagery and shape. For this problem students will need to imagine two standard (non-digital) clocks.
Explain that you will present them with two specific times, and that for each pair of times they should
compare their mental clocks and decide which clock has the smaller angle between the hour hand and
the minute hand. Give students the following times:
1. 3:20 and 7:25

2. 4:10 and 9:23
3. 2:45 and 1:05
4. 3:15 and 5:30
Did some sets seem to take longer than others? If your students took longer with sets 1 and 4 than with 2
and 3, your results are consistent with Allan Paivio's research, which showed that decision time is related
to the size of the difference between angles. That is, it is much harder (and thus, takes longer) to make a
decision between angles that are nearly equal (e.g., 3:20 and 7:25) than it is to make a decision between
angles that are quite different (e.g., 4:10 and 9:23).
Matlin, M. W. (2013). Cognition (8th ed.). New York: Wiley.

Activity 7.3 - What-If?

Consider asking your students to play What-If, a creativity-strengthening game recommended by Karl
Albrecht. In this game, the goal is to generate as many alternative possibilities in situations where
conventional wisdom tells you they won't work. In other words, the goal is to be as imaginative as
possible by loosening reality constraints and engaging in wild speculation. To start this game, one person
says, "What if..." and then lets their imagination fill in the rest. For example, if one person says, "What if
you had eyes in the back of your head?" others could respond by naming potential effects that this
anatomical change would have. Possible responses include (a) hats would have to be redesigned, (b)
one pair of eyes could rest while the other worked, (c) you wouldn't need rearview mirrors in cars, (d) you
could tell if the person behind you was enjoying the movie, (e) teachers could keep an eye on their
students while writing on the board, and so on. Albrecht suggests that trying this game with a number of
different statements (e.g., What if people didn't sleep? What if we could read another's minds? What if all
countries used the same money system?) should lead to noticeable improvement in imagination skills and
the ability to associate.
Albrecht, K. (1980). Brain Power: Learn to improve your thinking skills. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Activity 7.4 - Sunk Costs

Sunk costs usually refer to money that has already been spent and cannot be recovered. For example,
the money used to purchase a non-refundable item is a sunk cost if the buyer is unable to exchange the
item for his or her money back. Psychologists studying decision making have noticed that people have an
irrational tendency to allow sunk costs to influence future decisions. This is known as “honoring sunk
costs,” or colloquially as, “throwing good money after bad.”
Present students with the following scenarios:
Scenario 1: As the president of a large pharmaceutical company, you have invested 10 million dollars
of the company's money to develop a vaccine that would prevent people from acquiring HIV. When
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the project is 90% completed, another firm begins marketing a vaccine that prevents HIV infection.
Their vaccine is more effective and less expensive than the vaccine your company is developing.
Should you invest the last 1 million dollars of your research funds to finish your HIV vaccine?
Scenario 2: Jill and her husband are on their way to a cabin in the woods that they have rented for the
weekend. On the way there, however, they realize that both of them would unquestionably be happier
spending the weekend together at their own house. Unfortunately, they already paid $500 rent, which
is non-refundable. If you were Jill or her husband, where would you want to spend the weekend?
For each scenario, poll students on their choices and write the results on the board. For Scenario 1,
previous research indicates that about 85% of subjects will choose to invest the last 1 million dollars.
Similarly, for Scenario 2, a large majority of subjects say that they would spend the weekend at the cabin
if they were Jill or her husband.
After reviewing the responses to the two scenarios, introduce students to the concept of sunk costs, and
how it is generally considered irrational to honor sunk costs. At first, students may not understand why it
is irrational to take the sunk costs into account when making their decisions. In Scenario 2 for example,
some students may argue that it would be irrational to waste the $500 rent by not going to the cabin. To
demonstrate why spending the weekend at home is the more rational choice, draw the following table on
the board:
Choice Outcome
out $500; less enjoyable
cabin
weekend
out $500; more enjoyable
home
weekend
Again, ask students to decide which choice makes the most sense. When the choice is reframed as
shown in the table, most students will understand why the sunk cost of $500 should not influence the
decision. If necessary, create a similar table for Scenario 1, demonstrating why it is not rational to invest
the last 1 million, despite the large sunk cost.
Conclude the exercise by discussing how people’s tendency to honor sunk costs can lead to bad
business and organization decisions. Challenge students to think of other, real-world examples of how
sunk costs might influence decisions.
Adapted from Arkes, H. & Blumer, C. (1985). The psychology of sunk cost. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision
Processes, 35, 124–140.

Activity 7.5 - Name That Fallacy! Part 1

In this activity students identify fallacies in common statements. The student handout for this exercise is
included as Handout Master 7.2. A list of logical fallacies can be found here:
http://www.nizkor.org/features/fallacies/.
Here are some suggested answers (some of the statements may contain more than one fallacy):
1. questionable analogy 7. begging the question

2. hasty generalization 10. hasty generalization
3. false alternatives 11. slippery slope
4. appeal to ignorance 12. slippery slope
5. begging the question 13. appeal to ignorance
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6. questionable analogy 14. false alternative

7. appeal to ignorance 15. hasty generalization
8. false alternatives


The student handout for this exercise is included as Handout Master 7.3. A list of logical fallacies can be
found here: http://www.nizkor.org/features/fallacies/.
1. sweeping generalization 10. two wrongs make a right

2. complex question 11. appeal to authority
3. two wrongs make a right 12. special pleading
4. special pleading 13. sweeping generalization
5. sweeping generalization 14. complex question
6. irrelevant reason 15. appeal to authority
7. complex question 16. irrelevant reason
8. appeal to authority 17. special pleading
7. irrelevant reason


The student handout for this exercise is included as Handout Master 7.4. A list of logical fallacies can be
found here: http://www.nizkor.org/features/fallacies/.
1. personal attack 8. mob appeal

2. equivocation 7. personal attack
3. appeal to fear 10. questionable cause
4. question-begging epithet 11. question-begging epithet
5. equivocation 12. appeal to fear
6. mob appeal 13. equivocation
7. questionable cause 14. questionable cause

Activity 7.8 - Demonstrating Cognitive Biases

Cognitive biases are sometimes difficult for students to grasp. The following simple demonstrations will
help students recognize such biases in their own thinking.
1) The availability heuristic is the tendency to judge the frequency of some event as a function of how
available specific instances of that event are in memory.
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A geographer called Thomas Saarinen provides an interesting variation on the availability heuristic by
asking students to draw their “mental maps” of the world. Saarinen asks students to take a pencil and a
piece of paper and spend half an hour sketching a map of the world. He finds that there are two
consistent patterns in the resulting maps. Students greatly enlarge the size of Europe and reduce the size
of Africa. Saarinen finds that this occurs regardless of the country of origin of the students. This
undoubtedly reflects the relative prominence of Europe and the relative obscurity of Africa in the Western
view of history. That which we know more about is seen as physically larger, and that which we know little
of is diminished in size.
This is an easy phenomenon to demonstrate. Before a discussion of cognitive biases, ask students to
spend half an hour outside of class drawing a map of the world. Make sure they know that they may not
“cheat” by looking at maps, globes, or atlases. It may help to reassure students that you will not grade
their maps, and that they may submit them anonymously. Have students turn in the maps at least one
class prior to your discussion of the topic, so that you have time to review and summarize the results of
the demonstration. See if your students exhibit the same biases that Saarinen reports; you might make
overheads of some of the better examples you receive. You might use this demonstration to highlight the
influence of culture on cognition, a topic that psychologists are only recently beginning to investigate.
2) The confirmation bias is the tendency to look for information that confirms one’s belief.
There are many easy ways to demonstrate the confirmation bias. The standard approach is to write a
series of three numbers, such as 5, 7, and 9, on the board. Tell students that there is a rule to which
these numbers conform, and it is their job to determine what the rule is. To solve the problem, students
may give you any sequence of three numbers and you will tell them whether it conforms to the rule.
Record their sequences and your responses on the board or transparency. When they feel confident that
they have guessed the rule, they should raise their hands and offer their solution.
The rule for this sequence is simply “any three ascending numbers,” but students will develop many more
complicated possibilities. The confirmation bias will be demonstrated by the nature of the sequences that
students offer to test their guesses. If a student believes that the rule is “three successive odd numbers,”
he or she might ask whether “9, 11, 13” conforms to the rule. Additional sequences that they suggest will
probably conform to the same rule. But these are confirming instances of their rule, and therefore provide
little information. It is much more informative to provide a sequence that they believe is wrong, such as “2,
3, 4,” and discover that it is, in fact, consistent with the rule, thereby allowing them to reject an incorrect
guess.
3) The hindsight bias is the tendency to overestimate one’s ability to have predicted an event after the
outcome is known.
To demonstrate this bias, ask students to predict the outcome of an upcoming event (Academy Awards,
elections, World Series, etc.). Next to their predictions, ask students to rank their degree of confidence in
the prediction on a scale from 1 (“Just a guess, I’m not at all sure.”) to 5 (“I’m very sure!”). Collect the
papers, and return them after the outcome of the event. Ask students to reflect on their reactions. Do they
feel that “they knew it all along” even though their confidence ratings before the event indicate otherwise?
Monastersky, R. (1992). The warped world of mental maps. Science News, 142, 222–223.

Activity 7.9 - Personalizing Heuristics

Heuristics—such as representativeness, availability, anchoring and adjustment, or simulation—can
sometimes seem like dry logic games. You can make your discussion of heuristics more engaging for
your students by tinkering with a demonstration to add a personal touch.
34
Alan Swinkels, of St. Edward’s University, suggests illustrating heuristics with a brief exercise. You’ll need
to prepare two versions of a handout, and it’s better to conduct the exercise one class meeting before
actually discussing heuristics. That way you’ll have time to tabulate some results to share with your
students. Alternatively, if your classroom is equipped with a Classroom Response System (CRS:
“classroom clickers”) such as the Personal Response System available from Pearson Education, you
might consider structuring the exercise to capitalize on that technology.
The exercise consists of four questions that demonstrate different “cognitive shortcuts.” Here is the first:
1) [YOUR NAME’S] cousin, Rudy, is a bit on the peculiar side. He has unusual tastes in movies
and art, he is married to a performer, and he has tattoos on various parts of his body. In his
spare time Rudy takes yoga classes and likes to collect 78 rpm records. An outgoing and
rather boisterous person, he has been known to act on a dare on more than one occasion.
What do you think Rudy's occupation most likely is?
A) Farmer B) Librarian C) Trapeze Artist D) Surgeon E) Lawyer
Students are likely to think that Rudy is a trapeze artist, given the particulars of the description. However,
they are falling prey to the representativeness heuristic. Because Rudy sounds like a good example of the
category “unusual people” students are led to believe it is very likely that he is a representative of that
category. However, the base rate for surgeons, lawyers, and even farmers and librarians, is much higher
than that for circus performers; simply put, there are probably 1000 times as many lawyers in this world
as there are trapeze artists. Hence, it is much more likely that Rudy belongs to that category (“lawyers”)
rather than the one that just happens to fit with quirks of his personality. By adding your name to the
demonstration you can make it seem more realistic, plausible, and personal.
For this question, as for the remaining items, collecting the responses ahead of time will allow you to
share with your students at a subsequent class meeting the percent of respondents who chose each
option. Students should clearly see the action of the heuristics at work. If you’re working with a clicker
system, presenting the question in class and collecting the responses via radio frequencies can give more
immediate feedback.
Here is Item 2:
2) In one chapter of a best-selling novel, would you expect to find more words that
(circle one)
a) end in ing (——-ing) OR b) have n as the second to last letter (——-n-)?
Despite the obvious prompt given in the format of the item, students are likely to believe that “ing” endings
are more common. That’s because, when thinking about this question, most students are likely to
generate examples of each class of items. As they mentally recite gerunds (“running,” “jumping,”
“skipping,” “flying,” “working,” “eating”) they should find that it is much easier to generate those examples
than it is examples of words that have “n” as the second-to-last letter (“friend,” “end,” “mend”…..um…..).
The correct answer, of course, is that all words that end in “ing” also have “n” as the second-to-last letter.
At best, the two sets would be equal: there are only gerunds in the novel and no other words that have a
letter on either side of the “n” that’s not an “i” or “g.” However, assuming that there is even a single “send”
printed in the chapter, the “n as the second-to-last letter” category is likely to be larger. The shortcoming
here is the availability heuristic: “ing” endings were more accessible in memory than “n” endings, and
were therefore judged to be more likely.
Here is Item 3:
3) Two college roommates, Vito and Mario, are registering for courses for the Spring
semester. They leave their dorm room together, stop and eat breakfast together, chat with a
35
mutual friend, and arrive at the Registrar's Office at the same time. They both line up to
enroll in their Art History classes.
Vito is told the class he wanted was filled to capacity at the end of the previous day.
Mario is told the class he wanted was filled to capacity 10 minutes before he arrived.
Who is more upset, Vito or Mario? ______________________________
Students judge Mario to be more upset, because they rely on the simulation heuristic. They can generate
dozens of ways that Mario could have made up a 10-minute difference (e.g., leaving earlier, not chatting
so long, walking faster, not holding the door for another student) but are hard pressed to simulate ways
that Vito could have made up a whole day’s difference. Because some scenarios are easier to simulate
than others, students judge them to be more likely. In actuality, both Vito and Mario are in exactly the
same boat: neither has the class they want, both have to rearrange their schedules, both have to start
over, and it really doesn’t matter if one person missed “by a mile” and the other missed “by an inch.” This
item can be personalized by adding elements related to your university, department, course listings, and
so on.
Finally, a last item requires two different versions of the handout. One version, received by half of the
students in the class, says this:
4) How many students are enrolled in SEU's New College? (circle one)
a) fewer than 200 b) more than 200
What is your exact guess? Write a number on this blank line: _______________
The other version, received by the other half of students, says this:
4) How many students are enrolled in SEU's New College? (circle one)
a) fewer than 80 b) more than 80
What is your exact guess? Write a number on this blank line: _______________
The New College program at St. Edward’s University offers flexible meeting times, online courses, and
abbreviated semesters for working adult students seeking an undergraduate degree. Most traditional-age
undergraduates aren’t very familiar with the program; hence, this is a decision made under uncertainty.
To reduce the uncertainty, students will focus on an available anchor point and adjust their decision from
there. One handy anchor is either “200” or “80,” depending on the version of the handout. As research on
the anchoring and adjustment heuristic shows, the adjustments made around an anchor point are usually
insufficient, resulting in guesses that cluster closely around 200 or 80 as the case might be. You can
easily modify this question by substituting some little-known program at your university; the honors
program, for example, enrollment in an obscure major, total number of faculty at your school, etc. Be sure
to choose plausible anchors that are fairly distant from one another, and you should find results similar to
those in Handout 9-5.
After completing the exercise, focus on discussing how heuristics work, why they are often fairly accurate,
but how they can sometimes lead us astray. Heuristics often allow us to be “accurate enough” in sizing up
the world, although they fall short of a criterion of 100% logical reasoning. When supplied with the more
rational answers, your students should begin to understand both the heuristics themselves and how they
functioned in each case.
Swinkels, A. (2003). An effective exercise for teaching cognitive heuristics. Teaching of Psychology, 30, 120-122.
36

Activity 7.10 - Mental Sets in Everyday Life

After students have been introduced to the notion of mental sets, ask them to write a short paper in which
they identify instances of mental sets in everyday life. As one example, students could consider the
problem of making the adjustment from high school to college. How might a mental set (i.e., the tendency
to approach or respond to a problem in a particular way) learned in high school interfere with the
successful solution of problems later on in college? Students should specify how strategies that at one
time were adaptive or successful could eventually become undesirable or maladaptive.
Adapted from Zechmeister, E. B., & Johnson, J. E. (1992). Critical thinking: A functional approach. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Activity 7.11 - Mental Set as an Obstacle to Problem Solving

It is well known that mental sets (i.e., the tendency to perceive and approach problems in certain ways),
which are typically based on past experiences, can become a major obstacle to problem solving.
Margaret Matlin suggests using the following two problems to demonstrate these effects to your class.
Luchins' Water Jar Problem. To introduce this famous problem, tell your students to imagine that they
have three jars, A, B, and C. Tell them that for each of seven problems, the capacity of the jars will be
listed. Explain that their task is to use these jars (and nothing else) to somehow obtain the target amount
of liquid (specified in the Goal column). Tell them that they can obtain the goal amount by adding or
subtracting the quantities listed in jars A, B, and C. After giving these instructions, present the seven
problems by projecting a transparency of Handout 7-5.
Matlin notes that the best way to solve Problem 1 is to fill up Jar B and remove one jarful with Jar A and
two jarfuls with Jar C. In fact, Problems 1 through 5 can all be solved in the same manner, which creates
a mental set for problem solvers who naturally adopt the same strategy for Problems 6 and 7. For these
problems, however, the earlier strategy is unnecessarily complex: Problem 6 can be solved by simply
subtracting C from A, and Problem 7 can be solved by adding C to A. Thus, whereas people who start
with Problems 6 and 7 at the outset, immediately notice and use the direct approach. Those who begin
with Problems 1 through 5 typically adopt the more indirect, complex approach.
Number Puzzle. A simpler but equally effective demonstration involves challenging students with the
following number puzzle. Tell your students that you are going to write a sequence of numbers on the
board, and that it is their task to figure out the pattern for the order of numbers. That is, they should come
up with a plausible explanation for why the numbers are arranged in the specified order. Write the
following numbers on the board:
8, 5, 4, 1, 7, 6, 3, 2, 0
After allowing students a few minutes to struggle with the problem, tell them that the numbers are in
alphabetical order. Their mental set likely suggested that the numbers were in some mathematical
sequence, rather than a language-based sequence, causing them to head down the wrong track.
Luchins, A. S. (1942). Mechanization in problem solving. Psychological Monographs, 54 (Whole No. 248).
Matlin, M. W. (2013). Cognition (8th ed.). New York: Wiley.
37

Activity 7.12 - What Exactly Is Intelligence?

An in-class discussion of what intelligence is can be an interesting and enlightening experience. Having
students get together in small groups to discuss the definition of intelligence can produce even better
results, pedagogically speaking. The following questions should be addressed by each group, and the
groups should be prepared to share their ideas with the other groups.
1. What are the common characteristics of intelligent behavior? In other words, how can you tell
if someone is intelligent? Why? (try to come up with 5 or 6 common characteristics)
2. What proposed characteristics of intelligence that came up during your discussion of #1 were
eventually eliminated? Why?

Activity 7.13 - Constructing a Multiple Intelligences Test

The textbook discusses a variety of theorists who propose, in contrast to Spearman, that intelligence is
composed of several distinct aptitudes or abilities rather than a single, general one. One way for students
to gain a better understanding of the concept of multiple intelligences is to construct their own test. Lester
Sdorow (1994) suggests that students find a relevant article in PsycINFO and use it, along with the
background material in the text, to write a three-page paper proposing their own intelligence test.
Students' tests should assess more than the abilities required to succeed academically. In addition,
students should describe in their papers: (a) the rationale and components (i.e., distinct aptitudes or
abilities) of the test, (b) how they would standardize it and determine its reliability and validity, (c) any
similarities or differences to other intelligence tests (such as the Stanford-Binet, the WAIS-R, WISC-III, or
even other multiple intelligences tests). Students will no doubt enjoy this opportunity to creatively apply
course concepts, and will also be left with a better understanding of how tests are constructed.
Sdorow, L. (1994). The Frankenstein course: Teaching assistants, laboratory exercises, and papers in introductory psychology.
Paper presented at the Southwest Regional Conference for Teachers of Psychology, Fort Worth.

Activity 7.14 - Do Animals Have Language? A Survey

A fairly large number of people believe that animals have language abilities. Most scientific data on the
point, however, indicate that animals communicate, but do not use a complicated system of symbols and
syntax to convey ideas. The following three questions can be used by students as an informal survey of
people (including fellow students, parents, etc.) regarding the issue of animal language:
1) Do you believe that animals have language? If so, what specific species?
2) Why or why not?
3) Why do you think humans have such well-developed language abilities?
Students can potentially learn a great deal by teaching those that they survey (presumably there will be
many people who may not grasp the vast difference between animal communication and human
language). Additionally, the answers to #3 may be interesting, enlightening, and even humorous.
38

Activity 7.15 - Crossword Puzzle

Copy and distribute Handout Master 7.6 to students as a homework or in-class review assignment.
Answers for the Crossword puzzle:
Across
4. the process of solving problems by combining ideas or behavior in new ways. Creativity
5. aspects of language involving the practical aspects of communicating with others, or the social
“niceties” of language. Pragmatics
7. type of thinking in which a person starts from one point and comes up with many different ideas or
possibilities based on that point. Divergent
11. the ability to learn from one’s experiences, acquire knowledge, and use resources effectively in
adapting to new situations or solving problems. Intelligence
13. ideas that represent a class or category of objects, events, or activities. Concepts
14. a system for combining symbols so that an unlimited number of meaningful statements can be made
for the purpose of communicating with others. Language
15. concepts that are defined by specific rules or features. Formal
16. an example of a concept that closely matches the defining characteristics of a concept. Prototype
Down
1. the smallest units of meaning within a language. Morphemes
2. the system of rules for combining words and phrases to form grammatically correct sentences.
Semantics
3. very specific, step-by-step procedures for solving certain types of problems. Algorithms
4. the tendency to search for evidence that fits one’s beliefs while ignoring any evidence that does not fit
those beliefs. Confirmation Bias
6. the rules for determining the meaning of words and sentences. Semantics
8. the two percent of the population falling on the upper end of the normal curve and typically possessing
an IQ of 130 or above. Gifted
9. the degree to which a test actually measures what it’s supposed to measure. Validity
10. the tendency for people to persist in using problem-solving patterns that have worked for them in the
past. Mental set
12. the system of rules by which the symbols of language are arranged. Grammar
► Return to Lecture Guide: Chapter Summary

Activity 7.16 - Fill-in-the-Blanks

Copy and distribute Handout Master 7.7 to students as a homework or in-class review assignment.
Answers for Fill-in-the-Blanks—Chapter 7
thinking or cognition
mental images
concepts
superordinate concept
formal concepts
39
natural concept
prototype
problem solving
trial and wrror
algorithms
heuristic
insight
functional fixedness
mental set
confirmation bias
intelligence quotient
intelligence
standardization
validity
reliability
developmentally delayed
creativity
convergent thinking
divergent thinking
howard gardner
practical intelligence
emotional intelligence
language
phonemes
pragmatics
► Return to Lecture Guide: Chapter Summary

40
▼HANDOUT MASTERS
➢ Handout Master 7.1 Thinking Creatively
➢ Handout Master 7.2 Name That Fallacy – Part 1
➢ Handout Master 7.5 Mental Sets
➢ Handout Master 7.6 Crossword Puzzle
➢ Handout Master 7.7 Fill-In-The-Blanks
41
Handout Master 7.1

Thinking Creatively
The following questions are traditionally used on tests that assess creativity.
1. List all of the uses you can for a paper clip.
2. List all of the means of transportation you can.
3. Make as many four-word sentences as you can in which all four words start with the letter h. Do not
use any words more than once.
4. Imagine that you are going camping in the wilderness for a month. What would you take, excluding
food and clothing?
5. How would you explain the word infinity to a person who is unfamiliar with the word?
6. Imagine that you own a very valuable gold coin and are going out of town for a month. Where would
you hide it?
► Return to Activities
◄ Return to complete list of Handout Masters for Chapter 7
42
Handout Master 7.2

Name That Fallacy – Part 1
Fallacies are statements that are logically unsound or inconsistent with critical thinking. Sometimes they
are used intentionally to mold our attitudes or influence behavior. Often they are used unintentionally
when we have lapses of critical thinking. We also have lapses of critical thinking when as listeners or
readers we accept, or fail to question, fallacious claims or statements that exploit our motives and
emotions. Following are six fallacies that occur in our reasoning or thinking:
False alternatives occur when a classification is presumed to be exclusive or exhaustive. Often takes the
form of overlooking alternatives that exist between two polar opposites (“either-or thinking”).
Begging the question occurs when the solution to a problem is a restatement of the problem, or when
the argument for a proposition is equivalent to the proposition itself.
Appeal to ignorance occurs when it is argued that because a proposition cannot be proven to be false, it
must be true; or because a proposition cannot be proven to be true, it must be false.
Slippery slope occurs when it is assumed that if the first step in a possible series of events occurs, the
other steps will inevitably follow.
Hasty generalization occurs when a general conclusion is made based on an exceptional case, or on a
very small or biased sample.
Questionable analogy occurs when an attempt is made to make two situations seem more similar than
they actually are.
Identify which of these fallacies is demonstrated in each of the statements below.
1. Student government is a mistake from the beginning. Look what happens in homes when parents let
the children run things their own way.
Fallacy: ___________________________
2. She belongs to the American Civil Liberties Union and doesn’t believe in capital punishment. I’m
convinced that she’s one of those liberals who doesn’t know how lucky they are to live in a free
country.
Fallacy: ___________________________
3. The United States either had to fight the communists in Vietnam or on the shores of California.
Fallacy: ___________________________
4. He looked everywhere in the house for his watch and it just wasn’t there, so it must have been stolen.
Fallacy: ___________________________
5. It is best to have government by the people because democracy is the best form of government.
Fallacy: ___________________________
6. If architects want to strengthen a decrepit arch, they increase the load that is laid upon it, for thereby
the parts are joined more firmly together. So, if therapists wish to foster their patients’ mental health,
they should not be afraid to increase their load through a reorientation to the meaning of their lives.
Fallacy: ___________________________
7. We are forced to conclude that there is no reality outside the mind because no one has ever been
able to prove that objective reality exists.
Fallacy: ___________________________
8. There are two kinds of people in this world, the “haves” and the “have-nots.”
Fallacy: ___________________________
43
9. It was obvious that the administration was weary and incompetent, for everyone could see the extent
of its fatigue and inability to act effectively or coordinate its actions.
Fallacy: ___________________________
10. At an interview, a Social Security Administration officer tried to explain to me the earnings limitations
rules for monthly income but gave up after his third attempt, declaring he really didn’t understand it
himself. How does the Social Security Administration expect people like me to understand its rules
when its own workers don’t know what’s going on?
Fallacy: ___________________________
11. I do not permit questions in my class, because if I allow one student to ask a question, then everyone
starts asking questions and the next thing you know, there is no time for my lecture.
Fallacy: ___________________________
12. If a camel gets its nose between the flaps, before you know it you’ll have the whole camel in your
tent.
Fallacy: ___________________________
13. No one has proved that we can inherit intellectual ability, so it must be something we acquire after
we’re born.
Fallacy: ___________________________
14. You either have to marry her or stop seeing her.

Fallacy: ___________________________
15. If the IRS can catch a retired school teacher with an income of less than $15,000 a year on a $150
error, it can catch anyone.
Fallacy: ___________________________
44
Handout Master 7.3

are used intentionally to mold our attitudes or influence our behavior. Often they are used unintentionally
Irrelevant reason occurs when the argument given to support a proposition has little or no relevance to
the proposition.
Complex question occurs when a questionable assumption is included in a question. (When did you
stop beating your wife?)
Sweeping generalization occurs when a rule or generalization is applied to a situation for which it is
inappropriate.
Appeal to authority occurs when an argument given to support a proposition cites the authority of an
“expert” or of a “select few.”
Special pleading occurs when there is an attempt to set up a double standard, one for ourselves and
another for others.
Two wrongs make a right (tu quoque) occurs when an attempt to excuse a wrongdoing or error points
out that others do the same thing, or equally bad things.
1. It’s a free country, so I don’t see why we kids can’t stay up and watch TV until we want to go to bed.
Fallacy: ___________________________
2. When will she admit that she’s made a disaster of her marriage?
Fallacy: ___________________________
3. I don’t understand why you are so upset about my being expelled for cheating when you brag about
how you cheat on your income tax.
Fallacy: ___________________________
4. I don’t like living in the dorm. There’s no privacy, and people borrow clothes from my closet without
permission. They even get into my drawers. The other day I found one of my sweaters in someone
else’s drawer.
Fallacy: ___________________________
5. It’s wrong not to tell the truth, so I told her that the new dress she bought to wear to the wedding
makes her look fatter than she is.
Fallacy: ___________________________
6. I don’t see why some people think hunting is cruel when it gives so much pleasure to many people
and provides employment for many more.
Fallacy: ___________________________
7. What did you do with the money after you sold the things you stole from your uncle’s house?
Fallacy: ___________________________
8. Use our soap. It is the choice of the world’s most beautiful women.
Fallacy: ___________________________
45
9. I don’t see why money is spent for archaeologists and paleontologists to look for old bones and
broken pottery. The world could get along fine without knowing about animals and people who lived
thousands of years ago.
Fallacy: ___________________________
10. I don’t see why people get so upset about the Nazis killing a few Jews. There is certainly nothing new
about a country killing its own citizens.
Fallacy: ___________________________
11. If you don’t believe me I’ll show you. I read it in my psychology text.
Fallacy: ___________________________
12. I just heard someone say that there’s a shortage of toilet paper. We’d better stock up before the
greedy hoarders get here.
Fallacy: ___________________________
13. The Constitution says I have a right to the pursuit of happiness, so I don’t see why I should spend the
best years of my life going to classes, studying, and taking tests.
Fallacy: ___________________________
14. When did you decide you know more than your mother and I?
Fallacy: ___________________________
15. When doctors were asked what pain reliever they used, the overwhelming majority said they use
aspirin.
Fallacy: ___________________________
16. I don’t understand why some people are so opposed to abortion. People who didn’t want a baby used
to wait until it was born and then abandon it.
Fallacy: ___________________________
17. It’s true that I’m committed to the idea of banning the publication and sale of pornography, but I am
not fanatical like the people who keep screaming “freedom of the press.”
Fallacy: ___________________________
46
Handout Master 7.4

are used intentionally to mold our attitudes or influence our behavior. Often they are used unintentionally
Personal attack (ad hominem) occurs when there is an attack on the person who made a statement or
proposed an idea rather than the content of the statement or idea.
Equivocation occurs when a word or phrase used in an argument changes its meaning in the course of
the argument.
Mob appeal occurs when an argument appeals to emotion rather than reason and encourages
acceptance of ideas presented in dramatic language.
Questionable cause occurs when an argument suggests that events are causally related when a causal
connection has not been established.
Appeal to fear occurs when support for an argument or action is enlisted by warning of harm or dire
consequences if the argument or action is not supported.
Question-begging epithet occurs when slanted language is used to affirm something that has not been
proven.
1. If he suggested that we raise money by putting on a play, it is probably because he wants to play the
leading role.
Fallacy: __________________________
2. We ought to be guided by the decisions of our ancestors, because older people are wiser than
younger people.
Fallacy: __________________________
3. If people like this are not convicted and sent to prison, your child may be the next victim.
Fallacy: __________________________
4. The people who are pushing gun control in this state are an elite bunch of snobs who call themselves
intellectuals and who think a citizen shouldn’t be able to shoot a man who is raping his daughter.
Fallacy: __________________________
5. It is the duty of the press to publish news that is in the public interest, so I don’t see why you’re
criticizing the coverage the press has given to their divorce. People are interested in the capers of the
rich and famous.
Fallacy: __________________________
6. We serve old-fashioned, home-cooked meals, just like your mother used to make.
Fallacy: __________________________
7. A large number of whales ran aground on the beaches in Florida. Careful examination showed that
all of them had parasites in the inner ear, where the sense of balance is located. It was concluded
that the whales lost their sense of direction as a result of damage to the inner ear.
Fallacy: __________________________
47
8. Right-thinking Americans should ignore the demands of feminists who are determined to destroy the
family and degrade the image of womanhood.
Fallacy: __________________________
9. The employee who reported that the director of the agency and some of her associates are taking
bribes and awarding contracts to firms that give them expensive gifts is a disgruntled incompetent
woman; she is bitter because she did not get the promotion for which she applied.
Fallacy: __________________________
10. Most of the schizophrenics we have had in this hospital during the years I’ve been working here had
at least one schizophrenic parent. This tells us that schizophrenia is a hereditary disorder.
Fallacy: __________________________
11. Do you favor retaining this loud-mouthed, pro-terrorist, racial agitator as the United States
Ambassador to the United Nations?
Fallacy: __________________________
12. My opponent is guilty of giving weekend furloughs to convicted murderers. One of them used the
furlough to add two more victims to his list. Do you want to elect a man who has so little concern for
your safety?
Fallacy: __________________________
13. It is a mistake to encourage independent thinking in our educational systems. If students had to think
things out independently, how far would they get in figuring out the biology of Darwin or the physics of
Newton? Education is dependent upon the great thinkers of the past.
Fallacy: __________________________
14. If you project a curve showing the increase in behavioral disturbances and learning disabilities over
the past 30 years, you will find that it parallels the increase in the dollar value of the food additives
consumed each year. This shows that food additives must cause behavioral disturbances and
learning disabilities.
Fallacy: __________________________
48
Handout Master 7.5

Luchin’s Water Jar
Instructions: For each of the following seven problems, use some combination of the jars (i.e., by adding
or subtracting quantities of liquid) to obtain the target amount listed in the goal column. The capacity of
Jars A, B, and C for each problem is listed below.
Problem Jar A Jar B Jar C Goal
1 24 130 3 100
2 9 44 7 21
3 21 58 4 29
4 12 160 25 98
5 19 75 5 46
6 23 49 3 20
7 18 48 4 22
Source: Matlin, M. W. (2013). Cognition (8th ed.). New York: Wiley.
49
Handout Master 7.6

Crossword Puzzle
50
Across
4. the process of solving problems by combining ideas or behavior in new ways.
5. aspects of language involving the practical aspects of communicating with others, or the
social “niceties” of language.
7. type of thinking in which a person starts from one point and comes up with many different
ideas or possibilities based on that point.
11. the ability to learn from one’s experiences, acquire knowledge, and use resources effectively
in adapting to new situations or solving problems.
13. ideas that represent a class or category of objects, events, or activities.
14. a system for combining symbols so that an unlimited number of meaningful statements can
be made for the purpose of communicating with others.
15. concepts that are defined by specific rules or features.
16. an example of a concept that closely matches the defining characteristics of a concept.
Down
1. the smallest units of meaning within a language.
2. the system of rules for combining words and phrases to form grammatically correct
sentences.
3. very specific, step-by-step procedures for solving certain types of problems.
4. the tendency to search for evidence that fits one’s beliefs while ignoring any evidence that
does not fit those beliefs.
6. the rules for determining the meaning of words and sentences.
8. the two percent of the population falling on the upper end of the normal curve and typically
possessing an IQ of 130 or above.
9. the degree to which a test actually measures what it’s supposed to measure.
10. the tendency for people to persist in using problem-solving patterns that have worked for
them in the past.
12. the system of rules by which the symbols of language are arranged.
51
Handout Master 7.7

Fill-in-the-Blanks
1. _____________ a mental activity that goes on in the brain when a person is organizing and
attempting to understand information and communicating information to others.
2. _____________ _______________ are mental representations that stand for objects or
events and have a picture-like quality.
3. __________________ are ideas that represent a class or category of objects, events, or
activities.
4. The most general form of a type of concept, such as “animal” or “fruit” is known as the -
___________________ ________________.
5. Concepts that are defined by specific rules or features are known as
_________________________ _____________.
6. A concepts people form as a result of their experiences in the real world is known as a
_______________ _____________.
7. A _____________ is an example of a concept that closely matches the defining
characteristics of a concept.
8. __________________ _____________ is the process of cognition that occurs when a goal
must be reached by thinking and behaving in certain ways.
9. The problem-solving method in which one possible solution after another is tried until a
successful one is found often takes much time and is called _____________________
__________________.
10. __________________ are very specific, step-by-step procedures for solving certain types of
problems.
11. A ___________________ an educated guess based on prior experiences that helps narrow
down the possible solutions for a problem. Also known as a “rule of thumb.”
12. The sudden perception of a solution to a problem is called ______________ and is often
expressed in cartoons as a light bulb turning on over someone’s head.
13. A block to problem solving that comes from thinking about objects in terms of only their
typical functions and not what else they can be utilized to do is called
____________________________ __________________.
14. _______________ ________ is the tendency for people to persist in using problem-solving
patterns that have worked for them in the past.
15. ______________ __________ is the tendency to search for evidence that fits one’s beliefs
while ignoring any evidence that does not fit those beliefs.
16. ___________________ ________________ is a number that represents a measure of
intelligence, resulting from the division of one’s mental age by one’s chronological age and
then multiplying that quotient by 100.
17. The ability to learn from one’s experiences, acquire knowledge, and use resources
effectively in adapting to new situations or solving problems is known as
_________________.
18. All tests go through a process where the test is given to a large group of people that
represents the kind of people for whom the test is designed. This is part of the
___________________ process.
19. The degree to which a test actually measures what it’s supposed to measure is known as
the ____________________.
20. The ___________________ is the tendency of a test to produce the same scores again and
again each time it is given to the same people.
21. _______________ _________________ is a condition in which a person’s behavioral and
cognitive skills exist at an earlier developmental stage than the skills of others who are the
same chronological age. A more acceptable term for mental retardation.
52
22. _________________ is the process of solving problems by combining ideas or behavior in

new ways.
23. ___________________ __________________ is a type of thinking in which a problem is
seen as having only one answer, and all lines of thinking will eventually lead to that single
answer, using previous knowledge and logic.
24. ____________________ ______________________ is the type of thinking in which a
person starts from one point and comes up with many different ideas or possibilities based
on that point (kind of creativity).
25. According to ________________ ___________________ there are many types of
intelligences and he developed a theory known as multiple intelligences.
26. The ability to use information to get along in life and become successful is known as
____________________ ____________________.
27. _______________________ ___________________ is the awareness of and ability to
manage one’s own emotions as well as the ability to be self-motivated, able to feel what
others feel, and socially skilled. Viewed as a powerful influence on success in life.
28. The system for combining symbols (such as words) so that an unlimited number of
meaningful statements can be made for the purpose of communicating with others is known
as ____________________.
29. The basic units of sound in a language are known as ______________.
30. __________________ are aspects of language involving the practical ways of
communicating with others, or the social “niceties” of language.
53
Words for Fill-in-the Blanks
algorithms
concepts
confirmation bias
convergent thinking
creativity
developmentally delayed
divergent thinking
emotional intelligence
formal concepts
functional fixedness
heuristic
howard gardner
insight
intelligence
intelligence quotient
language
mental images
mental set
natural concept
phonemes
practical intelligence
pragmatics
problem solving
prototype
reliability
standardization
superordinate concept
thinking or cognition
trial and error
validity
54
▼MyPsychLab VIDEO SERIES

The MYPSYCHLAB VIDEO SERIES features over 100 original videos covering the most
recent research, science, and applications across the general psychology curriculum,
and utilizing the latest in film and animation technology. Each 4-6 minute video clip has
automatically graded assessment questions tied to it.
Access www.MyPsychLab.com, and select “Videos.”
Chapter 7 Video Content available:

Video: The Big Picture: I Am, Therefore I Think (3:12)
Discover how we take in and understand the information around us using concepts, algorithms, and heuristic
strategies to process information.
Video: The Basics: The Mind Is What the Brain Does (3:17)
Learn how concepts are formed and how we build on them, use them, and share them with others, and why
individuals don’t always share the same prototypes and mental images of the same concepts.
Video: Special Topics: Mental Imagery: In the Mind’s Eye (3:02)

Learn where mental imagery is processed in the brain and why the mental images we see in our mind can feel as real
as the tangible objects we see in front of us.
Video: In the Real World: Changing Your Mind (5:32)

Learn more about our problem-solving abilities, the professions that require quick decision-making skills versus
deliberation, and how we are able to acquire and improve decision-making skills over time.
Video: What’s In It For Me?: Making Choices (4:23)

Explore how our brains, our emotions, and our cultures affect our decision-making, and what happens when we are
faced with too many options.
Video: The Big Picture: What Is Intelligence? (3:15)

Explore your definition of intelligence and see that although it is a concept we value and measure, defining it and
determining how it is acquired can be challenging.
Video: The Basics: Theories of Intelligence (5:28)

Dig deeper into well-known intelligence theories developed by Spearman, Sternberg, and Gardner.
Video: Special Topics: Intelligence Testing, Then and Now (5:37)

Look back into the history of intelligence testing at how the Stanford-Binet, WAIS, and IQ tests were developed, and
how intelligence tests today have evolved to help us better interpret an individual’s specific strengths and
weaknesses to improve overall ability at school and work.
Video: Thinking Like a Psychologist: Intelligence Tests and Success (4:28)

Find out how IQ scores and overall success are correlated and how others’ reactions to our IQ scores can shape our
destiny.
Video: Down Syndrome
Video: Robert Sternberg on Giftedness
Video: In the Real World: Intelligence Tests and Stereotypes (6:01)

See how stereotype threat can negatively affect an individual’s self esteem, performance and sense of identity.
55
Video: What’s In It For Me?: How Resilient Are You? (4:42)

Learn whether we can improve our intelligence over time or whether it is fixed at birth and how intellectual resilience
can influence personal success.
Video: Susan Goldwin-Meadow: The Role of Gesture in Thinking (APS Player)
Video: Exercise Your Brain
Additional MyPsychLab Video and Animation Resources
MYPSYCHLAB contains a wealth of additional content applicable to this chapter.

Suggested videos and animations are listed below. Visit www.MyPsychLab.com, to
explore this content.
Video - Intelligence Testing, Then and Now
Video - What’s In It for Me? Making Choices
Video - The Basics: The Mind Is What the Brain Does
Video - Uses and Misuses of Standardized Tests
Video - In the Real World: Intelligence Tests and Stereotypes
Explore the Concept: The Visual Brain: Lateralization and Language
▲Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents
56
▼MyPsychLab VISUAL BRAIN
THE VISUAL BRAIN is an interactive virtual brain designed to help students better
understand neuroanatomy, physiology, and human behavior. Thirteen virtual brain
modules bring to life many of the most difficult topics typically covered in the
introductory course. This hands-on experience engages students and helps make
course content and terminology relevant. Modules relevant to the current chapter are
highlighted in bold below.
Access www.MyPsychLab.com, and click on the Student Resources tab.
Select among these modules

▪ Brain Damage and Neuroplasticity
▪ Control of Movement
▪ Drug Addiction
▪ Hunger and Eating
▪ Lateralization and Language
▪ Learning and Memory
▪ Nervous System
▪ Neural Conduction
▪ Perception
▪ Psychiatric Disorders
▪ Sleep and Waking
▪ Stress and Health
▪ Visual System
57
▼MyPsychLab SIMULATIONS
MYPSYCHLAB SIMULATIONS allow students to participate in online simulations of virtual

versions of classic psychology experiments, surveys, and research-based inventories,
helping to reinforce what they are learning in class and from their textbook.
Access www.MyPsychLab.com, and select “Simulations.”
Chapter 7 Simulations Content available:
Simulation: Mental Rotation

Measure your ability to mentally rotate figures by determining whether a series of blocks are rotations or mirror
images.
Survey: What is Creativity?

Participate in a survey to discover how your work, relaxation, and problem solving habits contribute to creativity.
Survey: What is Intelligence?

Participate in a survey to learn about your definition of and stereotypes about intelligence.
58
▼WRITING SPACE featuring auto-feedback WRITING PRACTICE

WRITING SPACE helps students master concepts and develop critical thinking through writing.
WRITING SPACE provides a single place within your MyLab to create and track your writing
assignments, access writing resources, and exchange meaningful, personalized feedback
quickly and easily. Plus, WRITING SPACE has integrated access to Turnitin, the global leader in
plagiarism prevention.
Access www.MyPsychLab.com, and select “Writing Space” from the left-hand navigation bar.
Auto-feedback Writing Practice accessible from Writing Space

WRITING PRACTICE prompts within WRITING SPACE offer immediate automated feedback. Each
student submission receives detailed feedback based on the following traits: Development of
Ideas, Organization, Conventions, Voice, Focus and Coherence. Instructors can provide
additional feedback and can adjust the auto-generated grade.
As of Fall 2013, there are 20 prompts available within WRITING SPACE, at least one per chapter
topic. As of Fall 2014, there will be 8 additional prompts available. These prompts are not
customizable as the system is trained to provide auto-feedback based on the prompts and
rubrics as they are written.
WRITING PRACTICE SAMPLE 7.1
Maria's method of studying worked effectively throughout high school until she took her first foreign
language course. In this course, her grades were much lower than usual. How might mental set have
played a role in Maria's academic problem?
Instructor-Created Writing Assignments accessible from Writing Space:

Instructors can create their own writing prompts and grading rubrics, or copy and paste from a
library of sample prompts and rubrics available within this Instructor Manual. Instructors can
provide personalized feedback and grades to students.
INSTRUCTOR-CREATED SAMPLE 7.1
Examine the role that framing plays in our decision making. Select a current topic of debate such as health
care, foreign policy, or gun control laws, and research how each opposing side frames its arguments. How
can you use your knowledge of decision making and your scientific thinking skills to make an informed
decision about this issue?
INSTRUCTOR-CREATED SAMPLE 7.2
Even highly intelligent people sometimes behave in foolish ways. Locate an example of a famous
person—a political figure, athlete, scientist, or artist—who is clearly intelligent but who engaged in
spectacularly unintelligent actions. What potential scientific explanations might you offer for the causes of
her or his behavior?
59
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and overcome him, and take from him all his armour
wherein he trusteth, and divide his spoils."
Again the low whistle is heard, and this time it sounds just
beneath his window. How was it that Chance and Laddie did
not begin to bark until the first whistle was heard? It must
have been the snow that muffled the tread of that stealthy
foot. They are barking furiously now! But Miles, flinging
open the casement, bids them be still; and unwillingly they
drop into sullen silence, broken at times by a low,
protesting growl.
"Send away your dogs, or I'll finish them right out," said the
voice uneasily from below.
"Be off; Chance, I say—away with thee, Laddie," said their

poor master from the chamber window. Laddie obeyed, and
disappeared; Chance withdrew a few yards, and then sat
down determinately on the cold white snow. They thought
he was gone, and the voices renewed their parley.
"You have got the old fox in there. Now that he has run to
earth, I say keep him there."
"I can't keep him here, unless the snow stops the hole for
you," was the troubled reply.
"What are you at by saying for us? It is just as much for

yourself. You are in it full as deep as we. I would lame his
old mare, but the stable door is locked, and the dogs are
about."
"He came unbidden, and he shall leave unhindered," said

Miles firmly.
"Yes; and you think to be his guide. You are going to try
your mean hand at the informer's trade; for it is always the
chief rogue that turns king's evidence," said Tim o' the
Brooms, with an insulting sneer.
"I'm going to do naught of the kind," said Miles, "but the old
man shall go his own gait. He has always been a friend of
the family, like—my dead father's friend; and nothing shall
harm him."
"Very well, as you like," was the cool reply: "then the stock
must be shifted before morning; that's all."
"Stay, where will you be putting it? I will know that," cried
Miles.
"Oh, it's all ready planned. We've got a safe hiding in view.
The scent will be hard up at somebody else's door. 'Twill be
a good joke, too, to catch the psalm-singers up at Scarf
Beck in a trap. But that's your concern, not mine."
"I'll not have that done, whatever else may be," cried Miles,
with burning cheek and clenched fist. "I'd sooner die than
any of them should be harmed. There shall not a breath stir
against any one belonging to—to—the folk up at Scarf
Beck."
The man sneered offensively, and said, "I know how the
land lies well enough. But if you don't bring your cart
tonight, and help us to shift right off, 'over sands,' * we'll
move all the whisky jars into the old barn at Scarf Beck;
and we'll see if anybody will believe the Hartley lads when
they swear they didn't put them there." So saying, Tim o'
the Brooms glided noiselessly away over the snow.
* Across Morecambe Bay.

CHAPTER III.
THE SNOW-DRIFT.
"A snow-feathered pillow,

On snow-drifted bed;
As foam on the billow,
So white was it spread."
Miles leaned on the windowsill, and thought long and

anxiously. The snow, continued to fall, soft and silent. The
deep stillness of the night was oppressive in its solemn
weight. Even the dreary night-wind seemed to hold its
breath for awe; but all this while, each downy snowflake
that fluttered to the ground took its place slowly and surely
beside its sister-flake, quietly laying the foundations of one
of those heavy and long-standing falls which sometimes re-
assert their dominion over the mountain land, even after
spring has begun to awaken the sleeping life of the earth.
The soul of Miles Lawson was in the darkness of desertion

and dismay. He thought that every moment there was a
fresh loop added to the great net which Satan was forming
around him; he almost fancied he could see him netting,
netting on, plying his mesh and his supple cords, the while
he laughed at his misery. "He got my will first; and now he
has bound my limbs, so that I cannot work when I would.
This is thick darkness—no light and no hope. And all this
while I am losing precious time; all this while those men,
who are too strong and too cunning for me, are laying their
dreadful traps and snares at Bella's very door. I can't
endure that. Anything rather than that. I will go directly to
Scarf Beck, and give them warning; informer or no
informer, spy or no spy, traitor or not, I will go and save
Bella and those harmless lads from wrong."
He tried to open the window again, but it would scarcely

stir, for it was so banked up with snow. "Darkness, deathly
darkness, and deep, treacherous snow!" muttered the
miserable young man. Suddenly there was a rent in the
black pall of clouds, which parted on either hand, and the
full moon looked serenely down upon the white world
beneath.
Miles clasped his hands: "Oh, Father of the repentant

prodigal! If thou canst part the thick clouds like that, and
give light, wilt thou not give me light in my soul, and show
me the way I should go?" He repeated over to himself "the
way—the way," when suddenly there darted into his
bewildered mind the luminous words, "I am the way, the
truth; and the life. No man cometh unto the Father, but by
me."
Miles crept to his bedside, and dropped down on his knees

in the very place where he used to pray his little prayers
when he was yet a little child; and, like a little child, he
clasped his hands, and prayed the simple prayers of his
childhood. He even remembered every word of the hymn
with which his mother used to sing him to sleep, and he
repeated that too. Miles continued long on his knees, and
when he gently rose and went to the window, it was not
with the "exceeding bitter cry" with which he had last
sprung to his feet, but with the words, whispered as if he
could "scarce believe for joy and wonder":
"Hast thou indeed found me, O my Saviour?"
The moon was now shining steadily upon the scene, and the
snow had ceased falling; but it lay so deep upon all around,
that the usual tracks were obliterated.
"Nevertheless I must go," said he, firmly, in answer to the

remonstrances of thought; "Bella must be saved at any cost
from this wicked wrong; and I must tell these men that I
have done with them forever, but that I will not inform
against them if they will only give up the bad line they are
in, and leave the neighborhood."
He opened the door, and listened: all was quiet, except that
the clock ticked on the stairs in its own measured way, and
he started when it struck three, as he glided past it with
shoeless feet. He found his black-and-white shepherd's plaid
wrapper hanging on the pin in the kitchen, and he threw it
around him in the approved mountain fashion, whereby it
forms a good protection for chest and shoulders, while
sufficient freedom is left for the arms. He then put on a
stout pair of boots, drew on his warm worsted gloves, tied
Alice's "comforter" round his neck, and taking his stout
staff, opened the door.
The porch was floored with snow: the walk was a shining
sheet of white: Alice's pet plants were buried, or else
feathered into white and drooping plumes: the brother yews
were bending under masses of snow: the little wicket stood
like bars of alabaster before him; and rather than break the
shining spell, he vaulted lightly over it.
He passed through the farm-yard, and his favorite young

horse whinnied when he heard his master's step, muffled
thought it was by the deadening snows. Laddie sprang to
his side, but was waved off; Chance did not appear, yet all
the while he was watching and lurking about behind
corners, and under walls; for he had settled it in his faithful
mind that go he would, whatever orders he received to the
contrary. He did not like the look of the man who had been
whistling and whispering under the window, and he did not
like the snow; and therefore if danger were abroad,
wherever his master was, there would his faithful servant
be.
Miles was quite unconscious of this mute resolve, and of its

answering movements, but plodded heavily on along the
white lane, and across the white fields in the well-known
direction of Green Gap. As he approached the narrow
gateway into the glen, he found that the snow forced
through the narrow pass by the driving wind of the previous
evening, had been whirled about in wild eddies, and had
then settled into fantastic wreaths, or gathered into smooth
and sloping banks, as the accidents of the ground or the
impulse of the gale had determined. Onward, however, he
forced his way, until he was startled to see that, in the very
jaws of the Gap white walls rose above his head, here eight,
then ten, now twelve feet high, sometimes smooth as
Parian marble; at others, crested like a breaking wave.
What if that curling and foaming billow should suddenly
bend, break, and engulf him? What if the treacherous wind
should blow a blast against that mountain surge, and shiver
it into showers of frozen spray? He stops and looks up. The
moon is shining coldly upon the glistening crags; and there,
gleaming through the Gap, rises the Old Man, with a white
sheet thrown over his lofty forehead, enwrapping his broad
shoulders, and lying in glittering folds about his feet.
The scene was magnificent in its wintry grandeur; but it was

appalling to the young man's mind. How was he to force his
lonely way up the gorge to Scarf Beck? He clasped his cold
hands and breathed a prayer for guidance; "Leave me not,
neither forsake me; show me the way in which thou
would'st have me to walk, outwardly as well as inwardly,
through the snows and through the snares. Guide me by
thine eye: uphold me with thy hand. I look unto thee to
save me, for thou art my God." These, and other little
fragments of broken prayer, little snatches of precious
psalms, little bits of remembered teachings, came thrilling
through his bewildered mind.
And still he struggled on. Oh, the weariness and the weight!
the weariness of dragging his limbs out of the deepening
snows, the weight of the aching limbs as he plunged them
into fresh wreaths and took the soundings of new depths.
Is he in the right path? He looks round, but he is growing

dizzy: his eyes must be dazzled by the moonshine on the
glittering snows: it is sickening, that changeless glare. He
wishes the moon would go behind the cloud to relieve his
giddy brain for one brief space, only that would leave him in
darkness.
On, then he must go. He should be beside the beck by this

time, Scarf Beck, Bella's beloved stream. Ah, that thought
rouses him from his sleepy languor. He listens: he catches a
muffled sound—how unlike its usual living gladness; how
thick its voice compared with its wonted clear cadences, or
with its loud tumultuous brawl when once it is angry. It
must be half choked with snows and dulled with intruding
ice. Ah, the weariness and the weight! He must rest, must
sleep away his sickening giddiness, just for a little moment,
before he struggles and labors onward. He is reeling,
rambling towards that smooth bed, that soft pillow, those
fringed curtains, those white and winding sheets. Stay,
Miles, it is the cold white bed of death.
Now Chance, this is thy moment. Thou hast been laboring
on after thy unconscious master without a word to
encourage thee, without a sign to teach thee thy duty: thou
hast dragged thy weary way a few yards behind him, not
daring to show thy self for fear of being driven back as
usual, Now, then, at last, thy time come. The noble dog
plunges forward, all tired as he is, and jumps to lick his
failing master's hand.
"What is it? Chance, my poor, poor fellow, art thou come to

help thy master? Thanks, thanks, Chance," murmured he in
a dull, dreary voice. But the kind tone, the evident
acceptance of his poor presence, the hand laid upon his
great black head, all this was payment enough, and over
payment to old Chance, and he is happy.
Encouraged by his dog's companionship, Miles struggles on

a few yards further. But his spasmodic efforts cannot hold
out much longer. Once more, he reels, staggers, sinks into a
deep drift. And there we leave him to sleep out his leaden
sleep, which that melancholy bark of the old dog, and that
most piteous whining have no power to awaken.
CHAPTER IV.
THE SEARCH.
"Take we heed to all our foot-

prints;
Tell-tales are they, where we
go.
Let them bear no evil witness
On the sand, or on the snow;
On the mould, or on the clay,
Or life's dusty, thronged
highway."
THE family at The Yews are sleeping rather longer than

usual on the morning at which we are now arrived. Sleep
had been a late guest at the pillows of several of the
household, for anxious thoughts had kept the earlier
watches of the night with them, "holding their eyes
waking." At last Mat was up, and out with Geordie and the
farm lads, looking after the sheep. Laddie was at hand in
readiness to help; but Chance failed to obey the whistle
which generally brought him in a moment, eager for his
work.
"What's to do with the old dog, that he doesn't come at

call?" said Geordie Garthwaite; "I heard both the dogs
barking terribly fierce in the night; but Chance is no where
this morning. Is the young master at home, I wonder?"
"Yes," said Mat, "so far as I know. He was in last night. But
he's lying late this morning;" and away they went to dig out
some of their sheep, which had been buried in the drifts of
the night.
"Miles dear," shouted Alice at her brother's door—"Miles,

come to breakfast."
No answer.
She opened the door and he was not there. There was the
bed just as her own careful hands had left the sheet neatly
turned down, and the pillow round and smooth. The
casement was not quite closed, and there was a little bank
of snow lying on the windowsill.
A single glance showed her all this, and she rushed down to
the kitchen in consternation "Oh, Mark! he isn't there; and
his bed is all untouched. He must have gone out—and oh I
think of the snow."
"Gone?" exclaimed Mark, with terror in his face, "and such a

night!"
He ran up stairs to Miles's room to try to collect evidences

of what had occurred; but he could gain nothing here. Then
the place where hung the hats and plaids was examined;
and Miles's hat and plaid were gone; his boots were gone
too, and his mountain staff.
"He has taken his 'comforter,'" sobbed Alice, "mine that he

liked so much; and the gloves that I knitted."
"Has he?" said Mark, with a brightening face, "then he

wasn't desperate; he wouldn't have done things so orderly,
unless he were cool and clear. There is hope in that, dear
Alice;" and he took her hand tenderly. "I will go and seek
him; and thou must trust me, as thou would'st a brother."
"I will," was her firm reply; but when she saw him silently
making ready to set forth, her heart misgave her; and going
up to him, she said pleadingly, "Will you not tell me where
you are going, and what you will do?"
"Going to call Geordie and the lads, and then search the
road to the Old Man."
Alice shuddered; and quietly laying her cold hand on his

arm, said, "Mark, you must let me go with you. I cannot
stay behind."
"And leave the mother in her desolation, Alice? Besides," he

added in a low voice, as he rushed out through the porch,
"how could I bear to risk my all?"
Poor Alice! She knew only too well how great was her stake,
too. But every wandering thought was called home to assist
in the dreaded duty of breaking Miles' mysterious
disappearance to the widowed mother.
There was no wringing of hands, no tearing of hair, no wild

burst of passionate grief; but there was a look of
inexpressible anguish which seemed to make her ten years
older at one stroke; and there were just these few words, "I
had best be alone, Alice, dear; but bring me my book; for I
am thinking I shall want every promise I can find, and
every prayer I can pray."
Alice silently crossed the door, and left her to the prayer of
faith.
In the meantime, Mark was far on his way to the Green

Gap, striding onward in eager haste, and Geordie and the
lads plodded after, looking anxiously for tracks as they
went. But some fresh snow had fallen in the early morning,
obliterating the footmarks which had been left, first by Tim
o' the Brooms, and then by Miles and his mute companion.
"I see nothing but smooth snows," shouted Mark to the

group behind him.
"Well, Master Wilson, I seem to see sores in the snow,

which have healed over, like. They'll serve for the length of
a man's stride well enough, too. Look ye here."
And here and there slight signs of disturbance were just
visible, though only the eye of a shepherd, who had often
tracked his lost sheep in the fields and fells of snow, could
have detected them.
Now they have reached the Gap, and they look with inward
misgivings at the snowy battlements by which it was
defended—rampart, curtain, and fosse. However, borne by
their strong limbs and helped by their strong staves, and
impelled by their strong motive, the bold young men and
the brave old man forced their way through.
On the further side of the barrier there were two mountain

roads branching off from that which they had been
following, the one leading up the gorge to Scarf Beck Farm,
the other winding up the side of the Old Man. The party
stop to consider. Mark Wilson thinks he has grounds for the
belief that his friend would take the way of the mountain;
but as his suspicions are vague, founded only upon the
hints and half-revealings of the previous day, which he had
painfully put together, he could give his companions no
reason for the course which he intended to pursue.
"Seems to me," said Geordie Garthwaite, "that young

master is kind, like, to Scarf Beck Bella—and so, like
enough, he's gone there. That's an old man's mind upon it."
"No," said Mark, "I must search the mountain's side before I
go home."
"Then it's my belief," replied Geordie, "that we shall never

get home at all, if we do the like of that. There's snow
enough in places to bury us all, like sheep. But, stay!
What's this, again?"
And sure enough there were undeniable footmarks plodding

up the path which led to the old workings of a deserted
mine, high up on the mountainside.
Geordie stooped down and examined. "It's a man's foot,

however, turning up here; and the prints are part filled
again with new snow, looser and softer than the old. So it's
done since evening, when there was the great fall. We'll try
the mountain, master."
But those tracks, all the while, were but the tracks of Tim o'
the Brooms.
Poor Chance! Thou dost not know how near is help, and
how it is already turning away and leaving thee in thy
distress. And yet thy poor unenlightened instinct is doing
wonders of self-sacrificing devotion, and of beautiful, tender
skill. Thou halt dug away the snow which had closed over
thy unconscious master; thou hast licked his pale forehead;
licked his livid face over and over again; licked his stiffening
wrists: takes his hand in thy mouth in thy agonized efforts
to rouse him from his strange, cold sleep; and then, lying
down close to his side, thou hast moaned and whined to the
winds. If there be a heart yet beating feebly within that
rigid form, it is because thy anxious efforts have not
suffered the last faint glow of animal heat to die out.
The little band of searchers is now working its way wearily

up the steep. It was well that the old shepherd knew the
path in past times, or they would have been inevitably lost.
They are too much engrossed, by their life and death
engagement, to see how glorious in its wintry majesty is
the scene above, beneath, and around; the shining crest of
the mountain, each broad white shoulder, and every
descending line, sharply cut against the dark blue sky; the
lake beneath as blue as the deep sapphire above, each
headland projected in silvery curves into the lake, pencilled
with the feathery outlines of snow-laden branches, or
heavily fringed and embroidered with the dull dark green of
the pines. The crags, where they were too precipitous to
afford a resting-place to the snows, on ledge or in hollow,
looked out stern and bald from the prevailing drapery; and
here and there a fleecy cloud had floated down to hold
some mysterious parley with a mountain-top, for the time
confounding all distinction between earth and sky.
"What can that little line of thread be, up there in the hollow
of the crag?" asked Mark Wilson. "It cannot be a shred of
mist, can it? It looks strangely like smoke." They all looked
up; and there was, sure enough, a slender line of blue
smoke curling upward from a dark crevice of the rock.
"Smoke, heather smoke, and none other, unless I am

blinded with the snow," was Geordie's reply. "It's
uncommon strange, that. Come, my lads, we will find out
who has lighted a heather fire up on the heights like that,
and what for it is."
Mark made no reply, but strode and clambered on. He had

his own painful theory whereby to account for the
phenomenon. They were now at the foot of the crag, when
first one man's head, and then another, was seen peering
down over the rocks. The heads instantly disappeared
again; and presently, after, the curling line of blue smoke
disappeared also; but the old shepherd's practised eye had
already carefully taken its bearings and noted its way-
marks.
"Up this way, lads; we will soon see what sort of bird has
been building its nest in such a queer hole as that."
"It is the nest of foul birds of prey, and we must net them, if
we can," remarked the schoolmaster, gloomily.
"Ay, ay, net them, master; and carry off the nest egg," said
the shepherd with a knowing smile.
"Have they got guns up there, I wonder?" said one of the

farm lads, in a hesitating voice. "I can't say as though I
much like the sport."
"Come on," cried the schoolmaster, "we are doing our duty,
and that is enough for brave Englishmen."
Scarcely had he spoken when a bullet whistled sharply past

his head, and splintered a projecting point of rock close
behind him.
"Now, then, I am strong to do my duty," said Mark, "for

they are murderers in their hearts, though God has spared
me."
Another bullet whizzed by.
"This will not do at all," said old Geordie, quietly; "now,

then, my lads, make a rush for your dear lives."
The old man planted his iron-shod shepherd's staff on the

rock, and sprang up with the agility of a native-born
cragsman; for he had robbed many a raven's nest, and
eagle's eyrie, in his distant youth, and had won the
shepherd's prize for the feat. At this instant, a man rushed
down the craggy path and sprang away like a goat from
rock to rock.
"There goes Miner Jack," cried one of the lads.
But another figure which had been stealing round a buttress

of the mountain fortress, suddenly leaped out upon Mark
Wilson with a yell of hatred, and grappling with him, rolled
heavily down the steep.
"Save the master, save him," shouted old Geordie from
above.
The young men rushed down after the yet rolling figures,
and contrived to stop them in their headlong course. It was
but just in time; a yard or two more and they would have
bounded together down a precipice which was masked by
snow, and been dashed in pieces at the foot. Tim o' the
Brooms instantly shook himself free from the lads, writhing
from their grasp like a slippery serpent, as he was, glided
rapidly down the path, and disappeared.
"Now for the hawk's nest, without the old birds," said
Geordie.
They climbed to the entrance of an old working of the

deserted mine—an "adit," the Cornish miners would have
called it—and looking in, they were half-stifled by the
smoke of an expiring heather fire, and by the stupefying
fumes of distilling whiskey.
Mark's eye eagerly searched the cave for an expected

object, but that object, to his inexpressible relief, he found
not.
"Thank heaven he isn't here," whispered he. "Thank God for

our preservation," he solemnly added, aloud: and the three
men stood in deep silence, the two young men and the old,
while the schoolmaster offered up a brief thanksgiving in
that strange oratory.
Then came the difficult consideration of what must be done

under such novel circumstances. Here was a perfect little
distillery in full working; the whole plant, as it is termed, of
an illicit still, in complete order. Here was a large heap of
dried heather stored up for fuel; for it is the heather smoke
which imparts that peculiar mountain flavor which
distinguished the illicit whiskey from the lawfully
manufactured but ever dangerous and treacherous liquor.
And there, in the deep chamber of the adit, was a long
array of stone jars, many of them evidently full and others
empty; while just at the mouth of the cave was a lot of
heavy jars, arranged as if in readiness for removal.
"I take possession in the king's name," said Mark, with

serious dignity. "This discovery must be notified
immediately to Mr. Knibb; and then we wash our hands of
the affair. But recollect, my friends, we have not yet found
Miles Lawson. Everything must be sacrificed to the search
for him. All this, while he may be perishing in the snow."
"Ay, ay, the young master first of all, and then the spoil,"
replied Geordie Garthwaite.
"We had best have a dram to drive the cold out of us, in
course," suggested one of the farm lads.
"And just to see if it is worth anything," added the other.
"Not a drop shall be touched," said Mark, firmly; "I wish I

dare pour it all out on the heather; but it is not ours end I
cannot do as I would. Now for the young master, without a
moment's waste of time."
"What if the Miner and Broom Tim should come back and
take all the stock away?" reasoned one of the young men,
as they descended.
"They will not do that," said old Geordie. "They saw we

knew them, and they are far enough off by this time.
Besides, they'd never think we should be such silly folks as
to leave the prey." Then, coming close to Mark, he said in a
low voice, "What is't has brought you a'top here, Master
Wilson, to seek for young master in such a rabbit-hole like?"
"I had rather not tell even such an old friend of the Lawsons
as you are, Geordie; only I am humbly thankful that we
have not found him there."
"Well, well, you needn't say it; for I have had my heavy
doubts about what was a'foot for a good bit o'time. But
'twasn't for an old friend of the lad's, his father's servant
and his grandfather's before him, to say aught against the
good name of the family. But I have been sore sorry for the
mistress when the poor lad has been out o'nights, and
slighting the land by day. I've done my best to keep things
together, and taken more upon me than I should, like
enough. But it is an evil case when the master takes to bad
ways."
"What is your advice now Geordie?" asked the

schoolmaster. "For I am quite at sea again."
"I thought so. Well, it's my counsel that we go home round

by way of Scarf Beck, and see if they know aught about
him, there."
"That is it," said Mark, with a gleam of revived hope; "round

by way of Scarf Beck, lads, as fast as legs can carry us. My
watch to whoever finds him first."
CHAPTER V.
HOME AGAIN.
"Thou wilt not be weary of me;

Thy promise my faith will
sustain;
And soon, very soon I shall see
That I have not been asking in
vain."
A. L.
WARING.
Hours had passed at the Yews, and there was no sign of the
seekers or of the sought. Alice and Mat had been making
expeditions in all directions excepting that one which had
been taken by Mark and the farm servants; but not a trace
could they find. Old Ann had half buried herself in the snow
in her attempts to reach the furthest of the Beck meadows,
and had tottered home half dead with cold. Even Mr. Knibb
had saddled Madam, and attended by young Mat, had made
a bold dash at the road which led out of the dale at the end
opposite to the Green Gap. But Madam's shoes had become
so completely balled with snow, that it was with much ado,
he had led her back to the farm; while Mat had bravely
made his way to the little hamlet in the adjoining dale,
along roads less blocked by snow than the taken by the
schoolmaster and his party, but still formidable to any but a
shepherd lad.
At last, the suspense had become intolerable to Alice, and

watching her opportunity when she saw old Ann settled in
by the warm fire beside her mother's rocking chair, she
called Laddie, and set forth.
"Now Laddie," said she in a cheery voice, waving her hand

around her, "we must find master."
The fine fellow pricked his ears, whined, and fawned upon
her, in full comprehension of the duty laid upon him, and
darted away before her.
"No, stop; keep beside me, Laddie, I say."
He leaped back to her side, in recognition of the second

clause of his important commission.
"Master," said she, pointing at the snow.
He sniffed carefully about, and then set his face

determinately towards Green Gap.
She thought it strange that Geordie and his party had failed
to take the dog with them, as by far the most probable
means of finding the lost one; until she recollected that
there had been a great calling and whistling for the dogs at
the time of their setting forth, that Laddie could no where
be found because he was away on the lower fells with Mat,
in full business looking after the sheep, and that Chance
had been unaccountably missing all the day.
The young dog was now evidently following up a good

scent, as his short, pleased barks and determined manner
proceeding sufficiently testified. She plunged and plodded
after him through the snow as fast as her limbs could carry
her, but his chiding impatience at the slowness of the
progress was painful to her to behold. They have passed
Green Gap now, though nothing less than her own strong
love and her stimulating fears could have carried the young
girl through the perils of the pass.
"Which way, now?"
The way up the gorge to Scarf Beck without a doubt; Laddie

has evidently no misgiving whatever; for he has tried the
trampled road to the mountain, renounced it immediately,
trying back for a few yards until, with a short cry, he

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►FULL CHAPTER RESOURCES

Video: Special Topics: Mental Imagery:

Video: In the Real World: Changing Your

Video: What’s In It For Me? Making

Writing Assignment: Maria’s method of

Video: In the Real World: Intelligence

Video: Thinking Like a Psychologist:

Video: The Basics: Theories of

Video: Down Syndrome

Video: Robert Sternberg on Giftedness

Video: What’s In It For Me? How

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

➢ Video - What’s In It For Me? Making Choices

➢ Video - In the Real World: Changing Your Mind

➢ Writing Assignment - Mental Set

C. Problem solving and decision making

D. Problems with problem solving

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

II. INTELLIGENCE (text p. 274)

➢ Video - The Big Picture: What Is Intelligence?

b. Now involves comparing a person’s score to a standardized norm

D. Individual differences in intelligence

E. The nature/nurture controversy regarding intelligence: Genetic influences

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

III. LANGUAGE (text p. 294)

A. The levels of language analysis

a. Includes the rules for using phonemes, morphemes, and syntax

B. The relationship between language and thought

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

IV. APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY TO EVERYDAY LIFE: MENTAL AND PHYSICAL

Learning Objective 7.11 - What are some ways to improve thinking?

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

V. CHAPTER SUMMARY (text p. 301)

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

▼CHANGES FROM THE THIRD EDITION TO THE FOURTH EDITION

• New chapter introduction on neuroeconomics and Kahneman’s System 1 and System 2

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

▼LECTURE LAUNCHERS AND DISCUSSION TOPICS

▲ Return to Chapter 7: Table of Contents

Lecture Launcher 7.1 - The Psychology of Mental Control

► Return to Lecture Guide

Lecture Launcher 7.2 - Did Spock Have It Wrong?

► Return to Lecture Guide

Lecture Launcher 7.3 - Intuition

► Return to Lecture Guide

Lecture Launcher 7.4 - Don’t Believe Everything You Read...Except

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