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Bio
Dr. Mamiza Haq is Lecturer in Finance at the UQ Business School. She holds Bachelor of Commerce
(Banking and Finance), Master of Commerce (Finance), Master of Science (Finance) and PhD degrees.
Dr Haq's research interest centres on bank equity, and credit risks, bank regulation, capital adequacy
requirement and market discipline, bank competition and efficiency, financial crises, and non-
conventional banking (microfinance and Islamic finance). She is also interested in the area of corporate
finance including dividend policy, capital structure, mergers and acquisitions. Her research publications
have appeared in international and Australian peer-reviewed journals. Dr. Haq has received a number of
competitive research grants. She is an active researcher and presents her work regularly at international
and Australian conferences. Dr Haq teaches both undergraduate and postgraduate courses. She also
supervises honours, Masters and PhD students.
IMAGES
• Reserve Bank of Australia: 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54 From ‘The Global Financial
Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Countermeasures’ by Luci Ellis, 15/4/09; 56, 57, 58
‘European Financial Developments’ by Ric Battellino, Deputy Governor, 14 December
2011; 71 Extracts from statistical tables ‘G1 — Measures of Consumer Price Inflation’ and
‘F1 — Interest Rates and Yields — Money Market’; 79 Extract from statistical table ‘F1 —
Interest Rates and Yields — Money Market’; 80 ‘Annual Report 2012’; 105 ‘Domestic Market
Operations’; 115 ‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack, December
2012; 116 ‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack, December 2012’;
117 ‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack, December 2012’; 323
‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack, December 2012’; 323 ‘The
Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack, December 2012’; 330 ‘The Australian
Semi-government Bond Market’ by David Lancaster and Sarah Dowling, Bulletin –
September Quarter 2011; 340 ‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart
Pack, December 2012’; 456 ‘The Australian Economy and Financial Markets Chart Pack,
December 2012’; 460 Extracts from statistical tables ‘A4 — Foreign Exchange Transactions
and Holdings of Official Reserve Assets’ & ‘F11 — Exchange Rates — Monthly’. • Australian
Prudential Regulation Authority: 86 © Australian Prudential Regulation Authority 2012,
‘Organisation Chart’; 489 © Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA); 492
© Australian Prudential Regulation Authority 2012, from ‘Supervisory Oversight and Res-
ponse System’, APRA, June 2012, p. 5; 495 © Australian Prudential Regulation Authority
2012, from ‘Probability and Impact Rating System’, APRA, June 2012, p. 8; 608, 617 ©
Australian Prudential Regulation Authority 2012, ‘List of Authorised Deposit-taking Insti-
tutions’.• ASIC 88 © Australian Securities & Investments Commission. Reproduced with
permission. • Australian Bureau of Statistics: 117 ‘5206.0 Australian National Accounts:
National Income, Expenditure and Product, March Quarter 2012’; 760 ‘Venture Capital
and Later Stage Private Equity 5678.0 2010–11’, viewed February 2012. • © Thomson
Reuters Datastream: 143, 144, 144, 145, 145. • ASX: 381 © ASX Limited ABN 98 008 624
691 (ASX) 2013. All rights reserved. This material is reproduced with the permission of
ASX. This material should not be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in
any form whether in whole or in part without the prior written permission of ASX. • Bank
For International Settlements (BIS): 503/ BIS Basel from ‘International Convergence of
Capital Measurement and Capital Standards. A Revised Framework’, June 2006, www.bis.
org. • Financial Ombudsman Service: 523, 525. Reproduced with permission from the
Financial Ombudsman Service, www.fos.org.au. • Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation:
578 ‘Risk Management Manual of Examination Policies’. • Wide Bay Australia Ltd: 609,
615 Reproduced with permission from Wide Bay Australia Ltd. • Credit Union Australia
Ltd: 620–1. • Deloitte — Sydney: 748, Deloitte Annual IPO Report 2010–2011.
TEXT
• © Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA) 2012: 20–1 ‘APRA Annual Report
2011’; 23–4 ‘Monthly Banking Statistics, February 2012’; 487; 490 from ‘Probability and
Acknowledgements xvii
xviii Acknowledgements
10
table ‘B8 — Credit Unions — Selected Assets & Liabilities’; 627–8, 632–3 Extract from
statistical table ‘B10 — Finance Companies & General Financiers — Selected Assets & Lia-
bilities’; 670–1 Derived from various statistical tables; 691–2, 705 Extract from statistical
table ‘B18 — Managed Funds’; 709 Extract from statistical table ‘B14 — Life Insurance
Offices — Statutory Funds’; 719–20 Extract from statistical table ‘B17 — Cash Manage-
ment Trusts’; 720 Extract of statistical table ‘B16 — Public Unit Trusts’; 744 ‘Main Types
of Financial Institutions’, March 2012; 755–6 Extract from statistical table ‘B19 —
Securitisation Vehicles’. • Copyright Clearance Center: 36 Republished with permission
of the International Monetary Fund, from ‘Articles of agreement of the International
Monetary Fund (1944) – Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 2011; per-
mission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center; 453–5 © The Economist News-
paper Limited, London (July 26, 2012); 660 ‘Doing Business 2012: Doing Business in a
More Transparent World’ © 2012 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel-
opment / The World Bank. • Australian Office of Financial Management: 238, 298, 327
Commonwealth of Australia under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Australia
Licence. The Commonwealth of Australia does not necessarily endorse this content. •
AFMA: 286 ‘2012 Australian Financial Markets Report’, Copyright: © Australian Financial
Markets Association — AFMR 2012; 294 From OTC Financial Product Conventions
© Australian Financial Markets Association; 325 ‘2011 Australian Financial Markets
Report’, Copyright: © Australian Financial Markets Association — AFMR 2011. • Copyright
Agency Limited: 263–4 ‘Strong dollar points to October rate cut’ by Jacob Greber,
published in The Australian Financial Review, 19 September, 2012; 361–2 27 August, 2012
Trading Data published in The Australian Financial Review, 28 August, 2012; 457–8
‘A dollar plan that Wayne Swan might prefer’ by Maximilian Walsh, published in The
Australian Financial Review, 9 August, 2012. • PARS International: 291–2 ‘Strains drive
Australian bank rates to 13-year high’ by Anirban Nag, www.reuters.com, 10/3/08. ‘All
rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of Thomson Reuters content, including
by framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of
Thomson Reuters. Thomson Reuters and its logo are registered trademarks or trademarks
of the Thomson Reuters group of companies around the world. © Thomson Reuters
2013. Thomson Reuters journalists are subject to an Editorial Handbook which requires
fair presentation and disclosure or relevant interests.’ • Australian Bureau of Statistic: 307
‘5232.0 Financial Accounts, Australian National Accounts, June Quarter 2012’, Australian
Bureau of Statistics. • Bloomberg Businessweek: 336–8 ‘Junk Bonds From Fortescue
Signal Confidence: Australia Credit’ by Elisabeth Behrmann and Sarah McDonald,
Bloomberg Businessweek November 09, 2011. Used with permission of Bloomberg L.P.
Copyright © 2013. All rights reserved. • Lander & Rogers Lawyers: 356–7 This article is
reproduced with permission from Lander & Rogers Lawyers. For further information
please contact: Greg McKenzie (gmckenzie@landers.com.au), Craig Higginbotham
(chigginbotham@landers.com.au) or Gavin Rakoczy (grakoczy@landers.com.au) http://
www.landers.com.au/Publications/Insolvency/Publicationdetail/tabid/381/ArticleID/
318/Default.aspx. • ASX: 358, 403–4, 414–5, 415 © ASX Limited ABN 98 008 624 691
(ASX) 2013. All rights reserved. This material is reproduced with the permission of ASX.
This material should not be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any
form whether in whole or whole in part without the prior written permission of ASX.
Acknowledgements xix
Every effort has been made to trace the ownership of copyright material. Information
that will enable the publisher to rectify any error or omission in subsequent editions will
be welcome. In such cases, please contact the Permissions Section of John Wiley & Sons
Australia, Ltd who will arrange for the payment of the usual fee.
xx Acknowledgements
12
1 Overview
Learning objectives
After studying this chapter, you should be able to:
1 explain the role of the financial system and why it is important to individuals and to the
economy as a whole
2 explain the function of direct and indirect financial markets and the key services
provided by financial intermediaries
5 explain the economic function of the money markets and identify the most important
money-market securities
6 explain the economic function of the capital markets and identify the most important
capital-market securities
7 identify the key risks that financial institutions face and describe how they manage
these risks.
14
at 8 per cent because it has borrowed the money for 4 per cent (from Sally and its other
depositors), earning a tidy 4 per cent (8–4) gross profit margin. In the bigger picture, the
financial system works properly when consumers receive the highest possible interest
rates for their deposits and only loans with favourable rates of return and good credit
standing are financed. The more efficient and competitive the financial system, the more
likely this is to happen.
The financial crisis of 2007–09 is an example of what happens when the efficiency
of the financial system disappears. The crisis began when so-called subprime mort- subprime mortgages
gages began to default in the United States. This quickly spread across the globe as a Mortgages that do not
meet the ‘prime’ or usual
crisis of confidence in the system emerged, with banks not lending to each other and credit requirement for
spiralling credit defaults shrinking the pool of funds available in the global financial issuing a loan. Possible
system (hence the name credit crisis). This led to a rapid and destructive unwinding of characteristics include loans
investment and credit positions across the globe as financial market participants fled that vary from traditional
structure, size, borrower
risk for cash safe havens. This included a rapid deterioration in the Australian and US credit rating (low), high ratio
equity markets, unemployment spiking around the globe, the price of oil (seen as a key of borrower debt to income
indicator of economic expectations) crashing, and the value of the Australian dollar col- and/or assets, high ratio
lapsing (largely due to the exposure of the Australian economy to commodity prices of loan to collateral, or low
documentary evidence to
which in turn rely on economic growth). In response, the RBA cut interest rates with support the loan (so-called
significant monthly reductions during late 2008 and early 2009. What was most con- low-doc loans).
cerning about these impacts was their speed and severity, which in the end was stemmed
only by significant intervention by governments and central banks (in particular in the
United States, Europe and China). It is widely believed that the effects of this crisis will
be long lasting and it may take decades for asset prices, market confidence and govern-
ment financial positions to recover. This will have an impact in society, and highlights
the importance of everyone having an understanding of the operation of financial insti-
tutions, markets and money.
For a more detailed discussion of the causes of the crisis see the appendix to this
chapter.
This chapter presents an overview of the financial system and how it facilitates the
allocation of funds throughout the economy. The chapter begins by describing the role
of the financial system, defining surplus and deficit spending units and describing char-
acteristics of financial claims. It then explains how surplus and deficit spending units
are brought together in financial markets, either directly or with the help of financial
intermediaries. Next, the chapter identifies the types of financial institutions and markets
that exist in Australia and the benefits they provide to the economy. Finally, the chapter
provides a unifying framework for the book by discussing the key risks faced by financial
institutions and participants in financial markets: credit, interest rate, liquidity, foreign
exchange, political risk, reputational risk and environmental risk.
The structure of the chapter is shown in the following diagram.
Chapter 1 Overview 3
16
only difference is that in financial markets people buy and sell financial instruments financial markets
such as stocks, bonds, futures contracts or mortgage-backed securities. The markets for buying
and selling financial
Financial markets have five primary functions: instruments.
1. facilitating the flow of funds
2. providing the mechanism for the settlement of transactions
3. generating and disseminating information that assists decision making
4. providing means for the transfer and management of risk
5. providing ways of dealing with the incentive problems that arise in financial
contracting.
But the financial system is not just a safe haven for funds that are subsequently used
to settle transactions; it is far more complex. Although funds settlement (the payments
system discussed later in the chapter) is an important part of the financial system, market
participants expect much more from it. In short, they expect wealth creation. The SSUs
forgo current consumption and accrue savings that are then invested in the financial
markets in return for financial instruments. These financial instruments are expected to
Chapter 1 Overview 5
Economic units
All economic units can be classified into one of the following groups:
■ households
■ businesses
■ governments (local, state and federal).
Each economic unit must operate within a budget constraint imposed by its total
income for the period. Households typically receive income in the form of wages and
then make frequent expenditures for food, clothing, medical needs, entertainment, edu-
cation, taxes and housing (either as rent or home mortgage payments). Businesses sell a
variety of goods and services to households and other businesses for revenues and spend
their money on paying wages, buying inventory and meeting other business expenses.
Occasionally, businesses make capital expenditures on new buildings and equipment.
Government units obtain income by collecting taxes and fees and spend on a wide range
of services such as health, welfare, education, police, the fire service and defence.
18
Budget position
Any economic unit can have one of three possible budget positions:
■ a balanced budget position: income and planned expenditures are equal
■ a surplus position: income for the period exceeds planned expenditure
■ a deficit position: planned expenditure for the period exceeds income.
The financial system is concerned with transferring money — and with it purchasing
power — from SSUs to DSUs. DSUs include some households, some state and local
governments, the Commonwealth government and many businesses. Other economic
units may be SSUs. Taken as groups, however, business firms and governments are typi-
cally DSUs. Overall, households are SSUs, though in developed countries in recent years
this norm has been challenged by the dramatic growth in personal debt levels.
What makes a household an SSU or a DSU? There is a strong correlation between
a person’s age and whether he or she is a DSU or SSU. People typically start out life
as ‘big time’ DSUs (child rearing is expensive) and remain that way, more or less,
until they graduate from school or university. There is typically a brief flirtation with
being an SSU as a young single or couple. Then, if one has children, you gain a greater
appreciation for your parents as you rejoin the ranks of the DSUs. At some point,
children graduate university, the house is paid for and family units become SSUs. Of
course, if you are rich, you may spend most of your life as an SSU: not a bad situation.
Remember that the only difference between the rich and the poor is that the rich have
more money!
Financial claims
The problem facing the financial system is how to transfer the SSUs’ excess purchasing
power to the DSUs that wish to borrow to finance current expenditure. The transfer can
be accomplished by an SSU lending money to and accepting an IOU from a DSU. An
IOU is a written promise to pay a specific sum of money (the principal) plus a fee (an
interest rate) for the privilege of borrowing the money over a period of time (maturity
of the loan). IOUs are called financial claims . They are claims against someone else’s financial claims
money at a future date. Written promises to pay a
specific sum of money (the
To the DSU, a financial claim is a liability and the interest payments are the penalty for principal) plus interest for
consuming before income is earned. To the SSU, the financial claim is an asset and the the privilege of borrowing
interest earned is the reward for postponing consumption. That financial claims (IOUs) money over a period of
are simultaneously liabilities for borrowers (DSUs) and assets for lenders (SSUs) illus- time. Financial claims are
issued by DSUs (liabilities)
trates the two faces of debt. That is, total financial liabilities outstanding in the economy and purchased by SSUs
must equal total financial assets. (assets).
Once a financial claim is outstanding, the lender (SSU) may hold the claim until it
matures. Alternatively, the SSU may sell the financial claim to someone else before it
matures. The DSU continues to have use of the funds even though the lender is now a
debt funds
different party. Funds supplied in the form
Financial claims are sourced from either debt or equity funds. Debt funds are sup- of a loan.
plied in the form of a loan and can be classified into short or long-term facilities. Short- credit risk
term loans are referred to as money; long-term loans are referred to as capital. Suppliers The risk that the borrower
will not pay back all or part
of loans face credit risk , that is, the risk that the borrower will default on scheduled
of the interest or principal
repayments as specified in the loan agreement. In return for exposure to credit risk, the as specified in the loan
lender is rewarded with interest income. agreement.
Chapter 1 Overview 7
Settlement of transactions
As discussed, the financial system permits the flow of funds through an economy. This
occurs through millions of transactions occurring each day among the various market
participants. Each of these transactions generates a transfer of funds that must be settled
(or completed) within the system. This occurs when the seller has provided the item
purchased and received the agreed amount of funds in return. A key role of the finan-
cial system is to provide the mechanism for these settlements to occur through what is
payments system known as the payments system .
The system that permits the Many transactions in the payments system are settled immediately. For example, when
settlement of transactions
(i.e. the transfer of funds)
buying a music CD or paying for food at the local takeaway, most people either use cash
within the financial system. or EFTPOS. Either way, the funds are provided to the retailer immediately and the buyer
receives the CD or food. Other transactions, however, are much larger than this and are
settled after the terms of the transaction have been agreed. For example, when one pur-
chases a house, the settlement occurs on the settlement date, which is usually either 30
or 60 days after the contract is signed (when terms are agreed). Many transactions in the
securities markets are settled on a T+3 basis, which is three business days after the trade
was agreed. To allow for this disparity, separate settlement systems have been developed
for the usually small-value retail transactions and large-value wholesale transactions.
These are discussed in chapter 2.
The payments system is a critical part of the financial system because it is the mech-
anism by which funds are actually transferred to complete transactions. An effective pay-
ments system is characterised by its efficiency, in terms of speed, cost and stability; in
terms of the financial strength of the financial institutions (including the central bank);
and in terms of the settlement mechanism for transferring funds among them. The impor-
tance of this is clear when you consider that approximately $12.5 billion is withdrawn
20
from ATMs on average per month and almost $1.1 trillion on average per month in
direct entry payments are settled each month in Australia through the payments system.1
In addition in Australia (as at the end of June 2011), there were more than 774 556 access
points to the payments system, including:2
■ 5588 bank branches
■ 1173 nonbank branches
■ 3261 Bank@Post outlets
■ 30 154 ATMs
■ 734 380 EFTPOS machines.
Transactions from all of these access points are settled by the payments system. In
February 2012, there were more than 159 million EFTPOS transactions worth more than
$8.3 billion.3 Without an efficient and stable payments system, the ability of the financial
system to handle this volume of transactions and maintain the flow of funds throughout
the economy would be questionable. Indeed, this is something that most people take
for granted and assume will occur without fault, and without considering the complex
system that makes this a reality. Consequently, there is economic value in ensuring the
payments system operates efficiently. The mechanics of the Australian payments system
are examined in chapter 2.
Provision of information
A further role of an efficient financial market is to provide sufficient economic and finan-
cial information to enable participants to make informed investment decisions. For the
markets to be efficient, this information needs to be available in a timely fashion to
all market participants so that all have equal opportunity to act on it. In the knowl-
edge economy we now operate in, this is a key function of financial markets, as routine
decisions in relation to investments, loans, savings, insurance and other financial prod-
ucts require information to facilitate them. For example, without information on such
details as credit history, income and assets, how could a credit analyst make an informed
decision about a loan application?
Credit ratings agencies also play a role in the provision of information on
companies, governments and other organisations, and the financial instruments that
they use (e.g. they would rate a corporate bond issue). They typically publish informed
assessments about the financial standing of securities and institutions using a standard
scale; the best rating is AAA, B− is the worst, and there are 16 possible ratings in total.
Investment grade ratings run from AAA to BBB− and non-investment grade from there
on (BB+ to B−). The three big rating agencies are Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s and Fitch
Ratings. Ratings agencies have been the subject of significant criticism in recent years for
various reasons including:
■ concerns over conflicts of interest with them getting too close to the management
of companies they are rating and being paid by, opening them up to influence
and bias
■ suggested errors in ratings given to structured debt products which have subsequently
been downgraded or even defaulted
■ allegations that they are either too slow, or reluctant to downgrade organisations
(e.g. Enron was rated AAA a week prior to filing for bankruptcy, despite the ratings
agencies being aware of the company’s problems for several months)
Chapter 1 Overview 9
22
various devices that align the interest of principals and agents, as well as implementing
a regulatory environment that both promotes this and penalises those who breach
their duties.
Allocational efficiency
Allocational efficiency is a form of economic efficiency that implies that funds will be allocational efficiency
allocated to (i.e. invested in) their highest-valued use. This means that the funds could The market situation in
which funds are allocated
not have been allocated in any other way that would have made society better off. The to their highest-value use.
practical implication is that business firms invest in the projects offering the highest risk-
adjusted rates of return, and that households invest in direct or indirect financial claims
offering the highest yields for given levels of risk.
Informational efficiency
The ability of investors to obtain accurate information about the relative values of dif-
ferent financial claims (or securities) is critical. Informational efficiency is achieved informational efficiency
when securities’ prices are the best indicators of relative value because they reflect all rel- The market situation in
which market prices reflect
evant information about the securities. When new information about a security arrives in all relevant information
an efficient market, market prices adjust very quickly. Prices adjust quickly because thou- about the securities.
sands of analysts and millions of investors are gathering information about securities in
a quest for quick profits. Large profits can be earned by identifying overpriced securities
before the price begins to rise. The actions of analysts and investors ensure that market
prices reflect all information relevant to their values at any time.
Why is it important that market prices reflect all relevant information about securities?
With accurate price information, investors can determine which investments are the most
valuable — providing the highest expected return for a given level of risk — and invest
accordingly. Thus informational efficiency ensures that the financial markets are allo-
cationally efficient because households or business firms can get the information they
need to make intelligent investment decisions.
Operational efficiency
Operational efficiency is achieved in a market when the costs of conducting trans- operational efficiency
actions are as low as possible. These transaction costs include broker commissions, bid– The market situation
in which the costs of
ask spreads and underwriter spreads. Operational efficiency is important because fewer conducting transactions are
financial transactions will take place and more otherwise valuable investment projects as low as possible.
will be passed up if transaction costs are high. Firms can be prevented from investing
in all the projects that they want to if transaction costs are high. The forgone invest-
ment opportunities mean that fewer people are employed and economic growth slows or
declines. Society becomes worse off.
Chapter 1 Overview 11
Language: English
By JAMES H. SCHMITZ
Illustrated by FINLAY
How do you trap a man who has the entire world at his mercy?
The man looked at the sign, remarked dourly, "The welcome mat's
out again! Wonder if the monitor in there can identify me as an
individual."
"It probably can," Arlene said. "You've been here twice before—"
"Three times," Frank Harding corrected her. "The first occasion was
just after I learned you'd taken the veil. Almost two years now, isn't
it?" he asked.
"Very nearly. Anyway, you're registered in the university files, and
that's the first place that would be checked for an unlisted person who
showed up in this court."
Harding glanced over at her. "They're as careful as all that about
Lowry's project?"
"You bet they are," Arlene said. "If you weren't in my company, a
guard would have showed up by now to inform you you're
approaching a restricted area and ask you very politely what your
business here was."
Harding grunted. "Big deal. Is someone assigned to follow you
around when you get off the project?"
She shrugged. "I doubt it. Why should they bother? I never leave the
university grounds, and any secrets should be safe with me here. I'm
not exactly the gabby type, and the people who know me seem to be
careful not to ask me questions about Ben Lowry or myself anyway."
She looked reflective. "You know, I do believe it's been almost six
months since anyone has so much as mentioned diex energy in my
presence!"
"Isn't the job beginning to look a little old after all this time?" Harding
asked.
"Well," Arlene said, "working with Doctor Ben never gets to be boring,
but it is a rather restrictive situation, of course. It'll come to an end by
and by."
Harding glanced at his watch, said, "Drop me a line when that
happens, Arlene. By that time, I might be able to afford an expert
micromachinist myself."
"In a dome at the bottom of some ocean basin?" Arlene laughed.
"Sounds cosy—but that wouldn't be much of an improvement on
Cleaver Spaceport, would it? Will you start back to the coast today?"
"If I can still make the afternoon flight." He took her arm. "Come on. I'll
see you through the somatic barrier first."
"Why? Do you think it might make a mistake about me and clamp
down?"
"It's been known to happen," Harding said gloomily. "And from what I
hear, it's one of the less pleasant ways to get killed."
Arlene said comfortably, "There hasn't been an accident of that kind
in at least three or four years. The bugs have been very thoroughly
worked out of the things. I go in and out here several times a week."
She took a small key from her purse, fitted it into a lock at the side of
the transparent door, twisted it and withdrew it. The door slid
sideways for a distance of three feet and stopped. Arlene Rolf
stepped through the opening and turned to face Harding.
"There you are!" she said. "Barely a tingle! If it didn't want to pass me,
I'd be lying on the ground knotted up with cramps right now. 'By,
Frank! See you again in two or three months, maybe?"
Harding nodded. "Sooner if I can arrange it. Goodby, Arlene."
He stood watching the trim figure walk up the passage beyond the
door. As she came to its end, the door slid silently shut again. Arlene
looked back and waved at him, then disappeared around the corner.
Dr. Frank Harding thrust his hands into his pockets and started back
across the court, scowling absently at nothing.
Arlene Rolf walked rapidly along the passage between the thick inner
and outer walls enclosing Cleaver Spaceport. There was no one in
sight, and the staccato clicking of her high heels on the light-green
marblite paving was the only sound. The area had the overall
appearance of a sun-baked, deserted fortress. She reached a double
flight of shallow stairs, went up and came out on a wide, bare
platform level with the top of the inner wall.
Cleaver Spaceport lay on her left, a twenty-mile rectangle of softly
gleaming marblite absolutely empty except for the narrow white spire
of a control tower near the far side. The spaceport's construction had
been begun the year Arlene was born, as part of the interplanetary
colonization program which a rash of disasters and chronically
insufficient funds meanwhile had brought to an almost complete
standstill. Cleaver port remained unfinished; no space-ship had yet
lifted from its surface or settled down to it.
Ahead and to Arlene's right, a mile and a half of green lawn stretched
away below the platform. Automatic tenders moved slowly across it,
about half of them haloed by the rhythmically circling rainbow sprays
of their sprinklers. In the two years since Arlene had first seen the
lawn, no human being had set foot there. At its far end was a cluster
of low, functional buildings. There were people in those buildings ...
but not very many people. It was the security island where Dr. Lowry
had built the diex projector.
Arlene crossed the platform, passed through the doorless entry of the
building beyond it, feeling the tingle of another somatic barrier as she
stepped into its shadow. At the end of the short hallway was a narrow
door with the words NONSPACE CONDUIT above it. Behind the door
was a small, dimly lit cube of a room. Miss Rolf went inside and sat
down on one of the six chairs spaced along the walls. After a
moment, the door slid quietly shut and the room went dark.
For a period of perhaps a dozen seconds, in complete blackness,
Arlene Rolf appeared to herself to have become an awareness so
entirely detached from her body that it could experience no physical
sensation. Then light reappeared in the room and sensation returned.
She stood up, smoothing down her skirt, and discovered smiling that
she had been holding her breath again. It happened each time she
went through the conduit, and no previous degree of determination to
breathe normally had any effect at all on that automatic reaction. The
door opened and she picked up her purse and went out into a hall
which was large, well-lit and quite different in every respect from the
one by which she had entered.
In the wall screen across the hall, the image of a uniformed man
smiled at her and said, "Dr. Lowry has asked that you go directly to
the laboratory on your return, Miss Rolf."
"Thank you, Max," she said. She had never seen Max or one of the
other project guards in person, though they must be somewhere in
the building. The screen went blank, and she went on down the long,
windowless hall, the sound of her steps on the thick carpeting again
the only break in the quiet. Now, she thought, it was a little like being
in an immaculately clean, well-tended but utterly vacant hotel.
Arlene pressed the buzzer beside the door to Dr. Lowry's quarters
and stood waiting. When the door opened, she started forwards then
stopped in surprise.
"Why, hello, Colonel Weldon," she said. "I didn't realize you would be
on the project today." Her gaze went questioningly past him to Dr.
Lowry who stood in the center of the room, hands shoved deep into
his trousers pockets.
Lowry said wryly, "Come in, Arlene. This has been a surprise to me,
too, and not a pleasant one. On the basis of orders coming directly
from the top—which I have just confirmed, by the way—our schedule
here is to be subjected to drastic rearrangements. They include
among other matters our suspension as the actual operators of the
projector."
"But why that?" she asked startled.
Dr. Lowry shrugged. "Ask Ferris. He just arrived by his personal
conduit. He's supposed to explain the matter to us."
Ferris Weldon, locking the door behind Arlene, said smilingly, "And
please do give me a chance to do just that now, both of you! Let's sit
down as a start. Naturally you're angry ... no one can blame you for it.
But I promise to show you the absolute necessity behind this move."
He waited until they were seated, then added, "One reason—though
not the only reason—for interrupting your work at this point is to avoid
exposing both of you to serious personal danger."
Dr. Lowry stared at him. "And what's that supposed to mean?"
"Ben," Ferris Weldon asked, "what was the stated goal of this project
when you undertook it?"
Lowry said stiffly, "To develop a diex-powered instrument which would
provide a means of reliable mental communication with any specific
individual on Earth."
Weldon shook his head. "No, it wasn't."
Arlene Rolf laughed shortly. "He's right, Ben." She looked at Weldon.
"The hypothetical goal of the project was an instrument which would
enable your department telepaths to make positive identification of a
hypothetical Public Enemy Number One ... the same being described
as a 'rogue telepath' with assorted additional qualifications."
Weldon said, "That's a little different, isn't it? Do you recall the other
qualifications?"
"Is that important at the moment?" Miss Rolf asked. "Oh, well ... this
man is also a dangerous and improbably gifted hypnotist. Disturb him
with an ordinary telepathic probe or get physically within a mile or so
of him, and he can turn you mentally upside down, and will do it in a
flash if it suits his purpose. He's quite ruthless, is supposed to have
committed any number of murders. He might as easily be some
unknown as a man constantly in the public eye who is keeping his
abilities concealed.... He impersonates people.... He is largely
responsible for the fact that in a quarter of a century the
interplanetary colonization program literally hasn't got off the
ground...."
She added, "That's as much as I remember. There will be further
details in the files. Should I dig them out?"
"No," Ferris Weldon said. "You've covered most of it."
"What happened," Weldon said, "was that the rogue declared war on
us. A limited war on the human race. A quiet, undercover war for a
specific purpose. And that was to choke off any kind of investigation
that might endanger him or hamper his activities. The rogue knew he
had betrayed himself; and if he hadn't known of it earlier, he learned
now about the report DEDCOM had made. Those were matters he
couldn't undo. But he could make it very clear that he wanted to be
left undisturbed, and that he had methods to enforce his wishes."
Dr. Lowry blinked. "What could one...."
"Ben," Ferris Weldon said, "if you'll look back, you'll recall that a little
less than five years ago we had ... packed into the space of a few
months ... a series of the grimmest public disasters on record. These
were not due to natural forces—to hurricanes, earthquakes, floods or
the like. No, each and every one of them involved, or might have
involved, a human agency. They were not inexplicable. Individually,
each could be explained only too well by human incompetence,
human lunacy or criminal purpose. But—a giant hotel exploded, a
city's water supply was poisoned, a liner ... yes, you remember.
"Now, notice that the rogue did not strike directly at our investigators.
He did that on a later occasion and under different circumstances, but
not at the time. It indicated that in spite of his immense natural