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8
Conformity:
Influencing Behavior
CONTENTS
Learning Objectives
Chapter Outline
Key Terms
Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions
Autograded Writing Activities in MyPsychLab and REVEL
In-Class Exercises and Quick Assessments
Integrating “Try It” Active Learning Exercises
Student Projects and Research Assignments
Websites to Explore
Film and Video Listings
Online Videos to Explore
Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.

310
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
8.1 What is conformity, and why does it occur?

8.2 How does informational social influence motivate people to conform?
8.3 How does normative social influence motivate people to conform?
8.4. How can people use their knowledge of social influence to influence others?
8.5 What have studies demonstrated about people’s willingness to obey authority figures?
Return to Table of Contents

311
CHAPTER OUTLINE
I. Chapter Prologue
• Describes the case of David R. Stewart who is accused of calling fast food restaurants,
posing as a police officer, and instructing the manager on duty to conduct a strip search of
an employee.
II. Conformity: When and Why

What is conformity, and why does it occur?
• American culture values non-conformity. This is reflected in the Marlboro man ads and
Apple ads telling us to “think different.”
• However, conformity, especially to strong situations, is common in the U.S. It has led to
non-violent protests of racism, the massacre of innocent civilians in Vietnam, and the
abuse of prisoners.
• Conformity is a change in behavior due to the real or imagined influence of others.
• American culture celebrates the rugged individualist, but even in our own culture extremes
of conformity, such as Jonestown, Heaven’s Gate, the My Lai massacre, and prisoner
abuses at Abu Ghraib occur. Social psychologists suggest that these events occurred not
because the people involved were crazy but because they were subjected to very strong
situational influences.
NOTES: _____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
III. Informational Social Influence: The Need to Know What’s “Right”

How does informational social influence motivate people to conform?
• In many situations, we are uncertain how to think or to act. We use the behavior of others
to help us figure out what is going on in the situation and what to do about it.
Informational social influence occurs when we conform because we see other people as a
source of information. We conform because we believe that others’ interpretation of an
ambiguous situation is more correct than ours and will help us choose an appropriate
course of action.
• Sherif (1936) conducted an experiment that made use of the autokinetic effect, the illusion
that a still point of light in an otherwise dark visual field moves. People vary in how much
motion they perceive. Thus the autokinetic effect provides an ambiguous situation. When
people were put in groups to make their estimates, over several trials the differing
estimates of the people converged (Figure 8.1). This conformity was apparently due to
informational social influence because it resulted in private acceptance of the group norm
out of genuine belief in their correctness (rather than public compliance, or a change in
behavior without a change in belief): participants in variations of the study maintained
their adherence to the group norm in private and up to a year later.

312
• Conformity has been used to get people to conserve electricity and to get hotel guests to
forgo having their towels washed.
A. The Importance of Being Accurate

• Recent research has extended Sherif’s work by employing judgment tasks that are
more like real life and demonstrating that the importance to the individual of being
accurate at the task affects informational social influence.
• Baron, Vandello, & Brunsman (1996) gave participants an eyewitness task, showing
them a picture of a perpetrator and then having them pick that person out of a lineup.
The task was made ambiguous by having the perpetrator dressed differently in the
lineup than in the original photo and by flashing the lineup for only half a second. The
importance of the task was manipulated by telling some groups that this was a new test
to identify accurate eyewitnesses that the local police department was adopting, that
they were helping develop norms for the task, and that they would receive $20; and by
telling other groups that the task was a test under development. Participants completed
the task in groups with three confederates who gave the wrong answer on seven critical
trials. Baron et al. found that participants were more influenced (in this case by
informational social influence) by the confederate’s answers when the task was more
important—an important extension of Sherif s work.
B. When Informational Conformity Backfires

• Informational influence is often involved in crisis situations. For example, the 1938
Orson Welles War of the Worlds radio broadcast (a teleplay, presented in broadcast
news format, about an alien invasion) led to widespread panic because many people
missed the beginning of the broadcast (which identified it as a play) and turned to each
other to see how they should behave. Additionally, people interpreted other events in
their environment (e.g., no cars driving down the street) as due to the invasion,
intensifying their fears and leading to a contagion situation (one where emotions or
behaviors spread rapidly through a crowd).
C. When Will People Conform to Informational Social Influence?

1. When the Situation Is Ambiguous
• Ambiguity is the most crucial variable in determining whether people use each
other as a source of information.
2. When the Situation Is a Crisis
• Crisis situations leave us limited time to act, which may make us scared and
panicky. If we turn to others who are also panicked for information, our own panic
and irrationality may be intensified.
3. When Other People Are Experts
• The more expertise or knowledge someone has, the more people will turn to them
as a guide in an ambiguous situation. Unfortunately, experts are not always reliable
sources of information.

313
NOTES: _____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
IV. Normative Social Influence: The Need to Be Accepted

How does normative social influence motivate people to conform?
• Examples are presented of teenagers engaging in life-threatening behavior. This behavior
occurs not because the teens are unaware of the risk but because they want to be accepted
and liked by their peers. To do so, they conform to the group’s social norms: the implicit
or explicit rules a group has for the acceptable behaviors, values, and beliefs of its
members.
• The ice bucket challenge, for ALS, is an example of normative conformity that had a
positive outcome.
• Group members who do not conform are ridiculed, punished, or rejected by other group
members. In Japan, a dozen teenage victims of bullying killed themselves in one year
(Jordan, 1996).
• Humans are a social species and thus have a fundamental need for social companionship
that forms the basis for normative social influence: conformity in order to be liked and
accepted by others. Normative conformity often results in public compliance without
private acceptance.
A. Conformity and Social Approval: The Asch Line Judgment Studies

• Asch (1951, 1956) conducted a series of classic experiments on normative social
influence. In contrast to Sherif’s work, Asch used a situation that was clearly defined
rather than ambiguous. Specifically, he used a line judgment task where participants
were presented with a series of three lines of differing lengths and were asked to match
a target line to one of the three; the correct answer was obvious (Figure 8.2).
Unbeknownst to the true participant, the other seven participants were confederates.
The real participant always answered last. In 2/3 of the trials, the confederates
unanimously agreed on an incorrect answer. A surprising amount of conformity
occurred: 76% conformed at least once, and on average, people conformed on about a
third of the trials where the confederates gave the wrong answer (Figure 8.3).
Interviews with participants indicated that they did not want to feel different or foolish.
The Asch experiment is especially surprising since people were concerned about
looking foolish in front of complete strangers and there were no tangible risks or
punishments for failing to conform.
• In a variation of the study, subjects wrote their answers on paper rather than saying
them aloud; in this variation, conformity dropped dramatically. This demonstrates the
power of social disapproval in the original study in shaping a person’s behavior.
• Recent research by Berns et al. (2005) used fMRI to examine brain activity of
participants as they either conformed to a group or maintained their independence and
disagreed with the group. The participants showed levels of conformity similar to those
in the Asch studies. When participants gave the correct answer (and disagreed with the
group) rather than showing activation in the visual/perceptional areas of the brain, the

314
amygdala and right caudate nucleus, areas devoted to negative emotions and
modulating social behavior, were activated. This research thus supports the idea that
normative social influence occurs because people feel negative emotions when they go
against the group.
B. The Importance of Being Accurate, Revisited

• The Baron et al. (1996) study described earlier included experimental conditions
designed to trigger normative social influence. In these conditions, the eyewitness
identification task was made extremely easy by showing participants the lineup for five
seconds and by letting them view each pair of slides twice. Control subjects got 97%
correct on these conditions, demonstrating that this task was indeed unambiguous and
analogous to the Asch line judgment situation. Importance of being accurate was
manipulated as before. In this case, participants in the low-importance condition
conformed 33% of the time, a result similar to Asch’s findings. Participants in the
high-importance condition conformed 16% of the time—indeed, a lesser amount of
conformity, but still some. Even when the group is wrong, the right answer is obvious,
and when there are strong incentives to be accurate, people will find it difficult to risk
social disapproval.
• We tend to underestimate the extent to which we conform. However, we all conform,
at least in small ways, all of the time. Trends in fashion are one example of normative
conformity.
C. The Consequences of Resisting Normative Social Influence

• What happens when people manage to resist normative group influence? Other group
members start paying attention to the deviant and trying to convince him or her to
conform; if s/he doesn’t, eventually the deviant will be rejected.
• Schacter (1951) demonstrated how groups respond to an individual who ignores the
group’s normative influence. Groups read a case history of “Johnny Rocco,” a juvenile
delinquent. The case typically led to middle-of-the-road positions about the case. An
accomplice in the group was instructed to disagree with the group’s recommendations.
The deviant received most of the communication from other group members until near
the end (when it was apparent that communication wouldn’t work); at this point, other
group members began to ignore the deviant, and on a subsequent task, they
recommended that the deviant be eliminated from further group discussions if group
size were reduced.
D. When Will People Conform to Normative Social Influence?

• Latane’s social impact theory suggests that conforming to normative pressures
depends on the strength (personal importance), immediacy (physical proximity), and
number of other people in a group. According to the theory, conformity will increase
directly with the amount of strength and immediacy; but that increases in numbers will
show diminishing returns (i.e., going from 3 to 4 makes more of a difference than
going from 53 to 54). The theory has done a good job of predicting the actual amount
of conformity that occurs.
1. When the Group Grows Larger
• Asch’s research (and subsequent investigations) show that conformity does not

315
increase much after group size reaches 4 or 5 other people (Figure 8.4).
2. When the Group Is Important
• Normative pressures are much stronger when they come from people whose
friendship, love, or respect we cherish. A consequence is that it can be dangerous
to have important policy decisions made by highly cohesive groups who may care
more about pleasing each other than about making the best decision. However,
people who often conform build up idiosyncracy credits, and are allowed to
deviate from the group occasionally.
3. When One Has No Allies in the Group
• A variation of Asch’s experiment demonstrated the importance of group unanimity:
when only one other person gave the right answer, the level of conforming to the
group dropped to only 6% (from 32%).
• This pattern is also present in the Supreme Court. The most common pattern of
decisions in the group over many decades was unanymity and the least common
pattern was having on dissenter (Granberg & Bartels, 2005).
4. When the Group’s Culture Is Collectivistic
• Differences in cultures’ individualist vs. collectivist orientation have implications
for conformity. The Asch experiment has been replicated in several cultures. Some
(e.g., Norway and the Bantus of Zimbabwe) find much higher levels of conformity
than the U.S. In Japan, conformity was lower than in the U.S. because conformity
is directed at groups to which one belongs and not groups of strangers. A meta-
analysis found higher levels of conformity in collectivistic cultures than in
individualistic cultures (Bond & Smith, 1996). Berry (1967) suggested and
provided some data in support of the idea that hunting cultures will favor
independence while agricultural cultures will favor cooperation and conformity.
Replications of the Asch experiment in the U.S. and Britain in the 1980s showed
decreasing amounts of conformity within the culture.
E. Minority Influence: When the Few Influence the Many

• Moscovici argues that the individual or the minority can affect change in the majority
(minority influence). The key to this is consistency over time and between members
of the minority.
• A meta-analysis by Wendy Wood et al. (1994) leads to the conclusion that majorities
often cause public compliance because of normative social influence, whereas
minorities often cause private acceptance because of informational social influence.
NOTES: _____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
V. Strategies for Using Social Influence

How can people use their knowledge of social influence to influence others?
• People who saw that their Facebook friends had voted were more likely to vote themselves
(Bond et al., 2012).

316
A. The Role of Injunctive and Descriptive Norms
• Cialdini, Reno, and Kallgren have developed a model of normative conduct where
social norms (the rules society has for acceptable beliefs, values, and behaviors) can be
used to subtly induce people to conform to correct, socially approved behavior.
• Injunctive norms are people’s perception of what behaviors are approved or
disapproved of by others; descriptive norms are people’s perceptions of how people
actually behave in given situations, regardless of whether the behavior is approved of
or disapproved of by others.
• In one study (Reno et al., 1993), participants were exposed either to a confederate
walking by (the control group), a confederate walking by and dropping an empty fast-
food bag (descriptive norm condition), or a confederate picking up a littered fast-food
bag (injunctive norm condition). This occurred in either a heavily littered or a clean
and unlittered parking lot. When participants came to their cars, they found a large
handbill slipped onto the windshield. Results indicated that 37 to 38% of the control
group littered, regardless of how clean the parking lot was. In the descriptive norm
condition, littering was reduced in the clean lot condition, where the confederate’s
behavior served to remind people of the prevailing norm for cleanliness displayed by
the clean lot, but it was not reduced in the littered lot condition, where the
confederate’s behavior reinforced the idea displayed by the dirty lot that it was okay to
litter. Finally, participants in the injunctive norm condition littered least of all,
regardless of the condition of the parking lot (see Figure 8.5).
• The researchers concluded that injunctive norms are more powerful than descriptive
norms in producing desired behavior. They also noted that norms are always present
but not always salient; some aspect of the situation (in this case, the confederate’s
behavior) needs to draw people’s attention to the norm so that they think about it.
Thus, information that communicates injunctive social norms—what society approves
and disapproves of—needs to be present to create positive behavior change.
B. Using Norms to Change Behavior: Beware the “Boomerang Effect”

• Researchers have attempted to use descriptive norms to get people to change
undesirable behaviors such as excessive drinking and using too much electricity
(Perkins, Haines, & Rice, 2005; Schultz et al., 2007, Wechsler et al., 2003). However,
presenting participants with descrptive norms backfired for participants that were
drinking less than their peers and those who were already conserving electricity. These
participants increased their drinking and electricity use. To avoid this “boomerang
effect,” research can include injunctive norms, giving positive feedback to those who
are already engaging in positive behavior. This prevents the boomerang effect that
results from relying on descriptive norms.
C. Other Tactics of Social Influence
• When asked to put up a big ugly lawn sign promoting safe driving, only 17% of people
said yes (Freedman & Fraser, 1966). However, when asked after agreeing to put a
small sign in their window, 76% said yes. This demonstrates the foot-in-the-door
technique, people are more likely to agree to a large request when is is preceded by a
smaller one. This is because they have already been helpful so to change their behavior
would cause dissonance.

317
• Making a large request and then a small request, door-in-the-face, is also an effective
technique. Participants asked to make a long-term volunteer commitment before being
asked to take children to the zoo were much more likely to say yes (50%) than those
who were just asked to take children to the zoo (17%; Cialdini et al., 1975). Door-in-
the-face begins with a large request. After people say no, they are presented with a
smaller request. The second request seems relatively small and the asker has lowered
their demands so the person being asked feels compelled to say yes.
• An extreme tactic of social influence is propaganda, a deliberate, systematic attempt
to advance a cause by manipulating mass attitudes and behaviors, often through
misleading or emotionally charged information. For example, Hitler created an
elaborate system of propaganda based on hatred of the Jews, a need for German racial
purity, and the desire for more space.
NOTES: _____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
VI. Obedience to Authority

• Philosopher Hannah Arendt (1965) argued that the atrocities of the Holocaust occurred not
because the participants were psychopaths but because they were ordinary people bowing
to extraordinary social pressures.
• Milgram (1964, 1974, 1976) examined the power of obedience to authority in social
psychology’s most famous laboratory experiment. Participants believed they were in a
study on the effects of punishment on learning; they were assigned the role of the teacher
and their partner (actually a confederate of the experiment) was assigned the role of the
learner. The teacher was assigned to punish the learner for every mistake in a paired
associates task by delivering an electric shock. Each mistake is to receive a progressively
higher level of shock. The learner protests, but the experimenter insists that the experiment
must continue (Figure 8.6). Milgram found that 62.5% of the participants gave the full 450
volt “Danger XXX” shock and that 80% continued past the learner’s announcement that he
had a heart condition and refused further participation.
• College students, middle-class adults, and professional scientists asked to estimate
beforehand the degree of obedience estimated that only 1% of the participants would go all
the way.
A. The Role of Normative Social Influence

• A variation on the Milgram experiment demonstrates the role of normative influence
(Figure 8.7). Significantly less compliance was demonstrated if two other “teachers”
refused to continue.
B. The Role of Informational Social Influence

• Other variations on the experiment (Figure 8.9) demonstrate the role of informational
influence due to how confusing the situation was. Significantly less compliance was

318
demonstrated if (a) the orders to continue came from another “teacher” rather than
from the experimenter; or (b) two experimenters disagreed about whether the
experiment should be continued.
C. Other Reasons Why We Obey

1. Conforming to the Wrong Norm
• Another factor influencing obedience in situations such as the Milgram experiment
and the My Lai massacre are mindlessness and the foot-in-the-door phenomenon:
mindlessness leads to initial compliance, and initial compliance begets subsequent
compliance. In the Milgram experiment, this was abetted by the quick pace of the
experiment and the fact that the shock increased in very small doses.
2. Self-Justification
• Additionally, dissonance reduction played a factor: each increase in shock led to
dissonance, and each rationalization of this dissonance provided the basis for
escalating the shock a bit further.
3. The Loss of Personal Responsibility
• Participants believed that the experimenter was the authority figure and that he was
responsible for the end results while they were “just following orders.”
• Research by Osofsky, Bandura, and Zimbardo (2005) found that guards who
carried out capital punishments showed much more “moral disengagement” from
their jobs than did guards who did not carry out executions.
D. The Obedience Studies, Then and Now

• Milgram’s studies have been replicated. They have also been highly criticized on ethical
grounds. Researchers did not get informed consent from the participants, they deceived
them, they caused them psychological harm, and it was not made clear to participants that
they could end their participation in the study if they wished to. Finally, participants may
have been forced to learn disturbing things about their own behaviors and may not have
been properly debriefed.
• New ethical guidelines meant that decades passed without further replication of Milgram’s
studies. In 2006, Burger modified Milgram’s procedure to make it more ethical by
lowering the maximum possible shock, making it clear to participants that they could end
the study at any time, and only including participants who were at low risk of
psychological harm. Burger (2009) found levels of obedience comparable to those found
in Milgram’s studies.
1. It’s Not About Aggression
• Is a universal aggressive urge a factor in obedience to cruel authority? A variation of
the Milgram experiment gave subjects permission to choose their own level of shock;
they were told that information about all levels was informative to make them feel free
to choose whichever level they desired. Most participants gave very mild shocks; only
2.5% gave the highest level (Figure 8.7).
• In sum, social pressures can combine in insidious ways to make humane people act
inhumanely. And evil is often bureaucratic and impersonal rather than direct and
intentional.

319
NOTES: _____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________

320
KEY TERMS
• Conformity: (pg. 230) A change in one’s behavior due to the real or imagined influence of
other people
• Informational Social Influence: (pg. 231) The influence of other people that leads us to
conform because we see them as a source of information to guide our behavior; we conform
because we believe that others’ interpretation of an ambiguous situation is more correct than
ours and will help us choose an appropriate course of action
• Private Acceptance: (pg. 232) Conforming to other people’s behavior out of a genuine belief
that what they are doing or saying is right
• Public Compliance: (pg. 232) Conforming to other people’s behavior publicly without
necessarily believing in what we are doing or saying
• Social Norms: (pg. 237) The implicit or explicit rules a group has for the acceptable
behaviors, values, and beliefs of its members
• Normative Social Influence: (pg. 238) Going along with what other people do in order to be
liked and accepted by them; we publicly conform with the group’s beliefs and behaviors but
do not always privately accept them
• Social Impact Theory: (pg. 244) The idea that conforming to social influence depends on the
strength of the group’s importance, its immediacy, and the number of people in the group
• Idiosyncrasy Credits: (pg. 245) The tolerance a person earns, over time, by conforming to
group norms; if enough idiosyncrasy credits are earned, the person can, on occasion, behave
deviantly without retribution from the group
• Minority Influence: (pg. 248) The case where a minority of group members influences the
behavior or beliefs of the majority
• Injunctive Norms: (pg. 250) People’s perceptions of what behaviors are approved or
disapproved of by others
• Descriptive Norms: (pg. 250) People’s perceptions of how people actually behave in given
situations, regardless of whether the behavior is approved or disapproved of by others
• Foot-in-the-Door Technique: (pg. 254) Social influence strategy in which getting people to
agree first to a small request makes them more likely to agree later to a second, larger request
• Door-in-the-Face Technique: (pg. 254) Social influence strategy in which first asking people
for a large request that they will probably refuse makes them more likely to agree later to a
second, smaller request
• Propaganda: (pg. 254) A deliberate, systematic attempt to advance a cause by manipulating
mass attitudes and behaviors, often through misleading or emotionally charged information

321
CRITICAL THINKING AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
• Describe an incident in which you conformed to group norms due to normative influence and
one in which you conformed to group norms due to informational influence. Are there any
generalizations that can be made about the kinds of examples provided by the class? For
example, is informational influence more likely to occur with respect to facts and normative
with respect to issues of preferences? Relate students’ examples to the text’s summaries on
when people conform to informational vs. normative influence.
• What kinds of norms for appearance (e.g., dress and hairstyle) dominated in your high school?
What was the reaction toward people who violated these norms?
• Provide some examples of situations in which conformity could prove to be either beneficial
or harmful.
• Lead a discussion on sexual pressures on college students. Also incorporate pressures to use
drugs and alcohol. Use the materials at the end of the chapter to explain the best strategies to
“Just Say No.” Explain the tremendous power of social pressure. As an example, ask the
students to think of the most trouble they have ever gotten into. Then ask how many were
alone at the time. Most will have been in a group. Use this discussion as a lead-in for a lecture
on resisting compliance. What factors influence whether you will use someone else’s behavior
as your own guide in an ambiguous situation? For example, you are at a chicken dinner and
need to figure out whether it is OK to eat with your hands. You walk into a parking lot and
find your car’s windshield plastered with flyers; no trash can is available, and you are trying to
decide whether to toss the flyers on the ground or not. An alarm rings and you are trying to
decide whether or not it signals a real emergency. Can you design an experiment to test
whether or not your hypothesized factor is indeed influential?
• Compare and contrast conformity and obedience.
• Provide a personal example of an event in which you were influenced by a minority opinion or
action.
• Compare and contrast the processes by which majorities and minorities influence others to do
their bidding.
• Provide a personal example of a situation where you have been able to act deviantly from the
group without consequence because of “idiosyncrasy credits” you’d earned.
• What do you think you would have done if you had been a subject (a “teacher”) in Milgram’s
original shock/obedience study?
• What do you think about the ethics of the Milgram obedience study: was the knowledge
gained worth the stress on participants or was the stress more than should be induced in a
laboratory for the understanding of social processes? You might use the following quotes to

322
illustrate both sides of the debate:
 “. . . the discomfort caused the victim is momentary, while the scientific gains resulting
from the experiment are enduring.” (Milgram, as cited in Baumrind, p. 422).
 “It is important that, as research psychologists, we protect our ethical responsibilities
rather than adapt our personal standards to include as appropriate the kind of indignities to
which Milgram’s subjects were exposed.” (Baumrind, p. 423)
• Ask your students to consider how they have conformed since arriving to the campus on the
first day. Have them consider music tastes/favorite artists, dress, hairstyle, verbal expressions,
cafeteria behavior, etc.

323
AUTOGRADED WRITING ACTIVITIES IN MYPSYCHLAB AND REVEL
Conformity
MyLabs MyPsychLab, MyDevelopmentLab

Group
Prompt Code ARONSONch08_01
Provide a
unique
identifier
Prompt Type Expository Descriptive Narrative Persuasive
Check x
appropriate
type
Assessment Student Understanding, Critical Thinking, Writing Quality
Goals
Briefly
summarize and
describe the
assessment
goals for this
prompt (e.g.,
Student
Understanding,
Critical
Thinking,
Integrating
Concepts,
Writing
Quality, Other)
Instructor n/a
Requirements
Prompt In your own life, in what ways are you a conformist? What about a non-conformist?
What circumstances have rendered you personally to be more versus less likely to
conform with others in the past? Are your answers to these questions different
depending on whether we’re talking about informational versus normative social
influence?
Length of Minimum Maximum Expected (Avg.) Comments
Response
(in words)

324
Planned Scoring
Trait 1 Trait 2 Trait 3 Trait 4 Trait 5
Trait Holistic Focus &
Name Ideas Organization Conventions Voice Coherence
Score Weighted
Points Average 40% 10% 10% 20% 20%
Trait 1 Rubric: Ideas

Specific Trait
Score Point Description of Student Response
• Response features well-developed thesis with robust supporting evidence of
conformity.
4
• Strong consideration and argumentation of conformity.
• Excellent, perceptive analysis of conformity.
• Response features thesis with some supporting details describing conformity.
3 • Sufficient, thoughtful consideration and argumentation of conformity.
• Fairly comprehensive analysis of conformity.
• Response features broad, loosely defined interaction or event with limited
supporting details describing conformity.
2
• Minimal consideration and argumentation of conformity.
• Weak concluding analysis of conformity.
• Response features poorly defined interaction or event with no supporting
details describing conformity.
1
• No consideration and argumentation of conformity.
• Lack of concluding analysis of conformity.
Trait 2 Rubric: Organization

• Organization is effective and demonstrates a logical flow of ideas within the
response.
4 • Transitions effectively connect concepts.
• May contain an effective introduction and/or conclusion.
• Organization is clear and appropriate.
3 • Transitions appropriately connect concepts.
• May contain an appropriate introduction and/or conclusion.
• Organization is skeletal or otherwise limited, which may impede the reader’s
ability to follow the response.
2 • Some simple or basic transitions are used but may be inappropriate or
ineffective.
• May contain a minimal introduction and/or conclusion.

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• Response lacks a clear plan.
1 • Transitions are lacking or do not link ideas.
• Both the introduction and conclusion are minimal and/or absent.
Trait 3 Rubric: Conventions

• Demonstrates sophistication and skill with a wide variety of conventions.
• May contain minor editing errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation, or
4
sentence construction.
• Errors do not interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Demonstrates adequate control over a variety of conventions.
• Response may contain some errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation, and/or
3
• Most errors do not interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Although basic conventions may be mostly controlled, overall the response
demonstrates inconsistent control over conventions.
• May not use a variety of conventions, OR may only use basic conventions.
2
• May contain a substantial number of errors in grammar, spelling,
punctuation, and/or sentence construction.
• Some errors interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Demonstrates a lack of control over basic conventions.
• May contain a large number of errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation,
1 and/or sentence structure OR the errors are severe.
• Errors interfere with the reader’s understanding OR the response is minimal
and has a density of errors.
Trait 4 Rubric: Voice

• Voice is appropriately authoritative, indicating a high level of comfort with
the material.
4
• Words are precise and well-chosen.
• Sentences are varied and have a natural fluidity.
• Voice is appropriate and clear.
3 • Words are appropriate to the subject matter.
• Sentences are appropriate and varied, making the response easy to read.
• Voice may be artificial or uneven.
• Word choice, overall, may be appropriate for the subject matter, but original
2 writing may indicate a limited vocabulary range.
• Sentences may be choppy, rambling, or repetitive in a way that limits
fluency.
• Voice may be lacking or inappropriate.
• Original writing may be simplistic, vague, inappropriate, or incorrect.
1 • Sentences may be limited in variety or may comprise awkward fragments or
run-ons that produce a halting voice.

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Trait 5 Rubric: Focus & Coherence
Specific Trait
• Response persuasively justifies its conclusions through logic and examples.
4 • References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. effectively
demonstrate a strong command of the relevant concepts in communication.
• Response justifies its conclusions through some combination of logic and
examples.
3
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. effectively
demonstrate a good command of the relevant concepts in psychology.
• Response provides some justification for its conclusions. Some combination
of logic and examples are present but are inconsistent or somewhat
2 ineffective.
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. demonstrate only a
partial understanding of the relevant concepts in psychology.
• Response provides no significant justification for its conclusions. Logic and
examples are absent, inconsistent, and/or ineffective.
1
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. demonstrate no more
than a weak grasp of the relevant concepts in psychology.
Cognitive Dissonance and Conformity
MyLabs MyPsychLab, MyDevelopmentLab

Group
Prompt Code ARONSONch08_02
Provide a
unique
identifier
Prompt Type Expository Descriptive Narrative Persuasive
Check x
appropriate
type
Assessment Student Understanding, Critical Thinking, Writing Quality
Goals
Briefly
summarize and
describe the
assessment
goals for this
prompt (e.g.,
Student
Understanding,
Critical
Thinking,

327
Integrating
Concepts,
Writing
Quality, Other)
Instructor n/a
Requirements
Prompt In Chapter 6, we discussed the need to justify our actions, with a particular focus on
cognitive dissonance theory. How does cognitive dissonance relate to the topics covered
in this chapter? How is dissonance (and the more general need to justify our own
actions) relevant to basic conformity? To specific strategies of social influence like foot-
in-the-door or propaganda? To obedience to authority and the Milgram studies?
Length of Minimum Maximum Expected (Avg.) Comments
Response
(in words)
Planned Scoring
Trait 1 Trait 2 Trait 3 Trait 4 Trait 5
Trait Holistic Focus &
Name Ideas Organization Conventions Voice Coherence
Score Weighted
Points Average 40% 10% 10% 20% 20%
Trait 1 Rubric: Ideas

Specific Trait
• Response features well-developed thesis with robust supporting evidence of
cognitive dissonance and its relationship with conformity.
• Strong consideration and argumentation of cognitive dissonance and its
4
relationship with conformity.
• Excellent, perceptive analysis of cognitive dissonance and its relationship
with conformity.
• Response features thesis with some supporting details describing cognitive
dissonance and its relationship with conformity.
• Sufficient, thoughtful consideration and argumentation of cognitive
3
dissonance and its relationship with conformity.
• Fairly comprehensive analysis of cognitive dissonance and its relationship
with conformity.
• Response features broad, loosely defined interaction or event with limited
supporting details describing cognitive dissonance and its relationship with
conformity.
2 • Minimal consideration and argumentation of cognitive dissonance and its
• Weak concluding analysis of cognitive dissonance and its relationship with
conformity.

328
• Response features poorly defined interaction or event with no supporting
details describing cognitive dissonance and its relationship with conformity.
• No consideration and argumentation of cognitive dissonance and its
1
• Lack of concluding analysis of cognitive dissonance and its relationship with
conformity.
Trait 2 Rubric: Organization

• Organization is effective and demonstrates a logical flow of ideas within the
response.
4
• Transitions effectively connect concepts.
• May contain an effective introduction and/or conclusion.
• Organization is clear and appropriate.
3 • Transitions appropriately connect concepts.
• May contain an appropriate introduction and/or conclusion.
• Organization is skeletal or otherwise limited, which may impede the reader’s
ability to follow the response.
2 • Some simple or basic transitions are used but may be inappropriate or
ineffective.
• May contain a minimal introduction and/or conclusion.
• Response lacks a clear plan.
1 • Transitions are lacking or do not link ideas.
• Both the introduction and conclusion are minimal and/or absent.
Trait 3 Rubric: Conventions

• Demonstrates sophistication and skill with a wide variety of conventions.
• May contain minor editing errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation, or
4
• Errors do not interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Demonstrates adequate control over a variety of conventions.
• Response may contain some errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation, and/or
3
• Most errors do not interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Although basic conventions may be mostly controlled, overall the response
demonstrates inconsistent control over conventions.
• May not use a variety of conventions, OR may only use basic conventions.
2
• May contain a substantial number of errors in grammar, spelling,
punctuation, and/or sentence construction.
• Some errors interfere with the reader’s understanding.
• Demonstrates a lack of control over basic conventions.
1
• May contain a large number of errors in grammar, spelling, punctuation,

329
and/or sentence structure OR the errors are severe.
• Errors interfere with the reader’s understanding OR the response is minimal
and has a density of errors.
Trait 4 Rubric: Voice

• Voice is appropriately authoritative, indicating a high level of comfort with
the material.
4
• Words are precise and well-chosen.
• Sentences are varied and have a natural fluidity.
• Voice is appropriate and clear.
3 • Words are appropriate to the subject matter.
• Sentences are appropriate and varied, making the response easy to read.
• Voice may be artificial or uneven.
• Word choice, overall, may be appropriate for the subject matter, but original
2 writing may indicate a limited vocabulary range.
• Sentences may be choppy, rambling, or repetitive in a way that limits
fluency.
• Voice may be lacking or inappropriate.
• Original writing may be simplistic, vague, inappropriate, or incorrect.
1
• Sentences may be limited in variety or may comprise awkward fragments or
run-ons that produce a halting voice.
Trait 5 Rubric: Focus & Coherence

Specific Trait
• Response persuasively justifies its conclusions through logic and examples.
4 • References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. effectively
demonstrate a strong command of the relevant concepts in communication.
• Response justifies its conclusions through some combination of logic and
examples.
3
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. effectively
demonstrate a good command of the relevant concepts in psychology.
• Response provides some justification for its conclusions. Some combination
of logic and examples are present but are inconsistent or somewhat
2 ineffective.
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. demonstrate only a
partial understanding of the relevant concepts in psychology.
• Response provides no significant justification for its conclusions. Logic and
examples are absent, inconsistent, and/or ineffective.
1
• References to people, events, places, relationships, etc. demonstrate no more
than a weak grasp of the relevant concepts in psychology.

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IN-CLASS EXERCISES AND QUICK ASSESSMENTS
Exercise 8–1
Personal Examples of Conforming
Ask students at the beginning of class to take out a piece of paper and, without putting their name
on the paper, describe a time that they changed their behavior because of the real or imagined
pressure from others. Collect these and read several to the class. Many students write about when
they were adolescents and began drinking alcohol or smoking cigarettes because of peer pressure.
Others write about conformity pressures in the clothes they wear or the music they buy. Some of
the vignettes have been quite amusing, such as when one student wrote: “I had no real desire to
write a paragraph; but because a lot of people seemed to be writing, I felt the need to write
something too. This is my example of conformity.” Some are frightening, such as students who
describe drug abuse and sexual behavior that, they claim, was due to peer pressure. These
vignettes are always an excellent springboard for a discussion of the difference between the
informational and normative function of conformity. Most of the examples students describe are
examples of normative conformity in which they publicly complied but did not privately accept
what they were doing. Sometimes people describe behaviors that started out as conformity for
normative reasons, but which, after repeated action, became internalized. For example, one
student wrote, “When I first came to college, I didn’t like beer at all and I never drank it. I went to
a party the first night I was here, and, of course, everybody was drinking. I didn’t really want to
drink, but I did because everybody was. Now, I love beer, so I guess conformity can be a good
thing!” Invariably, this activity generates an interesting discussion of conformity pressures in the
lives of students. (Suggested by Tim Wilson.)
Exercise 8–2
Group Cohesiveness and Conformity
Time to Complete: 20–25 minutes; In-class
Ahead of Time: A class or two in advance, distribute Handout 8.2: Group Questionnaire and ask
students to complete it (10 minutes). If possible, use optical scanning sheets for students to record
their answers. This process greatly facilitates data entry. Collect the questionnaires and perform
the data analyses. The first six items comprise a cohesiveness measure derived from Cartwright
(1968); they should be summed or averaged to yield a cohesiveness score. Items 7 and 8 assess
informational and normative influence. Items 9 and 10 assess conformity from both compliance
and acceptance perspectives. Compute correlations between group cohesiveness and items 7
through 10.
In Class: Present the results of the data analysis to the class (10 minutes).
Lead a class discussion on the positive and negative implications of group cohesiveness and
conformity (10–15 minutes).

331
Discussion: This exercise ties together several themes running through Chapter 8 and gives
students an opportunity to consider how they are influenced by groups in their own lives. The
emphasis on groups also makes a good lead-in to Chapter 9. A key concept for the students is the
differentiation between normative social influence (to gain acceptance and approval from others)
and informational social influence (changing one’s behavior to be more accurate or correct).
Cohesive groups tend to reject people who deviate from the group’s normative standards; thus
normative social influence should be especially important in cohesive groups. Rejection or
ridicule (even mild forms thereof) can be especially potent in cohesive groups. Cohesive groups
are more likely to agree upon a common goal (Schachter et al., 1951). Uniformity is important in
cohesive groups; thus cohesive groups typically exert more conformity pressure (both for behavior
and opinion) than less cohesive groups (e.g., Lott & Lott, 1961). Finally, groupthink, which is a
particularly insidious tendency to seek concurrence, is more common in cohesive groups.

332
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
Social Psychology Course Number and Section: _____________________
HANDOUT 8.2: GROUP QUESTIONNAIRE

Directions: Select a group to which you currently (such as a fraternity/sorority, campus
organization, church group, etc.) or recently belonged:
Write its name here: ___________________
Please answer the following questions about this group:
1. To what extent do you want to remain a member of your group?

Not at all 1 2 3 4 5 Very much
2. If several members of your group decided to quit, so that it seemed that this group might
discontinue, would you like a chance to persuade others to stay?
3. To what extent do you feel your group is better than others at sticking together?
4. How often do you participate in activities or meetings of your group?
Never Occasionally Frequently Always
1 2 3 4
5. How strong of a sense of belonging do you feel you have to the people in your group?
Not at all 1 2 3 4 5 Very strong
6. On the whole, how much do you like your group?
7. How much information does the group provide to you?
Not at all 1 2 3 4 5 A great deal
8. How much do other members of the group accept you or approve of you?
9. How much influence does this group have upon your behavior?
10. How much influence does this group have upon the way you think?

333
Exercise 8–2
Transparency Master
AVERAGE COHESIVENESS SCORE (sum or M of items 1–6):

__________
FREQUENCIES:
1. How much information does the group provide to you?
2. How much do other members of the group accept you or approve of

you?
3. How much influence does this group have upon your behavior?
4. How much influence does this group have upon the way you think?

334
Exercise 8–3
Conformity Demonstration
Without giving any hint as to your intentions, ask for four volunteers from the class. (If people
ask, you can tell them that the volunteers will not be hurt or offended in any way, but that’s all
you can say.) If nobody volunteers, you can select them or, if class participation is a factor in your
grading, remind them of that fact. Ask the four people to leave the room for a minute and make
sure they are out of earshot. Tell everybody that you are testing the way people react when they
enter different situations and that you will need their cooperation. Will they conform to these
situations or deviate from them?
Ask everyone to remain seated and tell the first person to enter the room and go to his or her
seat. He or she will probably sit down because everybody else is sitting down. Tell students to
make a note of this person’s reactions and actions. Then ask everybody to stand up, and tell the
second person to enter the room and go to his or her seat. (He or she may sit down but will
probably remain standing.) Again, tell students to make a note of this person’s response. Next, ask
students to sit on the floor in front of their seats (or on the table, depending on the classroom set-
up). Ask the third person to enter the room and go to his or her seat. (This person may or may not
conform to the rest of the group’s behavior.) Again, tell students to make note of the person’s
response. Finally ask students to lie down on the floor (or to sit on the floor under the table). Tell
the fourth person to enter the room and go to his or her seat. Chances are, this person will NOT
get down on the floor with everyone else. The class, once again, should note this behavior.
One by one, ask the student volunteers to tell the class why they behaved the way they did
when they entered the room. (Make sure the second, third, and fourth volunteers understand what
happened before they entered.) Most likely those who conformed did so because they viewed the
behavior as relatively “normal” and didn’t want to stand out. Those who deviated probably did so
because they felt uncomfortable following the “deviant” conduct of the class.
Briefly discuss the reasons why people may choose to deviate from or conform to norms. If
conversation seems forced, ask them what they would do if they visited a foreign country and
attended a feast where people ate rats. The idea of eating rats disgusts them, but would they insult
their hosts by turning down this delicacy? (25 minutes)
This exercise was developed by Joan Spade (Sociology/Anthropology Department, Lehigh
University).
Another alternative, suggested by Paul van Cleef, is to get to class early when only a few
students are present and ask if they would like to participate in a little experiment. Tell them to
take their seats and turn them around so they would be facing the direction opposite that of all the
remaining chairs. Tell them that as their classmates come in, they are to say nothing, except when
asked, “What’s going on?” to reply that they were told to do this by their psychology professor.
Students generally will turn their chairs around to conform with the rest of their classmates
until the entire class will be filled with students facing the back wall waiting for class to begin.

335
Exercise 8–4
Informational Influences
Time to Complete: 5–10 minutes; In-class
Ahead of Time: You will need to prepare some ambiguous stimuli. This demonstration works
better if you use different stimuli for each condition of the experiment. One ambiguous stimulus is
a time interval, so you will need a watch with a second hand. Another ambiguous stimulus could
be a jar filled with beans, candies, or coins, or a slide with lots of dots on it.
In Class: Tell students you are going to have them make some estimations. For the first task, have
students write down their estimates on a piece of paper. Tell them you are going to have them
estimate how long a time interval is. Tell them to estimate the amount of time from when you say
“go” to when you say “stop.” Use an interval of between 40 seconds and a minute or so. Then for
the second task, ask students to estimate the number of beans or dots, but this time, making their
estimates aloud. Record their answers—you can write them or plot them on the board or an
overhead. Then go back and ask them to read aloud their estimates for the first task and record
these. There is likely to be considerably more variability in estimates for the first estimates than
the second, thus providing a conceptual replication of the Sherif study. (You may use time
estimations for both the first and second tasks. Ask students to record their estimates for the first
task on paper and submit them to you. Have them report the second estimate aloud. See also the
section on Classroom Response System Rationale for another technique for this demonstration.)
Discussion: You can use this demonstration as a lead-in to a lecture on the Sherif study and
informational influence. Be sure to emphasize that it is important in normative influence that the
stimulus is ambiguous. Of course, normative influence may play a role here as well. If any
students made estimates that were outliers, particularly during the public task, you can ask them
what was going on in their minds when they made the estimate…did they feel uncomfortable?
Were they intentionally trying not to conform?
Source: Suggested by the work of Montgomery and Enzie (1971, “Social influence and the
estimation of time,” Psychonomic Science, 22, 77–78).
QUICK ASSESSMENT: To assess students’ understanding of this demonstration and normative

and informational social influence, have them complete Handout 8.4.

336
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
HANDOUT 8.4: QUICK ASSESSMENT—NORMATIVE AND

INFORMATIONAL SOCIAL INFLUENCE
Directions: In this assessment, you will demonstrate your knowledge of normative and
informational social influence and analyze the results of our in-class demonstration. Please answer
the following questions and explain your answers in detail.
1. Describe and explain normative social influence in your own words.

_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
2. Describe and explain informational social influence in your own words.

_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
3. Describe the results of our in-class demonstration. Are they an example of informational or
normative social influence? Explain your answer in full.
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________

337
Exercise 8–5
The Milgram Experiment
This is an activity to do before students have had a chance to read about the Milgram experiment.
Either show students a clip from the Obedience film or describe the experiment, making sure that
the overall results are not presented. Distribute copies of the handout to the class and ask them to
make estimates of how they would behave and how they think the real subjects behaved. You can
either collect the handouts and make a tally or let students report their answers by show of hands
to display on the transparency master. You will find that virtually everyone will underestimate the
percentage of subjects who complied, and your students will display the self-serving bias by
estimating that they would be less likely than the average college student to obey. Since the
Milgram experiment is featured in most introductory psychology texts, you might find it useful to
ask students to indicate whether they have heard about the experiment before, since those who
have heard about the experiment previously will make higher estimates.

338
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
HANDOUT 8.5: MILGRAM STUDY PREDICTIONS

Part One Directions: Using the scale that follows, rate the extent to which you agree or disagree
with each statement by circling the appropriate number.
VOLTAGE INTENSITY
15 30 45 60 75 90 105 120 135 150 165 180 195 210 225 240 255 270 285 300 315 330 345 360 375 390 405 420 435 450
Slight Moderate Strong Very Strong Intense Extreme Danger: XXX
Shock Shock Shock Shock Shock Intensity Shock Severe Shock
The above depicts all of the levels of shocks that were presented to “Teachers” on a panel in the
Milgram experiment, which your instructor has described or shown to you.
(1) At what shock level would you disobey? __________________
(2) At what shock level would the average participant disobey? __________________
(3) What percentage of subjects in the Milgram experiment (who were businessmen in the 1960s
and early 1970s) do you think continued all the way to the 450-volt level? ________________
(4) Have you seen or heard about the Milgram experiment previously? Yes No

339
Exercise 8–5
The Milgram Experiment Transparency Master
# who said they would stop at: # in Milgram’s experiment
less than 75 volts __________ 0

75–134 volts __________ 0
135–194 volts __________ 0
195–244 volts __________ 0
245–314 volts __________ 5 (12.5%)
315–374 volts __________ 8 (20.0%)
375–424 volts __________ 1 (2.5%)
425–450 volts __________ 26 (65.0%)
# who rated self as more likely than average to go all the way ____________
# who rated self just as likely as average to go all the way ____________
# who rated self less likely than average to go all the way ____________

340
Exercise 8–6
Obedience to Authority
Time to Complete: 20 minutes; In-class
Ahead of Time: Accompanying this exercise are two pages filled with semi-random letters. Make
enough copies for each student. Also make about five copies of the “Debriefing” handout.
In Class: Distribute the “letters” pages. With a stern and professorial manner, you should tell the
class, “I want you to circle every consonant on the first page. Be as accurate as possible. Begin as
soon as you are ready. Put your pen or pencil down quietly when you have finished.” Be sure to
give NO reason why they should obey. You may want to glance at your watch from time to time
as they complete the page (3–5 minutes).
Now tell students to crumple the page they just finished into a ball. Tell them to throw the
crumpled paper onto the floor (an antisocial act!) (1 minute).
For the second page, tell students to circle every vowel. Follow exactly the same procedure,
having them crumple and throw the paper on the floor (5 minutes).
At some point, a student will ask why he or she should obey or why the class is performing
these meaningless acts. Ask this student to step outside the room and into the hall with you. Give
him/her a copy of the “Debriefing Handout.” Return to the classroom alone. Continue the exercise
until about five students have questioned authority or until all the pages are completed (5–10
minutes).
Ask any dissenting students to return from the hall. Debrief the class about the purpose of the
exercise and ask the dissenter(s) to report how they felt about obeying, questioning authority, and
being removed from the classroom.
Lead a short discussion about the powerful effects of authority. You may want to ask students
what they were thinking about during the exercise. The exercise provides an excellent introduction
into a lecture about Milgram’s work on obedience (10 minutes).
To complete the exercise, ask for one more act of obedience: picking up and disposing of the
papers on the floor!
Discussion: This exercise is a modification of a procedure used by Orne (1962) to illustrate the
almost incredible degree to which subjects were willing to obey an experimenter. He gave his
subjects almost 2000 pages of random numbers and instructed them to add each two adjacent
numbers. Almost no one was willing to stop this task even after five hours (the experimenter gave
up!). Even when subjects were told to tear their completed pages into “a minimum of 32 pieces,”
throw them into a waste basket and begin again, few were willing to discontinue. Although Orne’s
study is not usually discussed as an example of obedience, it clearly illustrates the tremendous
degree of behavior control an authority figure can exert.
Of course, the most famous studies of obedience were those of Milgram. Many students are
already familiar with the basic description of Milgram’s work, but it still makes compelling
lecture and/or discussion material. You may also want to discuss how this exercise illustrates
legitimate power which is derived from a role or position. Those who have legitimate power do
not have to justify their actions. French and Raven (1959) saw legitimate power as being very
complex. They perceived it as being granted to the influencer by the person being influenced (P).
That is, legitimate power is P’s perception that the influencer has the right to tell him or her what

341
to do. French and Raven saw legitimate power as being a function of P’s internalization of the
norms and laws of society.

342
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
HANDOUT 8.6a: PART ONE OF TWO

Directions: Please wait for my instructions.
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uipedwxcvqwsdvfrebrhueasxz
saafbextybahseimprtxgfkimtf
ewvmlpsactrhankgtvw

343
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
HANDOUT 8.6b: PART TWO OF TWO

Directions: Please wait for my instructions.
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dcwsdetuirabdwsjhtyqklcxzaq
wertyuiohfdjksxcvbnlkahwvqj
tabcdekabcekqlpudcsfszxbyiu
efdtabcdekabceabuqwxvsqegc
sbdqwsaxbjeygytwnmkqsacxzv
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344
Exercise 8–7
Debriefing
This exercise deals with the powerful ability of an authority (in this case, your professor) to affect
your behavior.
The professor told you and the rest of the class to perform meaningless actions and gave no
reason why you should do so. You were one of the first to question authority.
Please remain where you are until the professor asks you to return to the classroom. The
professor may ask you to give a short report to the class about how you felt about obeying,
questioning authority, and being removed from the classroom.
Exercise 8–8
Creating Conformity
On the day prior to your first discussion of obedience, ask students to bring an empty soda can to
class. If you plan ahead, you can even include such instructions on your syllabus. After presenting
the Milgram study, ask students who brought a can to class to place the can in their left hand.
Then ask students to raise their right hand if they are absolutely certain that under the same
conditions as the Milgram study, they would not shock the learner at the highest 450-volt level.
Then ask students to hold up their left hand. After a pause, ask students who have cans in their
hands why they are holding empty soda cans. When one student says something like, “You told us
to bring them,” pause again to let students make the connection between the Milgram study and
their own behavior. Students may protest that there is no similarity between bringing a can and
shocking another person, but you can use this as a way to launch discussion.
Source: Snyder, C. R. (2003). “‘Me conform? No way’: Classroom demonstrations for sensitizing
students to their conformity,” Teaching of Psychology, 30, 59–61.

345
INTEGRATING “TRY IT” ACTIVE LEARNING EXERCISES
Exercise 8–9
Unveiling Normative Social Influence by Breaking the Rules
Students are asked on page 244 to break a social norm about personal space by either standing too
close or too far away from someone while they are having a conversation. You could either have
students complete this exercise outside of class and systematically observe the reactions of the
person that they talk to. Or you could have students pair off in class and have a brief discussion,
giving half of the students secret instructions to get really close to their partner. Then you could
observe the students’ reactions and have everyone discuss how they felt and how this
demonstrates the subtletly of social norms as well as their importance in making us feel
comfortable during social interactions. An additional activity involving breaking norms is listed in
Exercise 8–11.

346
STUDENT PROJECTS AND RESEARCH ASSIGNMENTS
Exercise 8–11
Norm Violation
One way to study the power of social norms in governing our behavior is to violate a norm. Have
students do this project in pairs or possibly trios. Each group should decide on a norm to break;
examples might be: singing in a restaurant, applauding a professor’s lecture or at a movie, wearing
pajamas to class, walking around with a grocery sack mask over one’s head, playing an iPod
loudly next to people who are studying. Each group should have its members (singly or in pairs,
for some kinds of violations) take turns violating the norm; the other person in this case should be
an observer. Each group should perform six norm violations and should record information about
the demographics of the participants and their verbal and nonverbal reactions. If appropriate (for
example, when playing the iPod in the library), apologies should be issued to people who are
disturbed. Students should report this information, as well as recording their own subjective
responses to violating the norms, in an oral report or short paper. More complex versions of the
project could add control conditions and manipulate variables such as the apparent status of the
norm violator.
An alternative project that some groups may try instead is based on a paradigm devised by
Knowles, E. S. (1973, “Boundaries around group interaction: The effect of group size and member
status on boundary permeability,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 26, 327–331)
and suggested as appropriate for student field research projects by McKenna, R. J. (1995, The
undergraduate researchers handbook: Creative experimentation in social psychology, Boston:
Allyn & Bacon). The paradigm involves a pair of students standing in a corridor or building entry,
or on an outside path that is about 10 feet wide. The pair stands about 6 feet away and talks to
each other. Approaching people must decide whether to go around one of the duo or whether to
break the norm of violating personal space by walking between them. Students should observe
people’s reactions to having to decide whether or not to violate the norm and should record how
many students do. (A third member of the group may be appointed to watch from a distance and
do the recording.) Factors such as gender, apparent status, race, height, or apparent handicaps
could be manipulated if you want students to do a complex version of the project. For even a
minimal version, at least 20 and preferably 40 participants should be subjected to the procedure.

347
Exercise 8–12
A Field Experiment on the Influence of Authority on Compliance
Louis Snellgrove (1981, “Public opinion polls and cooperation with authority.” In L. Benjamin, &
K. D. Lowman (Eds.), Activities for the Teaching of Psychology (Vol. 1, pp. 151–152) suggests
having students conduct their own project where they observe the effects of authority. Students
are to devise a short (five-question) survey on any topic, beginning all questions with the phrase
“Do you agree or disagree,” and they are to type the survey up so that it looks official. Making
sure to approach subjects in a safe area, and selecting them randomly, students will survey several
people, varying the instructions they use to preface the survey. In one condition, students present
themselves as conducting a survey for their psychology class, in another as writing an article for
the local paper, and in a third, as helping a professor (use a fictitious name) collect data for an
article to be published in a scientific journal. Students should make sure to thank all people
approached for their time, whether or not they answer the questions. Students are to keep track of
the number of people approached and the number of people who answer, and are to calculate the
percentage of people who answer the questions in each of the three conditions. As authority
increases, does compliance? What other factors (e.g., sex of the researcher or of the respondent)
make a difference?
Exercise 8–13
Foot-in-the-door and door-in-the-face
This is a fairly involved activity but students enjoy it and it helps them remember the persuasion
techniques.
Assign students to work in small groups. As a class, agree on a request that students could make
of other students on campus that will be moderately difficult to get them to agree to. Or, you can
decide on the request ahead of time (e.g., “Will you walk me to building XXX?”). In their groups,
students will come up with three scripts, one that uses foot-in-the-door, one that uses door-in-the-
face, and one that involves just asking. You should review the scripts to make sure they are
correct and ethical. After their scripts are approved, students should go and try out their
persuasion attempts on strangers on campus, keeping track of whether people say yes or no to
their requests in the different conditions. Each group member should try each of the three
techniques at least once. After the person says yes or no, the student may explain what they were
doing and why. In their groups, students can make graphs (in Excel) that summarize their results.
You may wish to have students present their results to the class.

348
Name: _____________________________________ Date: ____________________
HANDOUT 8.13 PERSUASION TECHNIQUES
1. What is the request you will be making? Write it word for word in the space below.
2. What will you say to people in the foot-in-the-door condition? Write it word for word in the
space below.
3. What will you say to people in the door-in-the-face condition? Write it word for word in the
space below.
4. In the table below, keep track of the success of your requests. Be sure to ask one person using
each technique.
Technique Response
Just asking Yes No
Foot-in-the-door Yes No
Door-in-the-face Yes No

349
WEBSITES TO EXPLORE
http://www.influenceatwork.com This site is based on Cialdini’s principles of influence.

http://www.as.wvu.edu/~sbb/comm221/primer.htm Steve’s Primer of Practical Persuasion and
Influence. Excellent informative site on several social psychology topics relevant to
persuasion and influence developed by Steve Booth-Butterfield of WVU.
http://www.stanleymilgram.com/ This site, developed by Thomas Blass, focuses on the work of
social psychologist Stanley Milgram.
http://www.outofservice.com/freak/ A need for uniqueness scale on the Web. How strong is your
need not to conform?
http://www.stophazing.org/ “Educating to Eliminate Hazing.” Site covering many aspects of
hazing including fraternity, sorority, athletic, high school, and military hazing. Includes news
on hazing, discussion of what can be done to prevent or decrease it, and some pro-hazing
views as well.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/features/3635396/Bridgend-suicides-It-just-seems-normal-
fashionable-almost...-.html An article about a small town in which an increasing number of
teenagers have committed suicide via hanging, a phenomenon that may be in part based on the
social norm that this creates.
http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-23182523 This is a 2013 article about Hikikomori entitled
“Hikikomori: Why are so many Japanese men refusing to leave their rooms?”
http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-fight-to-save-japans-young-shut-ins-1422292138 A 2015 Wall
Street Journal article about the fight to save Hikikomori.
http://www.learner.org/resources/series138.html Episode 19 (“The Power of the Situation”)
explores the Sherif Autokinetic Effect Study, Asch’s Line Judgment Study, and Milgram’s
Obedience Study.

350
FILM AND VIDEO LISTINGS
The Age of Innocence (1993). Two star-crossed lovers caught up in the constricting and
unforgiving social norms of upper-class New York in the 1870s. Based on Edith Wharton’s
novel.
Behavior Control (60 minutes, 1980, USU). A PBS special examining the persuasive power of
cults, advertising, and the media.
Captive Minds: Hypnosis and Beyond (56 minutes, 1983, PSU, 16 mm.). Explores hypnosis,
psychotherapy, cult indoctrination, induction into a monastery, and Marine Corps training as
examples of social influence.
Candid Camera Classics (1993, MCG). Humorous depictions of conformity from the classic
television show in a tape produced for social psychology classes.
Communication: Negotiation and Persuasion (30 minutes, 1989, PSU). Examines techniques of
changing people’s attitudes and behavior.
Conformity (30 min, 1989, PSU, IU). Examines the pros and cons of conformity, the reasons that
people conform, and variables that influence conformity.
Conformity and Independence (23 minutes, 1975, PSU). Presents social psychology’s main
findings and principles in the areas of conformity and independence, using both field and
laboratory settings. Included are experiments on norm formation, Asch’s work on group
pressure and Crutchfield’s variation, Milgram’s experiment on action conformity, Kelman’s
three processes of compliance, and Moscovici’s recent theoretical views.
The Crucible (124 minutes, 1996, retail outlets). Film adaptation of Arthur Miller’s play on the
Salem witch trials. Illustrates the power of conformity.
Cults, Charisma, and Mind Control (35 minutes, 1980, HRM). A presentation of the attraction of
cults, conversion, and the coercion which is sometimes associated with cult membership.
Cults: Choice or Coercion (14 minutes, 1979, IU, ISU). Produced by CBS News, this program
explores the legal, moral, and emotional issues associated with contemporary religious cults.
Dead Poet’s Society (1989). Fairly early in the film, the teacher (Robin Williams) instructs a
student to read a passage and then has all of the students tear the pages from the book. You
can use this to introduce obedience to authority.
Dealing with Peer Pressure: I Made My Choice (30 minutes, FHS). The friendships formed
during adolescence provide teenagers with some of their fondest memories. Those same
friends, however, can also influence individuals to do things they wouldn’t ordinarily do. This
program uses student testimonials to examine the topic of adolescent peer pressure.
The Effective Uses of Power and Authority (30 minutes, 1979, CRM). An exploration of types of
social power.
The Heaven’s Gate Cult: The Thin Line Between Faith and Reason (1998, 20 minutes, FHS). A
segment from ABC’s Nightline program uses the 1997 mass suicide of the members of the
Heaven’s Gate cult as starting point for a discussion among prominent scholars and cult
watchers.
Joseph Shultz (1973, PSU). Reenactment of a true story of wartime disobedience.
The Lottery (18 minutes, 1968, UWA). Based on Shirley Jackson’s short story. A modern (1950s)
American community annually selects a sacrificial victim who is stoned. A vivid fictional
depiction of conformity.
Obedience (45 minutes, 1969, PSU). Documents Stanley Milgram’s classic research on obedience
to authority, based on candid footage shot at Yale University.
351
Obeying Orders: GI Resistance to the Vietnam War (29 minutes, 1990, FIL). This documentary
focuses on the GI and veteran antiwar movement. Oral history interviews with Vietnam
veterans are interwoven with archival photos, film footage, and popular music of the 1960s.
Several of the GIs took very courageous stands. The experience of these veterans highlights
the politics of the war, the intersection of the civil rights and antiwar movements, and the
ethical question of whether to follow orders that one feels are immoral.
The People of People’s Temple (24 minutes, 1979, PSU). Documents an extreme case of group
cohesiveness—the religious cult that developed around Jim Jones and ended in the mass
suicide of almost one thousand people.
Power of the Situation (27 minutes, 1991 WGBH/Boston and PBS, Discovering Psychology
Series). Includes segments on the Asch conformity, Milgram obedience, and Zimbardo prison
experiments.
Priscilla, Queen of the Desert (1994, retail outlets). Three male transvestite entertainers take their
show on the road in the Australian outback. Needless to say, the townspeople have never seen
such nonconformity. Remade in the United States as To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything.
The Psychology of Mass Persuasion (45 minutes, 1981, Insight Media). This still-image video
explores persuasion tactics used by the media, showing how the media engenders attitudes and
manipulates psychological needs. It differentiates among core, peripheral, and highly variable
attitudes, and examines which types can be changed by persuasive techniques. It also
investigates propaganda and shows how Adolf Hitler and Jim Jones used power.
Remember My Lai (1989, PBS). Documentary about the incident during the Vietnam War in
which American soldiers followed orders to destroy a village and murder its residents of all
ages.
Quiet Rage: The Stanford Prison Study (55 minutes, 1991, UWA). Zimbardo’s classic Stanford
Prison study released on video that shows more footage than any previously available
depiction. Study demonstrates the power of situations to control behavior.
Schindler’s List (1994, retail outlets). True story of how one man protected and saved a thousand
Polish Jews from certain death in Hitler’s concentration camps. Won Academy Award for
Best Picture.
Social Animal (30 minutes, 1963, PSU). Schachter on the effect of group pressure to conform.
Twelve Angry Men (1957, PSU, retail outlets). Hollywood film, starring Henry Fonda, focusing on
jury deliberations/conformity and nonconformity to group influence.
The Wave (46 minutes, 1981, PSU). The mental environment of the Nazi Third Reich is recreated
by a teacher. Students are instilled with ideas of discipline, power, and superiority, and
become willing participants.
Witches of Salem: The Horror and the Hope (35 minutes, 1972, PSU). A dramatization of the
Salem witch trials of 1692.

352
ONLINE VIDEOS TO EXPLORE
Flash Mobs. Examples of conformity. “Finger” gun fight at the Tate Museum and MC Hammer
dance in a clothing store.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q7aI6zhbVtM&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AwzN4633mpI
Obeying Signs. Signs on two doors say “Men only” and “Women only”—people obey as they
walk through.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a71h6LZKXTc&feature=related
McDonald’s Strip Search Video. A 24-minute look at McDonald’s surveillance video clips where
Louise Ogburn was forced to strip, be spanked, and perform sex acts on coworkers.
http://hitsusa.com/blog/163/mcdonalds-strip-search-video/
Zimbardo TED Talk (23 minutes). Dr. Phil Zimbardo talks about the power of the situation and
how people can choose to engage in good, rather than evil, acts.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OsFEV35tWsg&feature=related
Marine Bloodwings Initiation Ceremony. This is an example of obedience and conformity.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KMawm8W1ihI
Hikikomori (6 and a half minutes). A BBC World news report on Hikikomori in Japan.
Upselling - Foot In The Door (FITD) Sales Tip (2 minutes, 17 seconds). Foot-in-the-door is
applied to sales.
LINK MISSING

353
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
the box is fastened at a height of some five or six feet above the
ground, or hung up (but this is not so common) like a swinging bar
on a stand made for the purpose. This last arrangement is
particularly safe, as affording no access to vermin. As the birds
multiply, the owner adds cylinder to cylinder till they form a kind of
wall. Towards sunset, he or his wife approaches the dovecote, greeted
by a friendly cooing from inside, picks up from the ground a piece of
wood cut to the right size, and closes the opening of the first bark box
with it, doing the same to all the others in turn, and then leaves them
for the night, secure that no wild cat or other marauder can reach
them.
DOVECOTE AND GRANARY
I have found out within the last few days why so few men are to be
seen in my rounds. The settlements here scarcely deserve the name
of villages—they are too straggling for that; it is only now and then
that from one hut one can catch a distant glimpse of another. The
view is also obstructed by the fields of manioc, whose branches,
though very spreading, are not easily seen through on account of the
thickly-growing, succulent green foliage. This and the bazi pea are,
now that the maize and millet have been gathered in, the only crops
left standing in the fields. Thus it may happen that one has to trust
entirely to the trodden paths leading from one hut to another, to be
sure of missing none, or to the guidance of the sounds inseparable
from every human settlement. There is no lack of such noises at
Masasi, and in fact I follow them almost every day. Walking about
the country with Nils Knudsen, I hear what sounds like a jovial
company over their morning drink—voices becoming louder and
louder, and shouting all together regardless of parliamentary rules. A
sudden turn of the path brings us face to face with a drinking-party,
and a very merry one, indeed, to judge by the humour of the guests
and the number and dimensions of the pombe pots which have been
wholly or partially emptied. The silence which follows our
appearance is like that produced by a stone thrown into a pool where
frogs are croaking. Only when we ask, “Pombe nzuri?” (“Is the beer
good?”) a chorus of hoarse throats shouts back the answer—“Nzuri
kabisa, bwana!” (“Very good indeed, sir!”)
As to this pombe—well, we Germans fail to appreciate our
privileges till we have ungratefully turned our backs on our own
country. At Mtua, our second camp out from Lindi, a huge earthen
jar of the East African brew was brought as a respectful offering to us
three Europeans. At that time I failed to appreciate the dirty-looking
drab liquid; not so our men, who finished up the six gallons or so in a
twinkling. In Masasi, again, the wife of the Nyasa chief Masekera
Matola—an extremely nice, middle-aged woman—insisted on
sending Knudsen and me a similar gigantic jar soon after our arrival.
We felt that it was out of the question to refuse or throw away the
gift, and so prepared for the ordeal with grim determination. First I
dipped one of my two tumblers into the turbid mass, and brought it
up filled with a liquid in colour not unlike our Lichtenhain beer, but
of a very different consistency. A compact mass of meal filled the
glass almost to the top, leaving about a finger’s breadth of real, clear
“Lichtenhainer.” “This will never do!” I growled, and shouted to
Kibwana for a clean handkerchief. He produced one, after a
seemingly endless search, but my attempts to use it as a filter were
fruitless—not a drop would run through. “No use, the stuff is too
closely woven. Lete sanda, Kibwana” (“Bring a piece of the shroud!”)
This order sounds startling enough, but does not denote any
exceptional callousness on my part. Sanda is the Swahili name for
the cheap, unbleached and highly-dressed calico (also called bafta)
which, as a matter of fact, is generally used by the natives to wrap a
corpse for burial. The material is consequently much in demand, and
travellers into the interior will do well to carry a bale of it with them.
When the dressing is washed out, it is little better than a network of
threads, and might fairly be expected to serve the purpose of a filter.
I found, however, that I could not strain the pombe through it—a
few scanty drops ran down and that was all. After trying my tea and
coffee-strainers, equally in vain, I gave up in despair, and drank the
stuff as it stood. I found that it had a slight taste of flour, but was
otherwise not by any means bad, and indeed quite reminiscent of my
student days at Jena—in fact, I think I could get used to it in time.
The men of Masasi seem to have got only too well used to it. I am far
from grudging the worthy elders their social glass after the hard work
of the harvest, but it is very hard that my studies should suffer from
this perpetual conviviality. It is impossible to drum up any
considerable number of men to be cross-examined on their tribal
affinities, usages and customs. Moreover, the few who can reconcile
it with their engagements and inclinations to separate themselves for
a time from their itinerant drinking-bouts are not disposed to be very
particular about the truth. Even when, the other day, I sent for a
band of these jolly topers to show me their methods of
basketmaking, the result was very unsatisfactory—they did some
plaiting in my presence, but they were quite incapable of giving in
detail the native names of their materials and implements—the
morning drink had been too copious.
It is well known that it is the custom of most, if not all, African
tribes to make a part of their supply of cereals into beer after an
abundant harvest, and consume it wholesale in this form. This, more
than anything else, has probably given rise to the opinion that the
native always wastes his substance in time of plenty, and is nearly
starved afterwards in consequence. It is true that our black friends
cannot be pronounced free from a certain degree of “divine
carelessness”—a touch, to call it no more, of Micawberism—but it
would not be fair to condemn them on the strength of a single
indication. I have already laid stress on the difficulty which the
native cultivator has of storing his seed-corn through the winter. It
would be still more difficult to preserve the much greater quantities
of foodstuffs gathered in at the harvest in a condition fit for use
through some eight or nine months. That he tries to do so is seen by
the numerous granaries surrounding every homestead of any
importance, but that he does not invariably succeed, and therefore
prefers to dispose of that part of his crops which would otherwise be
wasted in a manner combining the useful and the agreeable, is
proved by the morning and evening beer-drinks already referred to,
which, with all their loud merriment, are harmless enough. They
differ, by the bye, from the drinking in European public-houses, in
that they are held at each man’s house in turn, so that every one is
host on one occasion and guest on another—a highly satisfactory
arrangement on the whole.
My difficulties are due to other causes besides the chronically
bemused state of the men. In the first place, there are the troubles
connected with photography. In Europe the amateur is only too
thankful for bright sunshine, and even should the light be a little
more powerful than necessary, there is plenty of shade to be had
from trees and houses. In Africa we have nothing of the sort—the
trees are neither high nor shady, the bushes are not green, and the
houses are never more than twelve feet high at the ridge-pole. To this
is added the sun’s position in the sky at a height which affects one
with a sense of uncanniness, from nine in the morning till after three
in the afternoon, and an intensity of light which is best appreciated
by trying to match the skins of the natives against the colours in Von
Luschan’s scale. No medium between glittering light and deep black
shadow—how is one, under such circumstances, to produce artistic
plates full of atmosphere and feeling?
For a dark-room I have been trying to use the Masasi boma. This is
the only stone building in the whole district and has been
constructed for storing food so as to prevent the recurrence of famine
among the natives, and, still more, to make the garrison independent
of outside supplies in the event of another rising. It has only one
story, but the walls are solidly built, with mere loopholes for
windows; and the flat roof of beaten clay is very strong. In this
marvel of architecture are already stacked uncounted bags
containing millet from the new crop, and mountains of raw cotton. I
have made use of both these products, stopping all crevices with the
cotton, and taking the bags of grain to sit on, and also as a support
for my table, hitherto the essential part of a cotton-press which
stands forsaken in the compound, mourning over the shipwreck it
has made of its existence. Finally, I have closed the door with a
combination of thick straw mats made by my carriers, and some
blankets from my bed. In this way, I can develop at a pinch even in
the daytime, but, after working a short time in this apartment, the
atmosphere becomes so stifling that I am glad to escape from it to
another form of activity.
On one of my first strolls here, I came upon
a neat structure which was explained to me as
“tego ya ngunda”—a trap for pigeons. This is
a system of sticks and thin strings, one of
which is fastened to a strong branch bent over
into a half-circle. I have been, from my youth
up, interested in all mechanical contrivances,
and am still more so in a case like this, where
we have an opportunity of gaining an insight
into the earlier evolutional stages of the
RAT TRAP human intellect. I therefore, on my return to
camp, called together all my men and as many
local natives as possible, and addressed the assembly to the effect
that the mzungu was exceedingly anxious to possess all kinds of
traps for all kinds of animals. Then followed the promise of good
prices for good and authentic specimens, and the oration wound up
with “Nendeni na tengenezeni sasa!” (“Now go away and make up
your contraptions!”).
How they hurried off that day, and how eagerly all my men have
been at work ever since! I had hitherto believed all my carriers to be
Wanyamwezi—now I find, through the commentaries which each of
them has to supply with his work, that my thirty men represent a
number of different tribes. Most of them, to be sure, are
Wanyamwezi, but along with them there are some Wasukuma and
Manyema, and even a genuine Mngoni from Runsewe, a
representative of that gallant Zulu tribe who, some decades ago,
penetrated from distant South Africa to the present German
territory, and pushed forward one of its groups—these very Runsewe
Wangoni—as far as the south-western corner of the Victoria Nyanza.
As for the askari, though numbering only thirteen, they belong to no
fewer than twelve different tribes, from those of far Darfur in the
Egyptian Sudan to the Yao in Portuguese East Africa. All these
“faithfuls” have been racking their brains to recall and practise once
more in wood and field the arts of their boyhood, and now they come
and set up, in the open, sunny space beside my palatial abode, the
results of their unwonted intellectual exertions.
The typical cultivator is not credited in literature with much skill
as a hunter and trapper; his modicum of intellect is supposed to be
entirely absorbed by the care of his fields, and none but tribes of the
stamp of the Bushmen, the Pygmies and the Australian aborigines
are assumed by our theoretic wisdom to be capable of dexterously
killing game in forest or steppe, or taking it by skilful stratagem in a
cunningly devised trap. And yet how wide of the mark is this opinion
of the schools! Among the tribes of the district I am studying, the
Makua are counted as good hunters, while at the same time they are
like the rest, in the main, typical hoe-cultivators—i.e., people who,
year after year, keep on tilling, with the primitive hoe, the ground
painfully brought under cultivation. In spite of their agricultural
habits their traps are constructed with wonderful ingenuity. The
form and action of these traps is sufficiently evident from the
accompanying sketches; but in case any reader should be entirely
without the faculty of “technical sight,” I may add for his benefit that
all these murderous implements depend on the same principle.
Those intended for quadrupeds are so arranged that the animal in
walking or running forward strikes against a fine net with his muzzle,
or a thin cord with his foot. The net or the string is thereby pressed
forward, the upper edge of the former glides downwards, but the end
of the string moves a little to one side. In either case this movement
sets free the end of a lever—a small stick which has hitherto, in a way
sufficiently clear from the sketch—kept the trap set. It slips
instantaneously round its support, and in so doing releases the
tension of the tree or bent stick acting as a spring, which in its
upward recoil draws a skilfully fixed noose tight round the neck of
the animal, which is then strangled to death. Traps of similar
construction, but still more cruel, are set for rats and the like, and,
unfortunately, equal cunning and skill are applied to the pursuit of
birds. Perhaps I shall find another opportunity of discussing this side
of native life; it certainly deserves attention, for there is scarcely any
department where the faculty of invention to be found in even the
primitive mind is so clearly shown as in this aspect of the struggle for
existence.
TRAP FOR ANTELOPES
Of psychological interest is the behaviour of the natives in face of

my own activity in this part of my task. When, we two Europeans
having finished our frugal dinner, Nils Knudsen has laid himself
down for his well-deserved siesta, and the snoring of my warriors
resounds, more rhythmically than harmoniously from the
neighbouring baraza, I sit in the blazing sun, like the shadowless
Schlemihl, only slightly protected by the larger of my two helmets,
sketching.
TRAP FOR GUINEA-FOWL

TRAP FOR LARGE GAME
The ability to make a rapid and accurate sketch of any object in a

few strokes is one whose value to the scientific explorer cannot be
overrated. Photography is certainly a wonderful invention, but in the
details of research-work carried on day by day, it is apt to fail one
oftener than might be expected, and that not merely in the darkness
of hut-interiors, but over and over again by daylight in the open air.
I am sitting sketching, then. Not a breath of air is stirring—all
nature seems asleep. My pen, too, is growing tired, when I hear a
noise immediately behind me. A hasty glance shows me that the
momentum of universal human curiosity has overcome even the
primæval force of negroid laziness. It is the whole band of my
carriers, accompanied by a few people belonging to the place. They
must have come up very softly, as they might easily do with their
bare feet on the soft, sandy soil. Presently the whole crowd is looking
over my shoulder in the greatest excitement. I do not let them
disturb me; stroke follows stroke, the work nears completion,—at last
it is finished. “Sawasawa?” (“Is it like?”) I ask eagerly, and the
answering chorus of “Ndio” (“Yes”) is shouted into my ears with an
enthusiasm which threatens to burst the tympanum. “Kizuri?” (“Is it
fine?”) “Kizuri sana kabisa” (“Very fine, indeed”), they yell back still
more loudly and enthusiastically; “Wewe fundi” (“You are a master-
craftsman”). These flattering critics are my artists who, having
practised themselves, may be supposed to know what they are
talking about; the few washenzi, unlettered barbarians, unkissed of
the Muse, have only joined in the chorus from gregarious instinct,
mere cattle that they are.
Now comes the attempt at a practical application. I rise from my
camp-stool, take up an oratorical attitude and inform my disciples in
art that, as they have now seen how I, the fundi, set about drawing a
trap, it would be advisable for them to attempt a more difficult
subject, such as this. It is dull work to keep on drawing their friends,
or trees, houses, and animals; and they are such clever fellows that a
bird-trap must surely be well within their powers. I have already
mentioned the look of embarrassed perplexity which I encountered
when beginning my studies at Lindi. Here it was even more marked
and more general. It produced a definite impression that the idea of
what we call perspective for the first time became clear to the men’s
minds. They were evidently trying to express something of the sort
by their words and gestures to each other; they followed with their
fingers the strangely foreshortened curves which in reality stood for
circles—in short, they were in presence of something new—
something unknown and unimagined, which on the one hand made
them conscious of their intellectual and artistic inferiority, and on
the other drew them like a magnet to my sketch-book. None of them
has up to the present attempted to draw one of these traps.
Travellers of former days, or in lands less satisfactorily explored
than German East Africa, found the difficulties of barter not the least
of their troubles. Stanley, not so many years ago, set out on his
explorations with hundreds of bales of various stuffs and
innumerable kinds of beads, and even thus it was not certain
whether the natives of the particular region traversed would be
suited; not to mention the way in which this primitive currency
increased the number of carriers required by every expedition. In
German East Africa, where the Colonial Administration has so often
been unjustly attacked, the white man can now travel almost as
easily as at home. His letter of credit, indeed, only holds good as far
as the coast, but if his errand is, like mine, of an official character,
every station, and even every smaller post, with any Government
funds at its disposal, has orders to give the traveller credit, on his
complying with certain simple formalities, and to provide him with
cash. The explanation is not difficult: the fact that our rupees are
current on the coast compels all the interior tribes to adopt them,
whether they like it or not. I brought with me from Lindi a couple of
large sacks with rupees, half and quarter rupees, and for immediate
needs a few cases of heller.[16] This copper coin, long obsolete in
Germany, has been coined for circulation in our colony, but the
natives have not been induced to adopt it, and reckon as before by
pice—an egg costs one pice (pesa) and that is enough—no one thinks
of working out the price in hellers. Neither is the coin popular with
the white residents, who deride its introduction and make feeble
puns on its name—one of the poorest being based on the name of the
present Director of Customs, which happens to be identical with it.
I find, however, that the natives are by no means averse to
accepting these despised coins when they get the chance. On our
tramps through the villages, Moritz with the lantern is followed by
Mambo sasa, the Mngoni, carrying on his woolly head a large jar of
bright copper coin newly minted at Berlin.
After a long, but not tedious examination of all the apartments in
the native palaces, I return to the light of day, dazzled by the tropical
sunshine. With sympathetic chuckles, my bodyguard—those of my
men who are always with me and have quickly grasped, with the
sympathetic intuition peculiar to the native, what it is that I want—
follow, dragging with them a heap of miscellaneous property. Lastly
come the master of the house and his wife, in a state of mingled
expectation and doubt. Now begins the bargaining, in its essentials
not very different from that experienced in the harbours of Naples,
Port Said, Aden and Mombasa. “Kiasi gani?” (“What is the price?”)
one asks with ostentatious nonchalance, including the whole pile in a
compendious wave of the hand. The fortunate owner of the valuables
apparently fails to understand this, so he opens his mouth wide and
says nothing. I must try him on another tack. I hold up some article
before his eyes and ask, “Nini hii?” (“What is this?”), which proves
quite effectual. My next duty is to imagine myself back again in the
lecture-hall during my first term at college, and to write down with
the utmost diligence the words, not of a learned professor, but of a
raw, unlettered mshenzi. By the time I have learnt everything I want
to know, the name, the purpose, the mode of manufacture and the
way in which the thing is used, the native is at last able and willing to
fix the retail price. Up to the present, I have met with two extremes:
one class of sellers demand whole rupees, Rupia tatu (three) or
Rupia nne (four), quite regardless of the nature of the article for sale
—the other, with equal consistency, a sumni as uniform price. This is
a quarter-rupee—in the currency of German East Africa an
exceedingly attractive-looking silver coin, a little smaller than our
half-mark piece or an English sixpence. Possibly it is its handiness,
together with the untarnished lustre of my newly-minted specimens
in particular, which accounts for this preference. One thing must be
mentioned which distinguishes these people very favourably from
the bandits of the ports already mentioned. None of them raises an
outcry on being offered the tenth or twentieth part of what he asks.
With perfect calm he either gradually abates his demands till a fair
agreement is reached, or else he says, at the first offer, “Lete” (“Hand
it over”). At this moment Moritz and my jar of coppers come to the
front of the stage. The boy has quickly lifted the vessel down from the
head of his friend Mambo sasa. With the eye of a connoisseur he
grasps the state of our finances and then pays with the dignity, if not
the rapidity, of the cashier at a metropolitan bank. The remaining
articles are bargained for in much the same way. It takes more time
than I like; but this is not to be avoided.
When the purchase of the last piece is completed, my carriers, with
the amazing deftness I have so often admired, have packed up the
spoil, in the turn of a hand, in large and compact bundles. A
searching look round for photographic subjects, another last glance
at the house-owner chuckling to himself over his newly-acquired
wealth, and then a vigorous “Kwa heri” (“Good-bye”), and lantern
and jar go their way. We had only just settled into our house here
when we received a visit from the chief’s son, Salim Matola, a very
tall and excessively slender youth of seventeen or eighteen,
magnificently clad in a European waistcoat, and very friendly. Since
then he has scarcely left my side; he knows everything, can do
everything, finds everything, and, to my delight, brings me
everything. He makes the best traps, shows me with what diabolical
ingenuity his countrymen set limed twigs, plays on all instruments
like a master, and produces fire by drilling so quickly that one is
astonished at the strength in his slight frame. In a word, he is a
treasure to the ethnographer.
One thing only seems to be unknown to my young friend, and that
is work. His father, Masekera Matola, already mentioned, has a very
spacious group of huts and extensive gardens. Whether the old
gentleman ever does any perceptible work on this property with his
own hands, I am not in a position to judge, as he is for the present
most strenuously occupied in consuming beer; but at every visit, I
have noticed the women of the family working hard to get in the last
of the crops. The young prince alone seems to be above every
plebeian employment. His hands certainly do not look horny, and his
muscles leave much to be desired. He strolls through life in his
leisurely way with glad heart and cheerful spirit.
MY CARAVAN ON THE MARCH. DRAWN BY PESA MBILI
CHAPTER VII
MY CARAVAN ON THE SOUTHWARD
MARCH
Chingulungulu, beginning of August, 1906.
It is not very easy to locate my present abode on the map. Masasi and
its exact latitude and longitude have been known to me for years, but
of this strangely named place,[17] where I drove in my tent-pegs a few
days ago, I never even heard before I had entered the area of the
inland tribes.
One trait is common to all Oriental towns, their beauty at a
distance and the disillusionment in store for those who set foot
within their walls. Knudsen has done nothing but rave about
Chingulungulu ever since we reached Masasi. He declared that its
baraza was the highest achievement of East African architecture,
that it had a plentiful supply of delicious water, abundance of all
kinds of meat, and unequalled fruit and vegetables. He extolled its
population, exclusively composed, according to him, of high-bred
gentlemen and good-looking women, and its well-built, spacious
houses. Finally, its situation, he said, made it a convenient centre for
excursions in all directions over the plain. I have been here too short
a time to bring all the details of this highly coloured picture to the
test of actual fact, but this much I have already ascertained, that
neither place nor people are quite so paradisaical as the enthusiastic
Nils would have me believe.
YAO HOMESTEAD AT CHINGULUNGULU
To relate my experiences in their proper order, I must, however, go

back to our departure from Masasi which, owing to a variety of
unfortunate circumstances, took place earlier than originally
planned. To begin with, there was the changed attitude of the
inhabitants, who at first, as already stated, showed the greatest
amiability, and allowed us, in the most obliging way, to inspect their
homes and buy their household furnishings. In my later sketching
and collecting expeditions, I came everywhere upon closed doors and
apparently deserted compounds. This phenomenon, too, comes
under the heading of racial psychology. However much he may profit
by the foreigner’s visits, the African prefers to have his own hut to
himself.[18]
In the second place, we began, in the course of a prolonged
residence, to discover the drawbacks of our quarters in the rest-
house. Knudsen, who is very sensitive in this respect, insisted that it
was damp, and we soon found that the subsoil water, which indeed
reached the surface as a large spring on the hillside a little below the
house, was unpleasantly close to our floor. Even on the march up
from the coast, Knudsen had suffered from occasional attacks of
fever. These now became so frequent and severe that he was scarcely
fit for work. His faithful old servant, Ali, nursed him with the most
touching devotion, and never left his bedside night or day.
I had myself on various occasions noticed a curious irritation of
the scalp, for which I could discover no cause, in spite of repeated
examination. One day, while hastening across from the dark-room to
the rest-house, with some wet plates in my hand, I was conscious of
intense discomfort among my scanty locks, and called out to Moritz
to take off my hat and look if there was anything inside it. He obeyed,
inspected the hat carefully inside and out, and, on pursuing his
researches under the lining, turned grey in the face, and ejaculated
with evident horror, “Wadudu wabaya!”[19] The case becoming
interesting, I put my plates down and instituted a minute
investigation into Moritz’s find, which proved to consist of a number
of assorted animalcules, with a sprinkling of larger creatures
resembling ticks. This was somewhat startling. I had come to Africa
with a mind entirely at ease as regards malaria—I swear by Koch and
fear nothing. But remittent fever is another matter. In Dar es Salam I
had heard enough and to spare about this latest discovery of the
great Berlin bacteriologist, and how it is produced by an
inconspicuous tick-like insect which burrows in the soil of all sites
occupied for any length of time by natives. The mosquito-net, I was
told, is a sufficient protection against the full grown papasi, as they
are called, but not against their hopeful progeny, which can slip
unhindered through the finest mesh. This particular kind of fever,
moreover, was said to be most especially trying—you were never
seriously ill, and yet never really well, or fit for work; and nothing,
not even quinine, would avail to keep the attacks from recurring
every few days. Small wonder if, at the sight of these wadudu
wabaya in the shape of ticks, I too turned pale at the thought of the
ignoble end possibly awaiting my enterprise before it was well begun.
I had already found out that Masasi was not precisely an abode of
all the virtues, and that an appreciable percentage of the soldiers
forming the garrison at the boma were suffering from venereal
diseases; but the incident which precipitated our departure was the
following. The akida, or local headman (a former sergeant in the
Field Force), was the owner of a small herd of cattle, and with the
good-nature which is one of the most striking traits in the African
character, earned my warmest gratitude by sending me a small jar of
milk every day. After a time we heard, and the rumour gained in
definiteness with each repetition, that the akida was a leper. I could
not refuse the milk, which continued to arrive regularly, and came in
very handy for fixing my pencil drawings.
In their totality the evils enumerated may
not signify more than a succession of pin-
pricks; but even such trifling interferences
with human well-being may in the end
appreciably diminish one’s enjoyment of life.
With the attractions of Chingulungulu as an
additional inducement, it was not surprising
that only a day or two intervened between the
first suggestion that we should migrate
southward and our actual departure. With
their usual monkeylike agility, my carriers one
evening packed a large heap of specimens in
convenient loads, and as quickly the order was
given to Saleh, the corporal in command of
the askari, and Pesa mbili, the leader of the
porters, “Safari to-morrow at six!”
THE YAO CHIEF
MATOLA Next to Matola, the Yao chief of
Chingulungulu, no man in the country is
oftener in men’s mouths than his illustrious
colleague and fellow tribesman, Nakaam, of Chiwata in the north-
western part of the Makonde plateau. The Europeans on the coast
are not agreed as to which of these two chiefs is the more powerful.
In the interior, however, Matola seems to be far more looked up to by
the natives than the chief of Chiwata. Nevertheless, I thought it
absolutely necessary to visit the latter and his people. My plans are
not based on any fixed line of march, but were expressly arranged so
that I should be able to take whatever route circumstances might
render most convenient.
I must confess that my stay at Masasi has turned out a
disappointment as regards the customs, habits and ideas of the
natives, though I have gained a very fair insight into the outward,
material details of their life. But here too, Nils Knudsen is ready with
consolation and encouragement. “What can you expect, Professor?
the people here are a terribly mixed lot, after all, and have lost all
their own traditions and customs. Don’t waste any more time in this
wretched hole of a Masasi, but come to Chingulungulu; you have no
idea what a fine place that is!”
We marched at daybreak on July 31. The
road through the Masasi district, as already
mentioned, skirts the great chain of insular
mountains on the east, passing, at a sufficient
height to afford an extensive view to the east
and south, over an escarpment formed by the
products of aerial denudation from the gneiss
peaks. Did I say the plain? it is an ocean that
we see spread out before our eyes, a white,
boundless expanse, studded with islands, here
one, there another, and yonder, on the misty
horizon, whole archipelagoes. This wonderful
spectacle, passing away all too quickly as the
sun climbs higher—the peaks rising like
islands from the sea of the morning mist,
while our caravan trails its length along the
shore—pictures for us as in a mirror the
aspect it presented in those distant ages when
the blue waves of the primæval ocean rolled
where now the blue smoke of lowly huts NAKAAM, A YAO
CHIEF
ascends to the heavens.
The goal of our first day’s march was Mwiti,
where, to judge from the importance given to it on the map, I
expected a large native settlement. Not far from the Masasi Mission
station, the road to Mwiti branches off from the Coast road on the
right. I order a halt; the column opens out; I shout into the fresh
morning air “Wapagazi kwa Lindi!” (“the carriers for Lindi!”); and
the oldest and also the tallest of my porters, a Mnyamwezi of
pronounced Masai type, strides up with a heavy, swaying motion like
a camel.
INTERIOR OF A COMPOUND AT MWITI
His name, Kofia tule, was at first a puzzle to me. I knew that kofia
means a cap, but, curiously enough it never occurred to me to look
up tule (which, moreover, I assumed to be a Nyamwezi word) in the
dictionary. That it was supposed to involve a joke of some sort, I
gathered from the general laughter, whenever I asked its meaning. At
last we arrived at the fact that kofia tule means a small, flat cap—in
itself a ridiculous name for a man, but doubly so applied to this black
super-man with the incredibly vacant face.
Kofia tule, then, comes slowly forward, followed by six more
Wanyamwezi, and some local men whom I have engaged as extra
carriers. With him as their mnyampara they are to take my
collections down to the Coast, and get them stored till my return in
the cellars of the District Commissioner’s office at Lindi. The final
instructions are delivered, and then comes the order, “You here, go
to the left,—we are going to the right. March!” Our company takes
some time to get into proper marching order, but at last everything
goes smoothly. A glance northward over the plain assures us that
Kofia tule and his followers have got up the correct safari speed; and
we plunge into the uninhabited virgin pori.
There is something very monotonous and fatiguing about the
march through these open woods. It is already getting on for noon,
and I am half-asleep on my mule, when I catch sight of two black
figures, gun in hand, peeping cautiously round a clump of bushes in
front. Can they be Wangoni?
For some days past we have heard flying rumours that Shabruma,
the notorious leader of the Wangoni in the late rebellion, and the last
of our opponents remaining unsubdued, is planning an attack on
Nakaam, and therefore threatening this very neighbourhood. Just as
I look round for my gun-bearer, a dozen throats raise the joyful shout
of “Mail-carrier!” This is my first experience of the working of the
German Imperial Post in East Africa; I learnt in due course that,
though by no means remunerative to the department, it is as nearly
perfect as any human institution can be. It sounds like an
exaggeration, but it is absolutely true, to say that all mail matter,
even should it be only a single picture post-card, is delivered to the
addressee without delay, wherever he may be within the postal area.
The native runners, of course, have a very different sort of duty to
perform from the few miles daily required of our home functionaries.
With letters and papers packed in a water-tight envelope of oiled
paper and American cloth, and gun on shoulder, the messenger trots
along, full of the importance of his errand, and covers enormous
distances, sometimes, it is said, double the day’s march of an
ordinary caravan. If the road lies through a district rendered unsafe
by lions, leopards, or human enemies, two men are always sent
together. The black figures rapidly approach us, ground arms with
soldierly precision and report in proper form:—Letters from Lindi
for the Bwana mkubwa and the Bwana mdogo—the great and the
little master. As long as Mr. Ewerbeck was with us, it was not easy for
the natives to establish the correct precedence between us. Since they
ranked me as the new captain, they could not possibly call me
Bwana mdogo. Now, however, there is not the slightest difficulty,—
there are only two Europeans, and I being, not only the elder, but
also the leader of the expedition, there is nothing to complicate the
usual gradation of ranks.

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8.1 What is conformity, and why does it occur?

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II. Conformity: When and Why

III. Informational Social Influence: The Need to Know What’s “Right”

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A. The Importance of Being Accurate

B. When Informational Conformity Backfires

C. When Will People Conform to Informational Social Influence?

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IV. Normative Social Influence: The Need to Be Accepted

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B. The Importance of Being Accurate, Revisited

C. The Consequences of Resisting Normative Social Influence

D. When Will People Conform to Normative Social Influence?

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E. Minority Influence: When the Few Influence the Many

V. Strategies for Using Social Influence

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B. Using Norms to Change Behavior: Beware the “Boomerang Effect”

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VI. Obedience to Authority

A. The Role of Normative Social Influence

B. The Role of Informational Social Influence

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C. Other Reasons Why We Obey

D. The Obedience Studies, Then and Now

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• Compare and contrast conformity and obedience.

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MyLabs MyPsychLab, MyDevelopmentLab

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Trait 1 Rubric: Ideas

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Score Point Description of Student Response

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Cognitive Dissonance and Conformity

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